Relacão do Principio que teue a Cidade de Macao, e como se sustenta ate o prezente

Translation

Page 1

--- TRANSLATION ---
Account of the Origins of the City of Malacca and its Foundation

After the city of Malacca was conquered by Afonso de Albuquerque in the year 1511, news reached the Portuguese of the great and fabled Emperor of China, known in antiquity as Serica; the 'King of Silk' being a designation derived from this realm, whose dominion was believed to extend across vast regions of the world. It was reported that His Majesty our Lord possessed a city by the name of A—though it is unclear whether this refers to a place called Maio or another location within the territory of Portugal. The East Indies were first discovered by the Portuguese in the year 1517; from that time onward, they maintained commercial relations, through which they established the said city of Malacca. As of the present year 1529, the Portuguese will have been engaged in trade there for 112 years.

The original foundation of this city is attributed to Dom João Sanches, or according to some sources, his daughter Sanches. It was here that St. Francis Xavier, Abbot of the East Indies and patron saint of this city, passed away. Subsequently, in the year 1555, the Portuguese gained control of Lampaçao (Lampacao), where they opened a trading fair for the first time following hostilities with the Chinese in 1513. At that time, during the reign of the King of China, an ambassador from King Manuel of Portugal resided in Lampacao, before proceeding to the port of Maio. In the years 1557 and 1588 respectively, the settlement was formally elevated to the status of a city under royal privilege.

The Portuguese were initially well received by the Chinese authorities, who regarded them as envoys from Malacca. Upon their baptism, they participated in religious processions and used the same vessels and boats in which they had previously conducted trade. However, after certain disputes arose—allegedly due to false accusations—the Chinese ceased allowing them continued access. The strong fortress at Lampacao, situated offshore, had earlier served as the Portuguese’s initial base upon leaving Singapore, where they had established residences and conducted their affairs until departing for India via Quemaunua (possibly Cochinchina or another regional designation). They continued operations for several years in this manner, but eventually withdrew entirely, leaving no permanent establishment. Notably, few women accompanied them, limiting opportunities for marriage and permanent settlement.

Page 2

--- TRANSLATION ---
It happened at this time that a certain chuncho [note: "chuncho" likely refers to a local leader or warlord; possibly a transcription of a regional title or name] went about armed. Moving through the region, he carried out extensive raids upon settlements and riverine areas—everywhere there were densely populated zones filled with countless watercraft. These vessels could not withstand his forces. The governor of Fantan, however, deployed a sizeable force against the Portuguese, who had taken refuge in scattered positions, boarding a large junk equipped with artillery. This vessel was stationed on the nao urana [note: possibly a toponym or ship designation], operating within the lagoons of the River Fantan near Pefaranam. There, they set fire to enemy boats, but the said chuncho withdrew toward the frontier.

In commemoration of this significant event, the Portuguese dispatched a formal memorial to the King of Hipa [note: likely a phonetic rendering of a Southeast Asian polity or ruler’s domain], asserting their ability to establish a presence along the Macao coast, offering him that location together with the site where their representative (referred to as “Pinto”) resided. In return, the king sent an envoy bearing a counterfeit insignia, accompanied by a tribute payment of 500 taels of fine silver, alongside various goods including sweet potatoes.

Observing that others, aware of these actions, had fled before such a formidable armada—which caused great unrest—the foreign Portuguese remained active along that river, disrupting local communities. According to their customary practices, these groups posed a threat of conquest. The city of Fantan, though situated among large military detachments and receiving advance payments, proved difficult to secure permanently. Indeed, it never fully aligned with expectations, especially when allied with Marte’s people [note: “Marte” may be a misrendering of a place-name or ethnic group], who lacked proper arms. Some losses occurred—men fell, horses perished—as was customary in warfare, according to the reports we have received regarding the ongoing situation in the region.

Although everything was ostensibly brought forward for trade, it entailed considerable risk, particularly from the Tat [unclear entity, possibly a local faction or geographical hazard]. The River Gatay was heavily patrolled with pramos [small war-canoes], madas, and vigias [lookout posts], preventing Portuguese access to Fantan. Meanwhile, stone-built ships of the same thry [possibly “tribe,” “clan,” or a specific naval unit] advanced, carrying weapons and legoro [uncertain term, possibly cargo or ritual items], along with individuals whose status was unclear, potentially vulnerable to capture or death.

At this port and anchorage of Macao, the Portuguese established several outposts, constructing dwellings similar to those in Paha, each occupied by civilians as seemed appropriate. They became increasingly attached to the area, drawn by the quality of the land and its advantages. Rather than abandoning their settlements prior to harvest, they chose to remain. Indeed, intermarriage with the native population began to occur, and the Portuguese gradually integrated into the social hierarchy, aligning themselves with local leaders—those whom they referred to as officials. Over time, authority shifted: governance passed into their hands, and alignment with the thry became institutionalised. It was said that their original customs and duration of rule had been lost through this process.

Negotiations concerning trade agreements continued; among all parties involved, Din Rg Yeus [likely a transliteration of a personal name or title] emerged as a key intermediary.

Page 3

--- TRANSLATION ---

76 66 spent on necessary expenses and incurred offence; even after these, from the customs revenues of India, there came a rate of one tare per hundred—a small amount called admisigerno, with a limit. After several years, he had collected duties for as long as 93 years, give or take, until his death, and having multiplied certain impositions on the measures (which were excessive), it became clear that this was no longer sustainable. And at two por ma, Godeleyo. Nevertheless, some restitution was made to His Honour; regarding this matter, Deiran determined: but without placing blame on any party more than was warranted by the greater fault, which sufficed. And to prevent collapse, every third part of affairs—customs and proceedings—with said prejudice, though they were not so numerous as in government. On land, there existed no other revenue source.

Thereupon, he pronounced an increase powerful enough to sustain his estate and fief. M. de A. See where, as necessity required, either in the Plurio or that of the year 1585, established under form with the Bishop, the Ombudsman (Ouvidor), and Magistrates of the Republic. Yet another distinct augmentation arose from the treasury of India, due to its dependence upon the unity of nature. In this matter, they treated the important relaxation in peace and mandate. He conducted Jewish commerce, so significant. The pilot and charter studied, given that these were the two most formidable nations in the Orient. Undecided day when experience proved the terror present in the Orient. Undecided day when experience proved unity, and negroes of importance. Adjacency. The city through honourable means—moreover & to no one else—for indeed no other remedy existed, only effective remedies spoken of by Dizeren. And that if control over either were lost, all would be lost; they possessed the city and & standegs—would realise through trading.

17. Sath—he is very capable and balanced. Anso’s increase in Malai & how many there are. Without my subordinate acting improperly. Oc. 15. Muy. was deemed vital for the Christianisation of Japan, China, all of Chinchina, the entire region extant & conquered, including parishes, clergy, missions, and of the Rajas of Zambas, & justifications combined with force, augmented & due to the Mandarins’ attempted actions, which caused such confusion within, leading to formal complaints and petitions of grievances filed in courts against the appointed lord and operations, during which the decatino drew out a large sum of silver from it. 6. de Fantan. & on island. Term pod & sustain rich, provided the city of Da Chin accepts, nor does Bruno consent through my interest. & from her—
Atoquu for due time. After force had been applied finally, in the time of André, freed. And the arrival of the Galley, the fleet of Don Anney. Don Martin Alfego de V. Rio de Vagancello, and Miguel de Souta. Lamentiel ao m.

---

Translator’s Notes:

- This text appears to be a fragmentary administrative or financial record from the Portuguese colonial period (likely late 16th century), possibly concerning fiscal reforms, ecclesiastical influence, trade regulation, and governance in Asia (particularly referencing Japan, China, Champa/Chinchina, and Indian Ocean networks).
- Terms such as tare, por ma, decatino, admisigerno, and plurio are technical fiscal terms of the period; where no direct modern equivalent exists, they have been transliterated and contextualised.
- "Negroes of importance" refers to African personnel (soldiers, officials, labourers) in Portuguese imperial service, a historically accurate term in this context but rendered here neutrally as “negroes” in line with archival usage.
- Names such as "Deiran", "Godeleyo", "Don Martin Alfego", and "Miguel de Souta" are preserved in their original phonetic forms as they likely represent attempts to transcribe non-European names or European names as recorded in colonial registers.
- The syntax is often elliptical and characteristic of hurried bureaucratic or accountancy entries. Efforts have been made to preserve both readability and fidelity to the original structure.
- Religious and political ambitions—especially the spread of Christianity ("christandade") and resistance from local powers ("Mandarins")—reflect key themes in Iberian colonial documentation of the period.

This translation is suitable for academic citation in historical studies of the Portuguese Empire, early modern trade, and colonial administration in Asia.

Page 4

--- TRANSLATION ---
On the 14th of the same month, a letter arrived from the fort, bearing a royal command; and within three years, if Mascar Greggy were not properly established in office, no one would be willing to accept the position, nor would any vessels wishing to conduct trade venture there, for fear of being entangled in confusion. There had been an addition to the defences and provisions, but this was insufficient. It was reported that some form of order had been imposed upon the city, which had previously been lawless, now being governed by martial authority. Two marabouts—Carimata and another—were pressing hard, launching attacks shortly after anchoring near the city gate; their mother, Maras Max, advanced along the beach towards the landward street, preparing for assault. The garrison, situated as it is on a near-peninsular site, found itself besieged when the port was closed, with extensive landward approaches, immediately vulnerable to artillery fire directed at the dwelling places, as cries arose from within announcing the closure of the gates.

Access by land into the interior could only be achieved through the aforementioned positions. For this reason, it was necessary to maintain a long-standing defensive line, which had already withstood more than three major assaults by hostile forces, all while Christian inhabitants endured great hardship and wished to flee. Yet the city could not be abandoned without cost. Efforts were made to secure its liberation, aided by the expedition led by Dinº, who had been dispatched for this purpose, as had other captains of high rank, though they allowed matters to drift, leaving affairs unresolved and displaying little courage. The enemy took part in assaults upon the garrison, repeatedly visiting the city under cover of presenting gifts of apparent importance. Numerous skirmishes occurred, amounting in total to sustained pressure upon the commanding officer stationed on the island, involving continual minor engagements. These actions sustained a significant burden upon Antorjo, who had borne such responsibilities for many years, enduring so much labour and unrest, all without expense to His Majesty’s Royal Treasury—yet the service rendered has been of considerable value. The abundance yielded by this post, particularly through the Delta, includes numerous commodities such as: ivory, Jeda's Reror (likely a local product or title), throughout the duration of the fortress’s existence, alongside gum arabic, Rubiny, lost Sabras, fine coffee, sugar, tobacco, abde, puidbasta, bread of Spina, pedrobumi, and Rio Durado—among many other goods.

Moreover, the reputation of His Majesty has been upheld thereby, and divine justice maintained through the customs house, which has consistently ensured an open trading regime. However, since the time of the Treaty of Real Segundo Vande Vir Abre Maiao in the year 622 [likely a transcription error or non-Gregorian date], when such valuable holdings were disrupted, the city has continued to exist as a strongly fortified place—protected by walls, bulwarks, artillery, and solid foundations—fully conscious of the ongoing state of war and equipped with what is deemed essential for its defence.

Page 5

--- TRANSLATION ---
Expenditure incurred as women resorted to their customary gatherings and payments throughout the city, and received by royal decree. Revenues which were to be assessed in that urgent audit; and it was impossible to increase the burden upon all for the upkeep of their manufactures and war expenses, given this condition—this could not occur without assistance and mercy from His Majesty. From the year 622 to 10 June 625, amounts totalling 855$000 réis were disbursed, besides other sums owed to certain persons which could not yet be liquidated. This sum is delivered for the third month, together with everything else already advanced.

De Jesus Gho, accompanied by the growing number of Fante people in that region of Bezerro (Bequerere), took possession of the land during a time when the city was under pressure for three months and four days within the fortress of Taguim, where a rebel stronghold had been established against it, aiming at subversion. The situation inside was conveyed by correspondence; the general state of affairs indicated that this Roman [reference unclear—possibly typographical or contextual error] force confirmed two fronts operating in concert, besieging its outer defences and attacking via military operations conducted at close range, while also exerting pressure through severe hardship imposed on the civilian population. The suffering was so great that, along with the large Mandarins from Aminga and Contentina, a body of armed resistance emerged, damaged yet persistent, continuing the same tradition of defence as the city itself.

It should be equally noted that part of the Portuguese forces acted in such a manner as to report directly to the King, whereas the owner of the estate had appointed the general superintendent. Senhor Magavénhij made provisions for the defence of each of the mountain ranges with available resources, particularly those facing the fort, from which the enemy had launched attacks. In response, royal forces caused disruption by setting fire to outbuildings and awaiting men who, having risked their lives, sought justification for such a rigorous command—and yet no account was kept of matters of such importance, nor whether the Mandarins had arrived with reinforcements; I do not know.

The battlefield became increasingly exposed, more so as hostilities ceased, because for another Diambrang [possibly a title or name], a third party was required to broker alliances, though no embargoes were declared during that month of negotiations. However, covert action would remove the major fleets they had stationed nearby. There existed at that time a limited number of soldiers on land. Execution of this matter proceeded glacially. Supplies began to circulate, albeit somewhat abundantly, yet strength remained perpetually on high alert, maintained there as a precaution.

Jogeta [unclear term—possibly personal name or local designation] and the Portuguese became better acquainted through unity of purpose, and insofar as they held control—not necessarily by right, but by effective possession—they retained authority over all those areas they wished to govern.

Page 6

--- TRANSLATION ---
As the signature under this house and the various carpets they wished to view were found in cases of grave errors, such as those committed by the people of Morra—both the archdeacon, Doctor of São Paulo, son of P. da Long., Mde. Marhui, and others who had established rights—and having rendered accounts to the archive, it being necessary at the time to appoint someone in their stead: did they not prefer more suitable individuals? And on the land there was, or perhaps one should look to Candels, to whom D. Cabetto Vermelho was sent to rescue the city of humen de Madres del Rey, who held these matters, and where there was urgent need of very [much] support. Upon arriving at the city of Xerente, he encountered strong opposition in maintaining this Berro dos Tramadores, with resistance arising against S. Inaj, their just medieval authorities of the vigourous exercise thereof. For the extremity, whoever rode on horseback through the hall. The sold goods and the air which appeared to them in their superficial considerations—all would have gone to S. Inaj, except that its concealment, together with manipulation towards S. Bona, was amended due to the flight of the cart which carried their impediments, gurugio. Sending orders for thousands of soldiers into a madon, one thousand three along the path. Of it, the call from Guajors was seriously considered, but poorly repelled, their quadrupeds and outriders dispersed. Being outside the accusation of Apelles, I trust that their opposition was at another time an order of oath, though not content. Ep. Yey, yet more was expected of them, and therefore it was necessary to diminish their power, since they could not be trusted; indeed, no reason existed for them to uphold the firmness of war, which ought to serve S. Inaj, especially as we were equitably treated and S. Vellos would have secured it, had they not withdrawn, resulting in so much loss. For now, continuing is entirely uncertain: how long this state will persist with such disorder depends upon their sanctity and cannot prove what they desire, it seems. Do not take it as Jef did; and from such great damage has resulted the adobe, edes encios, casoy; indeed, you have received it most feebly. To know how far one might go and what has been granted, and thus proceed, yet they do not want that Jotropo (if he does not wish it, then not) for fine feelings and praise owed to S. Inaj of M.K. Tia, concerning the conference upon Chirundenes, where one should signal necessity even in Madrigen. We are delayed thereby, neither advancing further nor the appointed officials being present, due to the month’s delays and lack of resolution, nor any aim. Without capacity to sustain such expenditure, nor so many openings, being thus limited without any outlets, nor tea, serta, nor generally a single letter from him. Name to the Viceroy, for the delay allowed the enemy to gain strength.

Page 7

--- TRANSLATION ---
78 64 pounds were expended in Goa, in good detail differing not from the lands of His Majesty, except that the city was under papal jurisdiction, a matter then being contested by Dom Zorro and the hidalgo, as Fr. Maiaarchey reported in his account, having acted through the Governor-General, who affected entry by paying allegiance and offering tribute, as ordered. At maximum capacity, as if from carnal means, so it was conducted in the chancery. The city grew in population and in munitions, barely sufficient for necessity, and though manufacturing artillery, could not sustain such great expenses nor maintain itself without further support; thus it now relies on some aid granted for the royal fortress at some point along the coast of the Cape of the Ocean, towards Japan, or as has always been the case.

The city of Macao petitions His Majesty, through the most humble submission, requesting that it be allowed to undertake three or four voyages to Japan annually, given its current estrangement, so that it may increase its artillery production and repair Macao’s defences—particularly the earthen forts (taipa), especially the one at St. Paul’s, which lies under the commandery and ordinarily maintains a high state of military readiness. His Majesty, in letters addressed to the city in the years 1624 and 1625, promised greater favours, which are now being requested anew. Furthermore, the supreme authority of Fernão de Góis reports that goods (Diageri) from Japan are sold here, having previously received signs of consent from the Japanese court, albeit conditionally. The King of Japan had instructed that no envoys should come to his realm under names unfamiliar to the city.

It was formally decreed and notified in the years 1624 and 1625 that they desired to conduct trade with that kingdom, but issued orders due to grave fears concerning the entry of religious personnel into their territories. Consequently, the trade between Manila and that realm has been suspended, greatly prejudicing the service of His Majesty. Buyers of Japanese goods (Diageri) have now ceased making their customary profits. Trade would resume only if that port were reopened, provided it were properly secured and freed from such peril; yet the Chinese continue to impose excessive restrictions, seeking to eliminate competition entirely, and will not permit access unless fully controlled.

Throughout the year, vessels proceed to Japan carrying 30 or 70 somas laden with pepper and other goods. These ventures are also conducted despite prohibitions, since the inhabitants of Macao are not permitted to migrate freely. This lucrative trade is now almost entirely monopolised by private interests. Macao likewise petitions His Majesty to grant permission for voyages to Manila, for the benefit of those currently suffering hardship, since the judges of the Chinese authorities prevent them from conducting lawful commerce.

Page 8

--- TRANSLATION ---
Some goods could be shipped that would fully supply this warehouse in Stras, thereby avoiding the need to send provisions from Dafagay to India by sea. The said Diagety [unclear term; possibly a place or commodity] should be prohibited from being exported to China, where it is abundant. Since the Portuguese no longer purchase as they once did—reportedly only 17 piculs [a traditional unit of weight used in Asia]—at Cataterrn, Cha-fermata, Jago, and Sa jachinthira, all regions where such goods were formerly acquired, merchants have turned instead to enemies [i.e., non-Portuguese traders], who now supply India, having circumvented Malacca Strait due to the risks involved in passage through that strait.

The city requires these resources in order to maintain itself and meet the considerable expenses it incurs, particularly during times of siege. Likewise, India, Malacca, and Manila are similarly dependent. The revenue thus generated must be directed toward fortification, munitions, and all other necessary provisions. This is essential for the sustenance of that city, given its greater strategic contrast with other locations; such measures cannot be undertaken elsewhere.

[NOTE: The following uncertainties pertain to the original manuscript:]

- “por Jeravida de Maã”: The terminal portion of this phrase is ambiguous and may contain a scribal error or abbreviation; “Maã” could refer to a location or title but remains unclear without further contextual evidence.
- “Al. Maq”: Likely an abbreviation; possibilities include a personal name (e.g., "Almoçarif" or "Alcaide-Mor") or a reference to a title or office, though definitive identification is not possible from the extant script.
- “The receitorio”: Possibly intended as “O receitório” (Port. “the revenue” or “the receipts”), suggesting financial income derived from trade or taxation.
- “munivoej etudo o mais?”: Likely a distorted rendering of “munições e tudo o mais” (“munitions and all else”), with orthographic corruption due to handwriting style or ink degradation.
- “for necep poy da quella cidade”: Interpreted as “para a necessidade daquela cidade” (“for the necessity of that city”), assuming “necep poy” represents a phonetic or abbreviated form of “necessidade.”
- “com maior contra Cade”: Likely reads “com maior contraste com outra parte” (“with greater contrast compared to another region”), though the syntax is fragmented; “Cade” may be a truncation of “comparada” or similar.
- “y nenhua outra parte”: Assumed to be a scribal error for “e nenhuma outra parte” (“and no other place”), with “y” representing a misrendered “e.”

[ILLEGIBLE PASSAGE]: Approximately thirty characters in the lower half of the page are illegible due to fading, ink bleed-through, and overlapping annotations.

[STAMP]: A purple circular seal near the centre of the document bears the inscription: "BIBLIOTECA PÚBLICA E ARQUIVO DISTRIUTAL ÉVORA" [correct modern spelling: Distrital].

[SIGNATURE – BOTTOM RIGHT]: Partially obscured by deterioration and superimposed lines. The signature is tentatively identified as “D. João de Lemos, Secretário do Estado da Índia,” based on standard archival conventions and comparative palaeographic analysis, though full legibility is precluded by damage.

[SIGNATURE – BOTTOM LEFT]: Appears to read “da Capela do Marquês de Tenguer,” though final letters are faint and indistinct; likely denotes ecclesiastical or familial provenance linked to the Marquisate of Tenguer (spelling uncertain; possibly Tangier or a variant transcription).

[MARGINAL MARK]: In the upper-left margin, a single handwritten “X” is visible, subsequently crossed out. Its purpose—whether editorial, administrative, or symbolic—remains undetermined.

—

This translation has been rendered into modern British academic English, preserving historical context, technical terminology, and structural integrity. Uncertainties in transcription have been annotated transparently to support scholarly rigour and further research. The text reflects 16th–17th century Portuguese colonial administrative discourse concerning trade logistics, military provisioning, and imperial strategy in maritime Asia.

• Full-text online
  • Transcriptions
• Location
  • Portugal
    • Biblioteca Pública e Arquivo Distrital de Évora