Missão dos Padres Pero de Mesquita e Manuel Henriques em Malaca, de 1651 a 1655. Partida do Colégio de Macau, missão no reino de Jor, sua perseguição e cativeiro pelos holandeses, prisão na ilha de Ceilão e regresso a Goa.

Transcription

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Missão dos RR. Jesuítas Pero de Mesquita e Manuel Henriques em Malaca, 1651 a 1653.

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[Texto Principal] A Relação de Malaca está treslada do seu próprio original, que se conserva no Coll.[égio] de Macao da Compa.a de Jesus da Província do Japão. Na Corte, Livro na Nho S. Pedro — isto, 30 de Janeiro de 1747, anno. B. L. — Província do Japão em Lisboa guardará este livro na Procuratura, e dela na Bahia — sendo algum trecho. Macao, 5 de Dezembro de 1746.

João Alvares

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[Page 5] [Texto Principal] Anno de 1651. Ao P. Francisco de Távora da Compª de JESUS, assistente em Roma das Províncias de Portugal e da Índia. Relação da Nova Missão que fizeram os PP. Pero de Mesquita e M. Henriques, mandados do Colégio de Macau à Cidade fortaleza de Malaca em 1651. Dos princípios e causa desta Missão. §. 1º Depois de ocupada a praça de Malaca pelas armas holandesas, destruindo o sagrado das Igrejas, (como costumam) com expulsão de seus Mi­nistros, principalmente Religiosos, trataram alguns Portugueses & Filhos da Terra, d’ali ficando com alguns Clerigos de Malaca, acanharem-se nos exercícios de Nossa Religião apostólica, enchendo-se dos hereges. Vendo pois tal bom intento os Católicos vendados, levantavam em hua das Povoações & faziam cada hum a fortaleza hum alpendre ou Namada, a onde juntos com caça de conversação faziam alguns actos de Oração, como era: rezar o Rosário, rezar as Ladainhas, aos Sábados de Nossa Senhora: com esta devoção cresceu o ânimo estendendo-se até celebrar os Santos Sacrifícios da Missa, ajuntando o afecto alguns ornamentos & grados & alguns Clerigos puderam hirar das mãos dos hereges por sua indústria. Esperando q’ os Holandeses, suplantados ou fariam q’ o Malaca entendido por qualquer animar-se a fabricar Frey Igreja: hua na banda de Malaca, outra em Ilhéu, (povoações que dividem a fortaleza, por ficar no meyo de ambas) outra em hua povoação, agora chamada Booraya, em distância de meya legua pelo rio a- cima). E foi tanto o aumento desta devoção, caminho dos Católicos, q’ chegaram a fazer todos os exercícios de Cristandade.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] egens com tanto sucesso, & os mesmos hóspedes lhe fizerão empréstimo de armas, & instrumentos marítimos, com tudo o mais que lhe era necessário para o maior aparato das festas. Neste estado estava a Cristandade de Malaca quando elle teve as novas do primeiro sucesso da inopinada Restauração dos Portugueses Olandeses na Índia, escandalizados de não ser o temor moj de lhes poder suceder o mesmo em Malaca pela confiança & caridades dos Ca- tólicos, & com elles ficarão ao abandono de Fidelidade, como os nossos tempos admitindo em seu conselho juízes portugueses para julgarem as causas dos nossos, pagando-lhes o mesmo salário que aos vereadores & pagavam quando a Malaca era nossa, e julgando os Olandeses o concerto de igrejas, & o exercício de nossa Religião, poderia dar muito em seu prejuízo, & se deu ocupado com os fervores de hum Cade nosso estrangeiro; dali estava, e logo botarão fora, mormente em tempo em que estavão em guerras com os malaios vizinhos de Bumbo & Mäny, derão com todos os favores por diante, tirando as armas & vivacão aos portugueses e mais cristãos, arruinando de novo as igrejas, alcançando hum gregório infamatorio con- tra a fé católica, escarnecendo o ministério evangélico principalmente contra o padre de nossa Companhia, a quem caluniavão (como os Thomás de co- breiros, enganadores, supersticiosos, e mestres de erros damnificativos de pros, proibindo da lí por diante não assistirem os padres nem naquele grauz em hábito religioso, nem pudessem exercitar seus ofícios, & ministérios, nem os católicos os pudessem fazer em junta, nem ain- da acompanhar os féris difíceis com candeias, obrigando desse proceder grave castigo contra todos os que quebrantassem as ditas ordens, expressa- Eis não obstante ficarão alguns clérigos em Mal- aca, exercitando seus ofícios. No que pode as encomiadas sentenças de Pedro sucedio alguma vez verem aparecido com o frete sagrado nas maj., ou por espiões q os Olandeses tiveram justiçados, ou por acu- sações de Majestade, q delles farião.

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[Page 6] [Texto Principal] pena pecuniária, e desterro de Malaca, & seus detrítores. Como por Vead aos negros q houve nestes tempos pas- sados, em ambas as Nações, fosse aquela graça q paguem da Índia & a China, & da China p. a Índia, sempre os moradores e católi- cos de Malaca foram consolados com a assistência de Clérigos, & da presença de passageiros de Religiosos principalmente da nossa Comp. que para efetuarem parte destes intentos em proveito da Christandade deixavam diante Mao crescer barbas, cabellos y jor- ram disfarçados desembarcar, e assistir em terra tidas & os barcos & detinham ancorados naquelle porto, fazendo neste tempo sagras dos breiceiros a heregias, muitos serviços à fé catholica. No anno de mil seiscentos e trinta e quatro, de Goa & Macau os 22. Mathias de Maya, Pedro Marques, Pedro de Mesquita, Manoel Jorge e António Lopes, & de Cochim o P. Manoel Henrique, que dahi se tinha hido ordenar, chegando a Malaca desembarcara os mais delles, divididos por diversas partes, fizeram muito fruto: naquellas almas, dizendolhes orações, confessando, baptizando, dan- do-lhes a Sagrada Comunhão, & que tambem ganharão alguns d. Landes catholicos, e pessoas de casa de hereges, e sendo já os 3. muitas almas catholicas as q naquelle tempo vinha a Malaca, quasi forão os q não receberão o Sacramento da Penitência, recebendo a maior parte delles a Sagrada Comunhão: o Baptismo receberam três escravos gentios, pondo-se no mesmo tempo os Landes Oleg, e algumas crianças filhas de Holandeses q já por seus Ministros, ou por Sacerdotes nossos estavão baptizadas. Quando Nad segue esta breve Noticia só do conceito de generalidade, a pontar hum caso particular, q a fez passar pelas mãos ao P. Pero de Mesquita, por que querendo comprar hum pouco de pano, veio aganhar por dote duas almas. Comunicou o P. os intentos com hum Christão da terra seu conhecido y q o en- caminhasse, edzendolle elle, q hum feitor Holandês Catholico,- (como se presumia) poderia vender, a sua mulher també Hol- landesa, grande Catholica conhecida delody, por tal estimaria mt. achar occasião com hum Padre da Comp. se resolve o P. a hir a sua casa para tentar se podia fazer melhor emprego. Na primeira Ota- va do Espírito Santo levio o Remunerador, & ofertor Holandês, e manifestando a compra do pano, aque vinhab He Respondeo sem fa- vor. [Anotações marginais] [No topo, à esquerda] (Ilegível) [No lado direito, entre linhas] [UNCLEAR: .pelo.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] Sem saber a quem falava, aquelle dia era de guarda entre *May*, & por isso não se podia fazer nelle avinda. Verificou o P. que também o da seguinte era de guarda; mas era servido do Mon. Hafie acamar & as longas para ver os panos, & em dia ferial faria a compra: aceitou o partido com cortesia, & foi levando ao 7.º d’acamar a interior. Desando a mulher com quatro filhos maiores della, como ella estivesse guarda de poucos dias, he o Christão Comp. de os parabéns de novo filho & aceitou dizendo, que aquelle corpo de mãe estava baptizado por mão do sacerdote romano — pois elle casou mulher católica, que estimaria elle mulher hum padre escritor & viesse a confessar sua mulher. Louvou o P., fez dezis, dando-lhe desho ao companheiro, & saiu para fora, ser efectivamente o factor (sendo elle contente) dellas fazer vir a sua casa hum defensor, padres escritores & vinha com elle de fora; por todos lhe faziam muitas mercês, e eram particulares amigos seus. Aceitou a offerencia com condição de tanto segredo, & authem ninguém tivesse disso noticia. Achou o P. athe então não conhecido, mas avia lido por mercador por certas causas, & era já tempo; chorou boa ocasião para se declarar, dizendo ao factor que elle queria & lhe viesse a casa hum sacerdote; nada era necessário hir mais alongo, porque aquelle q tinha presente podia satisfazer o seu intento, porque muy vinha interessado a sua casa no ganho de sua alma & na compra destes panos. Neste tempo o Christão Comp. docada q tinha sahído para fora, estava explicando à mulher, factor, quem, qual era o mercador, q tinha em sua casa, e comprou d’pazia. Não esperou mais o Olandez, & não veio logo correndo botar aos pés de Pedro com tanta & mais alegria, que pudera mostrar no descobrimento de hum tesouro escondido. Explicou o factor sua vontade com o P., para que sua mulher se confessasse, ouvisse missa, & recebesse a sagrada comunhão; mas que elle o não faria, por ter inimigos, & achava de quem se fiar, por já em outra occasião tentou nhara hum alemão com juramento after maiores ser elle catholico romano, de que lhe rezultou muito mal, e muito maior lhe podia resultar, se soubessem os Olandezes, q elle se confessaria ou ouviria missa. Apertou o P. com elle dizendolhe que goz concentrar a sua mulher, & se confessava por catholico não era bem a ficar de fora, & lhe vinha por casa, quando elle não comiga for.

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[Page 7] [Texto Principal] Gashe Gotto: arreceos q. hinde ao Menos se oiro devia escusar da con- fissão, por quanto ofegredo estava em sua Mad. Estando elle pede Naquella casa: mas godia correr perigo, porg. tendo casa publica y. hoy, se fessem vistor do Blandezey poderião julgar q. vinha a fazer compra de pannos como quaLL quer Mercador. Depois de varyo tempo se lhe offertor por conveniendo emquanto a confissão ficando com o P.º d. Nafista, feira seguinte que por ser de comelho, era dia seguro, fosse o P.º a casa de Ant.° Penheiro Portuguez seu vizinho, e que Lhe se confessaria, e comungaria Sua Mulher, os affectos — viosse o P.º a sua casa a jantar e que No tempo do Jantar por já os Santos oleos afeor feito, e a elle confessalo, que entre tanto lhe serviria aquelle day de apparellho, por quanto era hinde feito havia Nove annos depois que falhara de sua terra, D.era Barbante) Nodias afinado foi se P.º acaz. podio Português aq. hinha comonicado aq. havia de fazer, e achou ja o altar m. bino ornado com sedas e profumy. hveo a Blandeza, confessoune com — Muita devocao, e disse que tambem seu Marido havia devir para se confessar, e comungar. Mas tardando elle o Mandando dizer, que ja não podia hir por estar entregando a feitoria a Lhe tirar adiou o P.º que era escusa. dequem se esfriara. Nos prepartos q. tinha, cas- sou comecou a Missa, des a comuniçad a Blandeza e Viecbes, com Muitas lagrimas, adevocad. Vio se dos oP.º por obrigado atban- quete y estava convidado por lhe faltar com a palavra, sefo hospede casim se foi acabada a Missa: a fazer outra confissãey, porque estava convidado fora de fortaleza: sentio a falta a feitor, e tratou logo de buscar o P.º como fez, por toda a parte, ate a Noite, perguntando por ella, com q. deo que falar, cadminar aos Ca- bolico, q. julgaraõ Logo ser outra bem diferente de seo officio a mercancia, e trato, que pertendia com o P.º No dia Seguinte dedeo o P.º por obrigado, demandelo a sua casa, oferecendo-lhe asq. sofie de seu servico. botou-lhe de offertor, aos qei jedindo q. lhe? remediasse a alma pois em sua Mage ajunda para o que, dizia elle com grande Verolucad a o P.º ydia contar por todo o que acheffe, Nes Veparende em honra vida e fazendo por que ja não temia o homem Senad a Deos q. offendera: confessouse ypor pequel com tanta clarire, dignidad e Magoa Verdudad, q. podia Verm?

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] Ávida aconfissada, não se podia evidentemente apartar dos pés do Padre, diz: D. P., não truxera a sua casa acompanhado dos paninhos, mas fora gui- ado por Deus, para lhe ganhar alma em seus botes e em tal comunhão, perdido por espaço de nove anos. No dia seguinte se reconciliou na mesma casa; ouviu Missa, apothado todo por ter recebido a sagrada comunhão; feito isto, foi de sua casa jan- tar, assim por dar gozo a este penitente, como pelo interesse de pôr os cantos oleos a seus filhos, como fez. E por que um delles, que era mais cristão, e andava na escola de seu predicante, reprou- veu mas cerimónias perguntando à mãe por que vestia aquele pe- Portuguez por cima de outro vestido (aquela camisa) — em grande lançada aquela hora — de seda aos pescoços (falando de sobrepes- tos e tola) — para evitar o perigo da pudoria havida — como Merino que não entendia ofensa, contar com esse mestre herege; disse o P. à sua mãe que lhe disesse como aquele Portuguez era grande médico, e dava aquela mezinha por ser muito goivada de ira por dos elles aos Merinos; porém que também mandava dizer que assim como sabia bem curar aos Merinos, também sabia dizimar-lhes aquellas que diziam, e sabendo que ellas contavam a sobrem a mezinha que fazia, também sabia fazer outra contrária e que de todo perda avisasse: aprovaras o paz com Mr. feta ad- vertência dizendo que seguiria ficando deslegado por quanto ofe- ficaria muito crente, e muito mais temoroso com nova me- zinha, a que imaginava tinha ganhado com outra. Muito abhisfi- lo ficou efetor do serviço que disse lhe fizeram; estalde sua casa pedindo-lhe por várias vezes se quisesse ficar em Malaca, porque seria de grande importância se tornasse de Deus; querendo ficar, le- obrigava subitamente fazer-lhe uma capelinha escondida como em Holanda, onde com segurança podia-se orar, dizer Missa, e que por pt. entrada lhe entregaria trezentas galões para que as repartisse aos po- bres como ao P. lhe parecesse. Agradeceu o P. apiedado dizendo-lhe que no que levava ficar em Malaca, era cousa que não podia conceder por quanto tinha superior em Macau, aonde era obrigado hir para apresentar-se, mas que representaria seus desejos, ouveria-se de tal o- pedia, ou por si, ou por outro satisfazer. Nad foi só efetor mandando oportendentemente a agi- tência dos remelhados, mas também os Portugueses, erriçj poso católico que vindo o muito fructo que em suas almas fizeram aque- [Anotações marginais] [No final da página, à direita] (Ilegível) [Carimbos] [Nenhum visível] [Assinaturas] [Nenhuma assinatura claramente legível; apenas traço final no canto inferior direito, possivelmente parte de uma rubrica ou inicial: "Mg." ou similar — [UNCERTAIN: Mg.

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[Page 5] [Texto Principal] fizerão aquelles &c. em tão breves dias, fizerão argumento de muito mais, que poderão fazer se desahem estivessem em suas presenças e companhias. Estando já tentado o despacho desta petição por via do P. Pro. de Cochim, q. lhe não disserão, deixarão-Nos gastos, a falta de foguetes, vendo agora q. estava neste tempo para partir para Macau hum Portuguez natural, e casado naquella terra, fazendo viagem y. àquelle porto embarcou próprio de comum acordo, com certidão, the dereb procurarão para q. em nome d’El-Rei aquel leposo pedisse aos Superiores de Macau dous P. y. estivessem com elle como fazião no Malacá, Cambaia, e outras partes. ~ Chegando q. foi a Macau o Portuguez apresentou a petição por paz pello P. Abbadia de Maya, q. então era Visitador daquelle Prov., q. pondo o em consulta despachou como pedido, nomeando aquella nova Missão aos P. Pero Marques por sup., e ao P. Manoel Henriques por seu companheiro. § 2º Partem os Padres p. a Malacá e obraz Vão no projecto daquella Christandade. Costumavão os Holandezes tanto q. o barco dos Portuguezes ancorava em Malacá, Mandar vizitar por algum official, e perguntar a quantos Padres trazia. E para q. os novos Missionarios podessem vir com maior segurança, ofegredo se afrontou em Malacá que falhisem ago do de Difareados em trajos de secular com suas espadas na cinta, cabellos barbados cresidos: De te modo sahirão pela Igreja já são outros ao parecer, q. alguns q. odos ante fallarão com elles outras conhecendo. Embarcados em hum galeão de viagem para Cochim derão a vela ao principio de Janeiro de mil seis centos, sessenta, e hum, e com próspera viagem, posto q. raro sem vento, a sobre saltey de peri- go no golfo de Hainan, chegaram a Malacá adozais de Merino Mez, Sabendo os moradores, católicos: como em barco era chegado despacho de suas petições, mas feyode vizer os jubelos de alegria: q. mostraram como se Nós dou Padre vierem dous anjos, arregalado de hum grande Cahueiro e tanto mayor foi a alegria, quanto maior era o desconsolação my deprente se achavão q. q. tendo consigo hy Auegos, todos estavão notificados sob pena de excomunhão, e fujen- cam [Anotações marginais] (No lado esquerdo, entre linhas 1-3): [UNCLEAR: possível "P.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] ado, e assim fora de Malaca, este distrito aquela Monção por ordem do governador daquele Bispado, é bem verdade ficarão em sua comp. hum Religioso Dominicano por vigário da vara. Mas como era estrangeiro, e pelo não entenderem, não estava o povo dele satis- feito: desembarcaram os Padres, e posto ofereceram bem dois para os Holandeses, não faltou quem dos Católicos recomendasse nelas, May- caldey, e mais que Mercadores, posto que até então não sabia, di- zendo entre si que as esquadras e esquipagens por seculares davam a conhecer; mas aqueles outros, aquele modo não sei que tem, faziam, por mais que eles se disfarçam; mais parecem Cados da Compª, Deputados do Mundo. Na Missa Noite foram os Nossos Missionários dar Obediência ao Dominicano como a ordinário, e ele a recebeu com graça; notificando-lhes que não podiam ficar naquela terra, porquanto o Sr. Paulo da Costa, Gov. do Bispado, que tinha sido Jesuíta da Compª, assim lhe tinha deixado por obrigação, encomendando-lhe que os despachasse, em vão de assistência concerteis que os PP. da Compª exercitassem naquela terra seus Ministérios: Respondeu o P. Cuyp. que a terra, por Nosso pecado, era dos Holande- ses, e não de S. Paulo da Costa, que a fizeram nela os PP. Seus Holan- deses, e não sua Paternidade poderiam impedir, e não impedida tão inteiramente puderam fundar Visão algum do encarregados que Methora obre a ordem, porquanto querendo o seu P. por execução, &c., poderia fazer, impondo Nova ordem do Gov. Holandês em que ao executar os ministérios da Compª, isto não pode proibir o Sr. Paulo da Costa, porquanto Malaca estava senhorizada da Igreja, com o governo Holandês, e por isso era melhor aonde quem mais pudesse servir em prol da Cristandade. Mais Serviços farão a Deus, pois os Vícios eram contínuos, e sabido, por proibições, que a heresia senhorada Deprece tinha feito, querendo desarraigar os ministros da fé católica, quantos mais dela com seu Compª. não viessem ali para hirar a sua Paternidade, sua jurisdição e benefícios dela, antes della Ministro se haviam com as obras, que em nada encontrariam. & que nelas iria sua Paternidade. edd. E o governador deu-lhes dois Coadjutores que f° o Almirante de trabalho, tomando ele sobre si os juízes atreos todos por interesse). Dada esta obediência terão logo os PP. desacomodado, para exercitar o fim do Bispado, e por guardar-lhes Melhores, e por Depois se dividiram para que estes de um eram sobre de ambos, e ficaram mais perto para elas haver a todo e pº poder com mais facilidade acudir a todas as per. [Anotações marginais] [Nenhuma anotação marginal visível] [Carimbos] [Nenhum carimbo ou selo visível] [Assinaturas] [No final da página, à direita, assinatura parcialmente legível: "P. C.

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[Page 9] [Texto Principal] hy por onde virem, cabissem os Catholicos daquella terra. O Padre Pero de Mesquita ficou da banda de Malaca para aceder a esta, contra governadores, de seu districto, como são Abrangueira, Adevôa Praga, Bartabrandão, Sali, Chira, e Cândado, & tem longe de dous, tres leguas pelo Rio abaixo. Acanta do P. Manoel Henriquez ficou a bande de Vier o campo de S. João, Eis de Galles e Ranquy, & tem longe de quatro leguas: alem de q seus Padres, Moradores de sua banda, não podião em Multa occasião (mormente de Noite) acedir a onda q de Meter gor Meyo a fortaleza: & as deveda, e com passagem de hua parte gocha, e estarem fechadas as portas Multas vezes, conforme o governo dos Olandezes. Hua couro povoaçao se governava com captaes Olandezes afistentes ally com suas cazas, para viajarem de Noite. Repartindo os quatro pelos moradores, & com hido Raa estado fugitivo. O da banda de Malaca era hum Coronei cuja Mulher tinha confessado o P. Pero de Mesquita. Na passagem do Goa para Macao, baptizando juntamente: hos escravos depois de instruidos na doutrina Christãa, e pondo lhe os cantos o Senr a hua Mercearia sua filha. Sabendo este q o P. vinha y f. Malaca foi logo ao pataxo qf. obrar- em para caza, como fez, trazendo juntamente o caixote do livro, e ornamentos sagrados, segurando os em sua caza, para Donao fosse visto, como o Mays, feito Na alfandega pely Olandez. Ve outra ba- de de Ilier era capitão hum Olandez de bom Natural casado com hua (Mulher metisca) Portuguesa, muito benemerdos do Nossos Padres, y assim como meus ocasiões como Noutros, fez bem agazalhados ao P. Manoel Henriquez, como tambem o houde feito com o P. J em outra ocasião na passagem qf. China ficará alli por alguns Mezes preziosos. O Modo y tomara os PP. para cultivar aquellas al- mas foi o principal, Mostrar vimentos de todo rintornea porq cohe- cendo entre sy tirer hua escola todos os Mezes yf. gastos suficientes dos Padres que ali assistiram, o P. Pero de Mesquita lhe não quiz consentir para elle afeo compº dizendo q trazia comq sustentar eq. não vinha a Malaca, Mais q levado de Zelo defuer almaq. aq. estes erês para elles, todos os gallos, e. Y agracedos a Musta piedade, caridade y Mey mostravam, aq quando vias huel? q comer lhes poderas emprestado, ou de emtela). Com isto ficar rab os Catholicos satisfeitos, e edificados, e os PP. Mais livres para exercitar aque Mestor Res jurereu em seos officios. Dizias Misas hora em leza propria, hora Nas alleas, Mas sempre as escond.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] E a furtos he ofensas: acordios a confessões aj. erão chamados, exortando a todos que as fizessem, confessando a muitos geralmente, de que se di- zia o pouco fructo por haver sette, oito, ou nove annos que algu- ma não fariaõ. Ellas festas principaes de Jubileos ordenarão os Pr. rigor mais capaz, acomodado para consolar outros os que podiã ser, por nenhum queria ficar de fora, e para lhes dar a Sagrada communhão a fazer alguns grandes sacrilégios importava a sua salvacao. Aos enfermos visitavão, e ajudavão além de morrer os moribundos, administrandolhes o Sacram. de unção, respondendo ser de Santos arautos, e porq nem todos podião receber naquelle Cora- ção por mais ter a casa decente, ou segura yf. Nella se poder celebrar os sacrificios da Missa já para este effeito antehijandose trouxera o P. Luís de Mesquita de Macau hum altarário de prata dourada em forma de custódia, para se levar nelle os santíssimos aos enfermos, conforme nossos privilegios nos concedem. Baptizavão-se gentios, e mouros, pela maior parte escravos, ou dos catholicos, ou de holandezes, que pedião baptismo, precedendo primeiro ensinar-lhes a doutrina christãa, e os meyos necessarios da Vey christãa. A muitos filhos de holandezes com contentamento das mães q erão catholicas, estando baptizados por seu predi- cante, ou dominie, juntavão os Padres os Santos óleos. Aos christãos discordes, apartavão aos mancebidos, obrigavão a se reconcili- arem com os sacram. de Matrimonio impedidos com seus conselhos, não hiriam os catholices à Igreja de holandeses, e aos meninos en- sinavão a ler, escrever, a doutrina christãa, e na aurora, ou do enciar do P. Vigario, e no May, que Alis Vhe fornecia; faziaõ os D.D. officio de seus coadjutores, e missionarios da Companhia. § 3º Casos particulares decididos. Seja opprimido na velacão o que foi primeiro na execução hua justiça q alcançarão os P.P. de provida de heretica apolitica holande- za, com hua confissão, q se fez a hum jurante catholico q por sentença contra feu crime q era de feitiçaria, havia de ser quei- mado vivo. Foi o caso q poucos heys depois da chegada dos Padres a Malaca prenderão os holandezes a hum christão daquella terra q tinha vindo no mesmo galeão de Macau a onde fora fazer suas mercancias; e como os holandezes por aquella crime queix- avam-se.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] aquelles daquella Christandade, & não fizerão outros PP. Nos fios da Igreja publicados Portuguezes, & Morrerão enforcados por jus- tiça Flandreza, com o Sacramento de penitência naquella hora com bom del Major dos Catholicos. Hum homem havia de banda de Malaca, cazado a modo Flandrez com hua Mollér havia annos, offendo jna terra havia acordado se mais deguera receber com ella emprezença dos propios parochos, por ficar livre della todas as vezes que se visse fora de Malaca. Inda Mais por a Nigad & por moller aconfe- sando-se esta com o P. Manoel Henriques querendo tratar de sua salvação, e por se bem com Deus, lhe pedio que fizesse com seu Marido, que se confessasse porque havia muito tempo; o não faria sendo Viao abaphirado de oito dias, & se não tinha & cacada com elle em quanto Serao recebia na forma ordena o Concelho Tridentino. Foi o Mollér ter com ella por conselho do Confessor — digo do P. — com seo Yecado, emq lhe pedia, qvsto estar confessando tanta alma em casa de ses vizinhos mas fizesse elle de fora por sua culpa. Mas como não desfe pelo primeiro Ye- cado, instou o P. com o Segundo por outra yefoa, afazendo-lhe as Misericordias aingratidões peonha: de merinha, seraa he & aquecetha Dnthus em sua alma lhe tomou occasiao, se fithio decava com animo de pagar com traiçõs beneficios & enganhas va. Se foi demandar official herege para acusar ao Padre Con- fessor, como achafse ja fechada aperta da fortaleza, Se foi ter com Merinho & Morava fora). Mas elle sendo Dios assim derz- vido, ou não fez ocaso De seus ditos, por cuidar qvrinta escandaliza- do Jovinho, ou fez q disfimulara; Nem Seyashara muito dias & o brador nas experimentafse testigos do Céo, & sendo acuzada por sua propria enhada que por força adsonoura, caza de enten- ca de Morte entre os Flandrezes, foi preso No bronco & grande aperto. Determinou o P. pagar-lhe com Novo beneficio atricad, faz- zendo todas as diligencias para o confesar, por lhe dizerem estar arrepentido de seu erro, pedir contas para Yezor, & lhe chamas de Hum dos PP. Mas avizado defua Moller & operigo defua Morte ora tão certa, e o Vices da nova tracado Muito provavel, ce- dos o P. defeu intento, Yezervando & outras occasioes aonde se faja Necefs: cortarias por todos os perigos pelo Remediar. Foi opportun: te Solto da prizão por se não achar prova bastante, e emen- dando com gascathigs, de Mandou o P. pedindo-lhe perdão, econfer- sando-se. [Anotações marginais] (No lado esquerdo, ao longo da margem:) [UNCLEAR: fragmento de palavra, parece "P.

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[Page 11] [Texto Principal] landese, e comungando vicebeos os Sacramentos do Matrimônio. Outro houve q. passava destes annos de vinte em Mas estado de portas adentro com sua mulher com tanto desaforo, que em vida de seu Marido teve algum tempo em sua casa: veio-se este a confessar com os P.P. e como hum contra he negaffe adbiſ- vico pelo estado em q. vivia, se achou novo na matéria porque todo este tempo vicebera a absolvição cada vez q. se confessava, em os primeiros confessores o obrigaram a mudar estado. Apercebido porem de sua continência todos conc. dos P.P. trataram de se casar co- a mulher com quem havia tanto tempo andado ocasionado, p. quem já tinha alguns filhos; mas como eram pobres, achavam diſ- ficuldade em se lhe apresentar ao fiscal, e escrivão Mayor, com he costume de governos, e política Holandesa pagando certa quantia de palácios que não tinham. Tomaram os P.P. a sua conta os remédios, só co o P. Legaris da vara, aquem propuzeram o estado daquelle, duas almas, para que o remedialse, vicebendo-os co Sacramento. Têm esperar que primeiro se apresentasse aos Holandeses. Respon- deo que por nenhum modo os havia de viceber sem primeiro fa- zerem a dita cerimônia, porquanto se não queria expor a algum trabalho, se viesse a notícia do Fiscal q. elle os casara. E por mais dos P.P. aperçaram com elle. Não houve remédios para querer veme- dar aquellas almas perdidas, pedindo-lhe de sua P. De Hei doſe licen- ça para os poderem viceber, q. elles tomavão sobre sy, os trabalhos, exercícios que sucedessem se viesse a notícia do Fiscal. Nem isto bas- tou por então, mas teve mais força a oferta dos contrabandos, q. as importunações, e ainda os escrúpulos, q. os P.P. lhes metião. Muitas cousas outras, perderão os P.P. remediar, e muito mais obrar se obrigarão. Não fora tal indo aos Holandeses, estas cau- sas em largar a jurisdição em algumas ocasiões aos D. Missionr. Heũa Mother henge ſelha de Bengalla, q. de criança se criara com os Holandeses, depois de ser casada duas vezes com fra- mengos, andava ocasionada com hum catholico filho de Malaca: q. lhe tinha dado palavra de se casar com ella. Esta sendo aper- tada de dores de parto, mandou chamar ao P. Pero de Merquita, ju- dindole q. lhe confessasse, por q. seguiria Federir assim catholico. Perguntando ao P. as terras da Ntra Mudança, pois sempre foi cria- da com doutrinas dos Holandeses, e nunca se vira em terra de catto- licos.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] licio que era verdade que sendo Muita Merina, deõ escapard. Selv= agem brava, fora a panhada dos Blandezes em Bengala, que na sua Luz fora criada e instruida, porém depois que se entendera sempre fiz vera para ey, que a devoção de Nossa Senhora era proveitosa, por ver algumas Mulheres catholicas suas amigas, que assim o faziam, expre= ssavam, e huma vez levada de raro pedira a algumas delas alluva= com sigo à casa do Pe para ver e ouvir Missa e mais cousas da Igreja dos Catholicos, e fez entrad por ver a limpeza e ornamento, aller a gravidade das ceremonias Romanas, o respeito das Sagradas imagens, entendera que aquella era a verdadeira Vey, que hendo os dos Blandezes era falsidade e engano. Aproveitou os intentos e resolução antecipa= da por elle nas cousas de Nossa Religião, carijos da fé catholica= protestando ever hũa firmeza. foi reconciliado com a Igreja, Rece= bendo os santos oleos e sacramento de penitencia, e só em huma cousa lhe achou de difficuldade, era nas da thevera que acianca que lhe Nascise fosse baptizada por sacerdote Romano, pelo Medo que tinha dos Blandezes e prediantes, pois como tinha sido cazada dey vays com allej já tinham como gente sua, e como tal, arreceava o Imã acianca, para lhe baptizarem, Mas que entao apediria ao Pe baptizar, segunda vez sera ferido: Ovro ama Muller dos Ca= tholicos estava julgando não ser valioso o baptismo dos Blandezes, após isso eram alguns Merinos baptizados segunda vez pelas mã= os hay dos Clerigos que afaziam. Acabou porem o P. com a Muy, que ofico por Nenhum bũhom fosse baptizado Senão por mãos de Sa= cerdote Romano, que foi o Vigario de Malaca, que não quia largar esta tença ao P. he bem verdade que não contenta com aq̃ ate ali tinha obra= do’ hum tu de proseguir avitoria, apana que de todas as partes que fielis foi fallar as amigos amostando, apedindo-lhes que era tempo de cumprir a palavra decaramd. que tinha dado; Mas não pode ser= hirar delle May, que a esperança athe Nascer acianca para ver se era sua, ou do Blandez, aposto que depois de Naseda, arconde= ces por sua’, Nem a realdade da promessa, Nem as Versões do P. lhe dava desejos aprezozto Negando sie várias vezes ao acto da sua cazo ode Mandava; Mas não lhe pode fugir em huma cara diggo aonde o P. obuscou pedindo-lhe lançado depellos, afeis yes, que como Christão alem de palavras que deva, quisesse amparar aquelle mulher fiderida de Novo a fe Catholica, esfello que por seu Neconheceu, cazando com ella para que os Blandezes nãs puneshem pela acianca como cousa sua, e desesperada a Mulher mas por Jornose. [Anotações marginais] [No canto inferior direito, assinatura manuscrita] Jornose. [Carimbos] [Nenhum selo ou carimbo visível] [Assinaturas] [Jornose] — assinatura no canto inferior direito.

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[Page 12] [Texto Principal] Iornada se a perder a fé, tornara: a Voz de Deus aoet. foi acabar-se com sua Mãe que fosse contente com aquelle casamento: q elle prometha de comprar a palavra que dera: assim o fez aoet. Mas perdendo as traballhos, afacilmente alcancou della despacho, Mão não com effeito da parte dos Reis, q não tendo já quão intervenida a difficuldade de Mão fique do Padre, como adiabo da Cruz. Mas parece que Náo era do Número dos escolhidos. Seja náo foi. Saltarão aos Pe Mercennt. para haver grande Vitórias. Mas da Banda de Malacca ficou vencedor o Diabo na alma deste homem; na banda de Japão se achou vencido no corpo da sua Mulher. Accedeo em casa do Capitão Alandez cazado com huma M. da Costa, de quem sempre receberão Mimos os PE; entraram adobo no Corpo de huma Moça, aquella estando são e bem disposta; hum dia cahio do repente no chão espavorida: e da hi a pouco se levantou, sentando-se com grande imperio a modos dos Reys Malayos, dizia que era Rey, falando em linguas Malayas cultas, elevando-a que havendo alli quem bem entendia, falava, Mal oydia por ucher, dizendo falava: Na lingua de Borle, gritando em alta voz e mandando que todos lhe tivessem o respeito, dizendo assim onde fizerem a todos o Mandarão castigar, pois náo tinha igual, nem no Sangue, nem no poder, porque todos os Mais erão seus servidores; estando com ellas graças quando lhe Nomeavão os Nomes Sagrados de JESUS e Maria, elle perguntava se queria em beijar, indo zombava dando grandes vizadas, dizendo q Reys e Maes sayos náo se confissavão, fazendo facey menos com o corpo, e viraz gens com os olhos, que havia que se abrevise a chegar junto a ella. Delle modo esteve depois manhã até as Nove da Noite, falando desordenadamente, avançando ameaças, havendo q lhe náo fazem conta; seguem hir pela porta fora. Chamaram logo ao Padre Manuel Henriques seu vizinho, como náo tinha noticia do que tinha passado entre elles, entrando na casa se afrontou junto della como quem se expunha a muitas desconffisas, que era ofecido com Jacobra, porem ella recebeu oet. com mais festa doq elle esperava, dando lle muitas vizadas, esfarenco santas zombarias, a confissão et. entrara em desconfiança porq dizendo se se estava duvida, ou se queria confessar, Des em resposta virando as Costas, maiores vizadas atam disforme que parecia q os membros havidos do Corpo se lhe quebravad; e perguntando ao P. e Capitão Alandez, que. [Anotações marginais] [No lado direito, após “que.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] que, dera agi tinha aquella Mulher, elle lhe fizera os seus Fados, dizendo-lhe parecia estar endemoninhada, pelo grande efeito; ella lhe dissera ouvir de tudo Zombara, fazendo Momos, viajagens, acarrianas ao Padre, ajentendendo agora: je foi à casa abusar armas próprias de semelhantes combates. Trouxe o P. hum crucifero, água benta, estola; o obispo fez, e enchando com estas armas, pela porta onde a Moca estava, começou ella a bater as palmas, fazer os Momos pafados, olhando para os circunstantes com semblante sad Medonho, que todos fugiram, co Capitão de póz da porta y fora, ficando o P. só acometido hum grande pavor com vaiores frios, carregiamente dos cabellos; porém, quebrando-se das armas do Sgr., tomou animo p. entrar no combate, chamado por algum q lhe acofise afustentar o Santo crucifero catar Ma? na canda, começou o exoreismo de Zombara o Diabo. Mas quando o P. lhe chegou abotara água benta, e achou-se sad escaldado, o deo hum grito y assombrou os presentes, e fez acodir a vizinhança; homem o P. maior alento sentindo já temeroso o inimigo, e foi continuado o exorcismo; es Diabo mais covarde, mas levantando mais a voz, deixou cair para trás, dizendo Repechand. em língua Malaza, O cheia. De tão ricim hapedagem ficou a pobre moça como morta sem poder falar por espaço de três dias, mas arthu desacabar o exorcismo olhando para a Imagem do Santo crucifero livre já do labrum dono disse A.M. Maria valime, cobracaondo se da Sagra da Imagem fez sinal da Cruz, y athe entao não ficara me correm ha dalgum lhe fezese: ficou o Blandez muito contente, admirado de sucesso, dizendo ser grande oprador de Deys pois com o primeiro golpe da água benta se por hurbara o Demonio tanto q se deo por obrigado amorrado, e perguntando lle o P. se entre os Blanderes havia cura, ou Remedio para tal doenca, Respondeo q os Blanderes, nad sabia dela grande poder q tinha? os PP. Romanos o demonio, Nem lhe havia de dar credito, Mas q elle ficava muito satisfeito de Nossa St. q uy com ter visto tal caso, assim Mandou Recolher toda água benta, e estava Na caldeirinha, e lancar por toda suas casas, ajudando ao Padre q sempre q abençese veyarshse com elle para altar sempre com sigs. No dia seguinte tornou o Padre com a sua . para saber Se tinha algua couza q lhe Metesse aconcientia, e preguntada por ser mal, aquello sucesso do dia antecedente, Respondeo q se nad lembrava do que tinha afeito, e q o quando lhe botara aqua benta vi- ra virar hum homem M.

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[Page 13] [Texto Principal] intitido tantas forças, y toda agente do Mundo Rey aparece) poucos d’ella, a que outras muitas cruzes lhe não acombravam por hua- lhe parecer torto. Y tinha já passado, a depois de alguns dias d’horras de aparelho, amossada pelo Padre, e confessou geralmente toda sua vida. Da banda de Malaca vós deo outro caso semelhante do q.e hirar não poucos frutos: Morava desta banda hum guarda de alfândega casado, marido a Mother, ambos hereges, por serem cri- ados sempre com os Mandarins, e nacido cá na Índia entre elles: este tal maid sey como ocasião tomou grande affeição ao P.e Cordeiro Mesquita. Tendo q.e Varay suvey fallava com elle, tanto assim, que chegou por várias vezes a mandar-lhe avisos por intelligência, que hi- nha para q.e em certos dias não dissesse Missa, por entender estar quelle padre vendendo, sabendo que o P.e Segueria hir para Ma- cau com o seu Comp. como adiante se dirá. O Mandarim dizia q.e hum Christão degucon desfiara: que se não fosse nem desparecesse q. deos, porq.e lhe fallava d.o para seo gasto che lho daria a farda; estava satisfeito da habilidade; lhe offerece a sua horta com huas casas que estavam Tehireby, e nellas podia morar, em vez may o. Sua vontade: em outra occasião vindo os barcos de Macau caídos: disse o P.e Sem quartel para os galés, porq. mandando-lhe de Macau por letra, não dechou deg.e valor com effeito neste compromisso. Se resolveo ao capar este herege, aquem vinha mais próprio p. a muitos catholicos, Mas foi necessário para o effeito mais q.e mas dificuldade o P.e Icos intenby, a q.e lhe respondeo logo com intento galés emprestadas por seus Mieys, vem ganhos ou interesses, ain- da entre Christãos? Naquella terra muito rara cousa: a mesma Piedade achou o P.e no Mother, porq.e sem nunca fallar co ellas lhe faria muito mimos, particularmente em suas horas do P.e te- re: em certa occasião mandou huas galés, douy paey deuora shua galinha, dizendo que as galés mandavao para o Padre lhe dizer tres missas às almas, acera q.e era p.e o altar de Nossa Senhora, as galinhas p.e a convalescença do P.e perguntando elle aquem fazia a offerta, disse Senhora era de outra Religião, quem a Meha com almas de Purgatorio com missas, e com de- voção a Nossa Senhora, couay da fé Romana totalmente opoz- tas asuas? Respondeo o Mensageiro q.e era verd. q.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] esperguntando mais o P. donde nascia, fazer-lhe ela tanto mizo, moj sendo que não lhe tinha feito nemhũ serviço, nem lhe ca palara com ella? He disse por vezão que hua vez, pedindo ella a huas mijas que trouxessem a casa do Padre para ver as couzas da Nossa Religião, fora em hua ocasião na capelinha, por ferdi de hua festa, estava muito bem armada, e que ouvera missa & dali tornara quando devuab as couzas da Religião Romana e juntam’ ao P. que as ministrava. Socedeo pois que estando o P. hua noite bem deven- dado, mandou chamar esta mulher, pedindo-lhe muito por mercê fosse acunjunvar sua casa, porq já não podia sofrer tantas inqui- sacens, que ali era a ceda que se sentiad. E como o marido es- tivesse ausente, chamou o P. hum sõ vizinho principal da hr., para o acompanhar, porq não houvesse que despedar os Olandezes vendo o P. naquelle casa (se acazo naquelle tempo fossem ali alguns dos q já era conhecido). Chegou o P. e informado de como e via de noite hum vulto q vestido ora de branco, ora de preto; já em figura de forma de altura de medida dezem queitava às mocas, e moços todos de casa, q haviaõ principalmente alguma moca, q além das pancadas arranhavão o corpo todo tão debilz- mente q pareciaõ os golpes das pantas de agulhas, e em tal forma que parecia hum abarinto, ou xadrez. E a outra q tinha hum filho de dous annos, aquem cada paixão lhe pedia allega- do ser seu aquelle filho: Mandou logo o P. chamar danta- desy a todos aquelles aquem avizagem aparecia, examinando eu por hum, achou que a criança seguerida pela avizagem não es- tava bautizada; esperguntando o P. à dona de casa averaõ delante tardança naquelle baptismo, respondeo q por ser filho, sim pay o não queria o Domine baptizar: erro entre outros hereges Cuthi- nistas, q dizem não serem os jaaes do N.° dos cresthãos, e por isso devem ser admitidos ao baptismo. A moca arranhada e es- pancada, achou o P. havia tres annos tinha vindo de Cochim, e fora vendida aquella por hu Portuguez, sendo Christã catholica, stanco nesty hes annos se confessara andando até aquelle tijo ocasionada: achouse muy inua casra q sendo danty do Por- tuguez, criada com elle, nunca may se confessara depois da jornada de Malaca: dos moços q também sentiad a derenque- ltaçey acama de haj e cacharros hej q vendo gentilj pedirad Nes- ta occasaõ serem baptizados, esperguntando sej ad.

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[Page 14] [Texto Principal] baptismo aos Domínios dos Mandais, q os fizeram Christãos: Vez ponderou que antes ficariam gentios, que vieram Víaos como os Claridos, porq ainda q diziam que eram, Não eram Aqueles que fossem caminhos direitos, palavra próprias com q a gente preta que anda entre elles despreza sua Jutas. Fez por entã[o] ac. os exercícios abra a casa Yzeruando q. toda Seguinte fazer com Mais aparelho o baptismo de hum dos Mocais, que ja estava batantem: induzido Nas cousas de Nossa Santa fé, e as confissões das tres Mocais para comungarem, ouviram Missas induzindo juntam: a May de criana: para q. lhe tornasse a pedir, Responde se animosamente que aquelle Menino ja estava dado a Deo, e por isso ja não tinha parte nem direito nelle, pedindo juntam: a algumas Mulheres Cathólicas, d’ally estavam toma[f]rem a sua conta ensinar a doutrina aos dous catecumenos para se poderem fazer o bapto a seo tempo, aç levarem a criança aquella Noite aos Mais se aparelharem para se confessar, comungar. No dia seguinte, tendo ja achado armada, esprejarda a esta Capelinha virem os q. te haviao de baptizar como Schinha anoite anty afrontado, esperguntando-lhes o P. pelo sucesso daquella Noite affrou djas Diabo, ou vizagem não se atrevera a pedir a criança, Mas passou de largo, e a viz ta da May com Semblante carregado : a Moca arranhada: e: teve grande parte da Noite em paz, Mas la pela Madrugada quando ja os Mais estavaõ cansados de vigia lhe apareceo Nas Mesma forma dando grandes carreiras pela casa, e chegandou a ella a Moca como pancadas, carranhas de Mesma sorte q estem dito, vindo ainda freses vertindo sangue. Baptizou o P. a criança: e os catecumenos adultos, as tres Mocais depois de confessadas, ouviram Missas, Receberão a sagrada communhão. Com cesso a inquietação daquella casa, evento de. dons de Maria foi ter com o P. Dandolle as graças de trabalhos q tomara, sobre obra q a elle, catado a casa: fizera, confessando-lhe haver May, de tres annos q Sentia aquellas inquietons em sua caza. A primeira Quaresma q o P. viveu em ella: lá se ajuntaram alguns catholicos dos principaes, e vieram de Mandar o P. Pero de Merquitas junto com o P. seu compah: pedindo lle q. S.B.R.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] particular Na Semana Santa para sua consolação. Respondeo-se Pe. Dentro estava doente, degrado em cama, fez-lhe saúde faria pelo consolar. Não o fez como quem gedad, mas como Dona nunca tinha vis- to depois da perda de Malaca, com tanto d’hum lhe lugar acomodado, aonde com segurança se podese fazer. Ciarão os Xpãs com este reporte mui contentes, afegurando q havia hum lugar que hos legaos de Malaca, pela costa acima chamado Sanguim, aonde os poderão fazer tudo com toda a segurança; porque com o Mey que linda feito hum Clerigo as Noveas, afesta de Nossa Senhora dos Remédios no mesmo lugar. E mandou logo o P. Gero de Morguila ao P. Manuel Henrique, q fosse com hum Português ver offio do Lugar, e No d’He aparece mais acomodado fez-se es os Christãos daquelles Matopias hermida de olla enella levantafe hum galpão, econvalecido da doença, frator de fca parelhas para cumprir sua promessa, a hum Xpão curioso dejinhura emcomen- do a De pintaffe hum Yebato de santo Eulálio, a outro ouvirey sobre a custodia de comunhão. E armasse outra para espor o Senhor. Mandou tambem fazer hua’ piramida de tres faces, e oito degraus, e hum pavilhão de tafeta Roxo guarnecido de estrelas, crendas dellas- ta. com este apresto, os Mais aj puderão departirem os P.° his dis- ante de quinze fs. de rendencias, deixando ordem aos Xpas q garhissem poucos, e pouco, havi de Noite, couros de dia, para q não fodesem sentido, dos Diandezes, e como ainda jideffe fazer fdeoria & por Mar. Não se fez com tanta cautela, q elles oras Tejaravem Vla falta de gente, pela falta de peixe: No bazar, porq os pescadores alugavão seus carros, aos Christãos, e como Alles o erão tao bom, em hua’ couba couva hiao interessados: o dia de quarta fs. de fevereiro de gastou em ouvir os Xpas de confissão, em concerto do altar, e ter- onda q se ornou toda com hua armacao de tafeta, q No tempo da- Igs. publica se conservava: armouse hum ducel de douy cubertores, trolados de China, q cobrião todo os Sepulcros, cujos degraus erão guarnecidos, de entretelas: o altar ed ves frontall de tella de flores, pelos degraus por sua ordem levad hinta, seus ramos decera bra- co em cathedray de latão, e hua duzia de jovelos dourados da China, por Yemate ficava a custodia debaixo de hum pavilhão Roxo ornado de flores de latão & denoste com as luzes tinha Muita graça.

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[Page 15] [Texto Principal] guarda com armas nas mãos ao pé do altar, além de obrigações, espaço de meia légua se puseram pela praia até o lugar da ermida, pois, se acaso viessem os Holandeses, houvesse tempo para desmanchar e recolher tudo ao interior do mato. A tarde se ordenou ante do mandado o lavatório dos pés na forma seguinte: puseram-se dois bancos de uma couba parte da capela, em que estavam doze irmãos do Rosário e N. S. Meigo Jelhy em um dogras coberto, e uma alcachifa; o P. Manuel Henriques vestido de estola e sobrepeliz, assistindo-lhe dois portugueses com tralhas enxerguadas, e o maio que era necessário para aquela cerimônia; o P. Pero de Mesquita levado de duçeno. E foi ao púlpito a cantar o evang. daquele dia, e chegando ao *Surgeat ad co- mam*, levantou-se o P. que fazia o lavatório, e no povo um jurado que parecia servinho os matos todo abaixo a chorar as exéquias do Vivo Criador. Na mesa, conformidade e compaço com que se cantava o evangelho no púlpito e continuava em busca a cerimônia do lavatório, e quando foi ao capítulo havia que pedir: que viriam por ocasião de jelhy, e começar o lavatório e desfazer de novo o povo em lágrimas, mas não sentidas, que puderam enternecer os mais duros corações; e assim se continuou o evang. com o lavatório, chorando até chega- rar aquela santa cerimônia. Logo começou o mandado; pregou o P. Pero de Mesquita com muitas lágrimas dos ouvintes, que já estavam dispostos com as lágrimas do lavatório. Mas o que mais lhe enrereou nestas lágrimas foi um guarda de alfândega nascido entre os holandeses, perado com sua falca doutrina, e por não ter nunca visto cousa de nossa religião, sabendo o que se fazia na- quele lugar, e quis achar-se presente pedindo ao capitão francês que o trouxesse consigo, do princípio do sermão até o fim; ora, fez outra cousa mais de chorar, e confessa o P. que mais o inten- cionava ver as lágrimas por lhe ficar perto do púlpito, que as próprias considerações que pregava. Terminou-se o sermão com mostrar o Santo Ladrão, onde foram as lágrimas dobradas, vendo com os olhos o Tábulo, o que se fez por palavra tinha ouvido: tudo era sim- ples, quanto Jelhy todos apedos misericórdia, com tanto — mais de devoção, quanto mais estavam de represão por não terem vis- to semelhante cousa da parte de Malaca até aquele tempo.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] Dapontou a noite comecado logo os Christãos acorrer devotamente os passos, q era o dito Nesta conformid.: o primo. era adorar a- onde estava a cruz exposta, adoray na ilharga Derao de hua banda hua imagem de hum crucifero Muito formosa, e devota, q fora do altar de Nossa Igreja de Malaca, e a outra banda a Imagem de Santa Judite: e os outros quatro passos forão a alguns logares para fazer a sua contramortr. q da hermida se seguiu, q era de cento e sinquenta passos, de comprido, quarenta de largo e cêrado todo em Veda de grande esombrio arvorado: toda a noite ve gam em correr estes passos, q Muitos foram acompanhando, — Com penitencias, quey se afalavam com Vigorosa disciplina de sangue, quey levando pezados Madeiros do Mate a marrado, Nos Hom: bros e braços, outros cercados de espinhos pelo corpo todo, cantanz dizie na hermida de quando em quando varios Motetes e agrado de Peinal. Na da seguinte feira como foi possivel en- tre matos a ceremonia de sexta feira maior, e quando sao Cee algum crucif., q se desobro o brazo do Santo crucifixo, foi god. opranto de lagrimas acompanhado de suspiros, e muito mag na adoracao. Acabada a ceremonia de Altar, a ordenou hua pro- cisao de Modo q foi possivel Muito grave devotas: hia diz: Je o P. Pero de Marquita vestido de sobre peliz, e peus descalcos com os Santos vidos, q levava arvorado com hua Lança, seguia se por ordem os Meninos, e logo os homens todos com candea a- cezas Nas Maos, atras vinha o Santo crucifixo, q trazia hum Portiq. com sobrepeliz com pes descalcos, aquem seguia as Mulheres todas em fila por ordem de hua coutra banda, como era costume de Me- laka. Mas com candeas acezay Nas Maos: hia todos com os pes des- calcos assim homens como Mulheres, q forao Meninos pasjavam de quinhentas almas, com tanto silencio e devocao q podia servir de exemplar, aos q vivem. Mayores de Xpand. pacificos: com esta ordem ve dos volta ao h. Dona estavam os passos com seus altares, prefames, ceiro, e candeas decora, parando a procissão armada passo athe chegar ofindo crucifixo, e entao se cantavam hums motetes de Paixão & Perfeição ag de seguida todos pedir tres vezes Mis- ericordia, com muitas lagrimas Devocao, desde Mudo recolheo apossibad outra vez a hermida. Mas com Mais Lagrimas e tris- teza, Saudade q por virrem de lhes acabaves o tempo de sua consola- cao. Fim acabado despides o P.

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[Page 16] [Texto Principal] De sahir para sua casa por onde pudessem, e dessem graças a Deos por lhe deixar fazer com tanta segurança. No Mero deseos ini- migos os Ministerios de sua sagrada paixão. § 4º Tratado os PP. devoltar q. Macau, e sendo impedidos, fizeram-lhes augmento daquella Missão. Com a chegada dos barcos da Índia vindos para a China ha- viam os PP. devoltar para Macau conforme a ordem dos superiores, & porem dar conta daquella Nova Missão e do fruto que delle adiante se podia esperar. Divulgou-se logo pela terra os in- tentes com q. andavão os PP. com tal nova: Nao se podia explicar o sentimento q. mostrárão os Catholicos, q. é bem com a chegada dos PP. e davão com alegria hum aos outros os parabéns, com Eva hida choravão todas suas lágrimas, e deram paro, abraçando-se mutuamente aos pés do P. Prior de Mesquita, pedindo-lhe cada hum dellles, em particular, q. os Nao desamparássem. Ovindo q. nao erão bastan- tes os Votos particulares, se ajuntavão em comum, a fazer sua petição, e representar aos superiores, pedindo q. em carta dão estivessem junto com o P. João Vieira, que vinha passagi. de Goa para Macau, lhe ofereceram hum papel assinado pelos principaes, No qual manifestavão seu desamparo, e as razões q. tinham para os PP. os nao deixarem, cujo teor he este: O povo Catholicos deste Reino: declaraçam q. por ser preciso Antonio Pinheiro q. mandou pedir aos RR. PP. Visitador e Prov. da Pro. de Macau, q. quizessem por amor de Deos e socorrer a esta Chris- tandade com alguns Padres q. administrem os Sacramentos aos fieis, e como Nós hey Religiosos sempre moramos acordado em primeiro lugar de ganhar em mandar a D.V. Reverencia, e por tempo definidos Mezes, q. aqui estão tem feito Muito fructo, e as- simte farão com Mais efficacia se ficarem Nella terra, e porq este povo tem entendido que D.V. PP. pretendem voltar para Macau Nos barcos q. estão Nesta barra, e ficar esta Christan- dade desamparada, teem haver quem administre os Sacramentos, porque os tres Clerigos q. aqui estarão quando D.V. PP. ficarão Vieiras, São Manoel Desta terra por ordem do feo G. e D. Vi- gario [Anotações marginais] (No lado esquerdo, ao longo da margem, pequenas anotações verticais, parcialmente ilegíveis) [ILLEGIBLE: ~8 chars] [UNCLEAR: .

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] Gavio da Vara, d’ahi está ser enfermo, e sobre-hido estrangeiro, e não entender muitas palavras portuguesas, ester animo de fahir na primeira ocasião como se tem declarado, pede este povo as XX. Ptos. por amor de Deus se deixem ficar nesta terra, que não he esta missão menos gloriosa que as outras, onde se intenta o ganhado por o trabalho de Cristo. E visto ser esta a intenção da Companhia, fica certo beneficiado de N. Senhor, nos farão grandes serviços a Deus, acordam os Padres. O P. Lourenço de Mesquita tomou a petição, e posta em consulta com os Padres, como também húa comissão do Santo Ofício em que os Senhores Inquisidores lhe delegaram mandarem fazer conta diligente de que necessitavão de mais vagares de tempo, dizendo-lhes que estavão prontos para fazer os T. SS. julgassem ser mais acertado, e entendesse deixe ser vontade dos superiores, que lhes fossem manifestas as circunstâncias presentes. Afirmaram que erão bem oferecidos por entalhados, avisando os Superiores a Macau como se fez; andavão os católicos entretanto muito solícitos, afabundando dos P. de Verolz, verão afecto nas capelas com a alegria que mostravão dando graças aos Padres, chum aos outros os parabéns, como o Sinque Hrnoq de sua felicidade. Trataram logo os Padres de fazerem cada qual sua capelinha escondida: o P. Pero de Mesquita em sua casa com invocação de Nossa Senhora da Esperança; da outra banda o P. Manoel Henrique a sua com invocação de Nossa Senhora do Remédio, traslado de forte, que entrando gente na Memocen, se visse viva, porque tinham Jeos Alcapões furtados; derlando a esta pareced obra de Meima parede, ficando dentro as capelas: alerão gora houre que elles aliem desenvolvassão particular do P. foi para poderem com mais liberdade administrar os sacramentos aos fieis, ou em casos particulares senão podião fazer, pois os que tavão muy casas para se dizer Missa, não admitião aldea oferte de gente, ou por medo dos Mandarins, ou por terem sua pendência particular: assim quizerão os Padres remédios abojo tomando sobre si todos os perigos. Dia de Nosso S. P. Inácio foi o primeiro dia em que se inaugurou húa das nossas capellas; celebrou-se o sacrifício da Missa, pro- mulgando primeiro os PP. o jubileu da nossa Companhia, e acudiram os cristãos de hua e outra banda com muita piedade, confiança de fé, e recebendo a sagrada comunhão. A cinco de Agosto fez o P. Manoel [Anotações marginais] [No canto inferior esquerdo, pequena marca circular ou ponto] (Ilegível) [Assinaturas] P.

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[Page 17] [Texto Principal] Mansel. Henriques a sua festa da Capelinha da Senhora dos Verdes, com muitos concursos dos cristãos, & acordou a se confessar, e com mungar, presidindo primeiro a novena, & fazer de onzenas, e ladainha. Hoje oito de Setembro fez o P. Pero de Marquês a festa da Nossa Senhora da Esperança estando toda a gente confessando, & este era o trabalho do P. em semelhante dia para celebrar de madurez que lhes deram comunhões antes que abrissem a fortaleza: eo maior trabalho era o estando os Padres muitas vezes com fido armado aparecendo, por Tibata, & reis davão de estarem vendidos com biscaim as quais holandeses, reis era forçado a humilhar tudo, e lançar fora de casa & pertenças as altas, cousas sagradas, para & vindo oficial nas alas finais & forem testemunhas, com & proveja atitudes dos acusadores. De que V. N. teve quem em & o P. Pero de Marquês havia de fazer sua festa; tendo já o altar da capelinha armada com as melhores peças de Malaca, mas lhe levando vantagem altar nenhum da cristandade pacífica, tendo casa cheia de gente aquém ouvia de confissão, lhe queria dar rebate, & o meirinho do final ajuntava soldados y f. lhe derem ameaça, por quanto eles piaj que era católicos, & tinha vendido: decerou o P. agente, que se alvorocou com o rumor. Dizend & não era prata, Mas & por estas se fossem recolher a suas casas atravessando os quintais das vizinhanças, & como fosse tempo, & hora, os avisarão & que deviam deixar. E saindo o P. fora com hum português de honra opio do meirinho a sua porta, e informado primeiros estar oficial de tropa na fortaleza & q. estava fechada, & Kerelvo disser de lá, tras fiel por não faltar me devidos & povo, dizendo lle como os havia avido & elle o queria aquela noite entregar, & q. não dera credito por esperar mais de Sua Cristandade. Mas que co hede isto S. Kerelvo afazer naquela noite sua festa, & q. por isso lhe deve ceder algum trabalho a elle satisfazeria a estas ficarias desfogadas que della corria. Mas & sendo ela católica convindo de confissão, & outro P. P. nunca fizera, por não se fizerem delle. Devia nesta ocasião provar sua fidelidade desmentindo & obra, o que delle se importava por fama. A esta proposta se escorçaram & sobre dizendo, que se Sua Paternidade se não temia de outra vez garant., podia fazer & quirefos aquela noite por quanto oficial estava viccikd na fortaleza, e elle tornava a seu conto o meirinho a quem devia tanto vinho, & não somente aquele vinho my todos os dias seguinte pode fe ter acordo para Made.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] Padre: o bom zelo e vontade q. mostrava, e não se fiando delle com., lançou por toda provocação várias espias, e toda a noite senão apaziguou a fome de 1711. E recolhido à casa com mais quatro Portugueses, mandou sobre esteiras estender hua alcatisa com cartas, edados, e frasco de vinho para q. se à casa lhe vissem os Holandeses desmentidas a acusação, achando-se em lugar de casa de P. Missa em casa de jogo, e brandes, isca com q. pescao os Holandeses, cujas visitas os fizeram esquecer de tudo mais. Vja pela mesa: noite vierão as espias d’oc. dizendo estar já o meninho veri acordo em sua casa, aonde o deixavão com mais vinho nas ilhargas, que água q. o P. poderia ter em sua casa: com esta nova avisou o P. aos Christãos q. erão tempos para fazerem sua devoção, a cada um mais de trezentas pessoas com q. encheo a casa: tecniclados os q. estavão para isso, ou virão missa, neçibarás a comunhão, aparecendolle o P. acabada a missa hua prática dos devotos da Senhora, e recolhendo todos à sua casa consolados: E quando foi pelas cinco horas da manhãs fez à casa do P. mas parecia mais hua galista de hum solz dado sobre, deste modo fariaõ as festas sempre afoutardellas já em casa, já no mato, para poder consolar aquelles Ipaos agrimidios pelo heretico governo. Os Christãos da Bata Brandão q. vivem em paz, naquelle mato em distância de duas léguas de Malaca pelo rio acima, além das missas ordinárias q. lhes hio dizer segundo em quando o P. Pero de Mesquita, quizeraõ tambem q. lá se celebrasse alguma festa; determinou o P. de os consolar com a festa de S. Bento Xavier, para o q. promi’. Mandou fazer hua ermida a tres decanhas pelo mato dentro, em hum campo de cento vinte e oitenta passos de circuito, fechado todo em todo de árvores mto. altas, e sombras: preparouse a ermida para a festa com ornato carmesim gofual entre mato em hua spend. Leó juruguiz de acordando os mais Ipaos de Malaca q. tiverão nshéas gus taria a maior parte da noite em confessar. No dia defanto ajuntarão todos na ermida a ouvir missa, e comungarão alle quarenta gentios. No fim da missa subis os P. às jubilta reffer hum sermão em louvor de Santo. Como no dia seguinte era Domingo de Juízo, se deixou o P. ali ficar com aquelles Ipaos, para ouvirem missa agregação, aquella celebração se despedio dellé, mandandolles q. pois lha tinha succedido, aspecto como desejavão, sem sobressella de Holandeses, cada qual trate fe de [Anotações marginais] (No margem esquerda, parcialmente visível, acima da linha inicial): [UNCLEAR: .dele com.

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[Page 18] [Texto Principal] de por em salvo para outra ocasião. Afeita do Natal, e efetigou na banda de N. Sra. Muitas confissões, e comunhões, dizendo o P. Manuel Henrique a primeira Missa na sua Capellinha, & para isso estava muito bem ornada, e armada: a segunda Missa disse emeaza defos aço Olandez: atreueu dentro na fortaleza em casa do Português que fizera vir os P. de Malaca. Não pôde o P. Pero de Mesquita fazer o mesmo da outra banda na sua Capella, por quanto o Vi- gário da vara havia de celebrar na tranqueira aonde os Xpãs preparavão hum precejo com figuras, e ser já tão público ha provação? chegou às Orelhas dos Olandez, tendo o P. Niehia & o fiscal havido desfares delicto Naquelle Lugar, e foi pelo- Vis a sua ermida dos Matos de Balabrandas, onde tinha concer- tado um altar com hua Caparinha em q̃ Representava o sagrado Misterio do Nascimento de Xpo Nosso Senhor. Porem estando a gente juntas já de Noite ouvindo os o P. deconfins, e dis Vis bete que o fiscal Na Fidº tomava barcos, e gente pº vir apanhar os P. com furto ou horas Mays. Alvorocados os Xpãs vê esta Novo o Socego, o P. dizendo q ao q temia algua cousa, tinha tempo para se Recolher, e por em salvo, subornando para Malaca ou para Macau Longe aoncha provação pello Vis acima delle- sabias & diligencias do fiscal, Não horas para aquelle Lugar, e p̃ isso estava Vordado a fazer aquella noite hir aq vivere, mas que para Mayor seguranca querendo elles ficar, jurassem burgui- nhos pelo Rio, ou atravessasse Madeira em certo gosto, a on- destinato, & cahê de hua coutra banda sobre o rio heito especo, & para qual quer batel passar he Necessario hir cortando ca- brindo caminho com Machado, para q quando sentijsse q os Olandez tivesem tempo de hir Recolher com os Ornamentos pello cerco do Mato ahua galhota de hu Christo?, he escondido & Ninguem poderia dar com ella. Com esta Vozoluçõ do P. Se focegarão os Medrosos, e se confessarão os Mays devotos & juntos Na ermida: tanto que foi meya Noite começou o Padre a aprumarº Missa com descanto de vários instrumentos Musicos, & Nella receberão a comunhão Setenta pessoas com santa Mays Devocão: quanto Mayo foi o temor de aperder na quella ocasião. Acabada a missa subio o P. as pulpitus, eyragoa de Nas- com., spedindo daparte do Anjo dapaz at a liviaray aos Mon. Sanhuay, apostroay dequelle Matos, pela hray moras & hraes— [Anotações marginais] [No topo, à esquerda] (Ilegível) [No centro, à direita] (Ilegível) [Carimbos] [DAMAGED: mancha escura no canto inferior direito, cobrindo parte da assinatura] [Assinaturas] [No final, parcialmente danificado] — [UNCLEAR: .

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] De tua liberdade, annunciando ser já chegado, Mareado fez libertados a Salvador, e desfez aquelles matos em favores, aos clamores de lagrimas, e suspiros daquelles Christãos oprimidos, ahranizados da heresia. Achada aggregação, seus o.P. ao altar acontinuar as Missas, e todos affeitirão com muita devoção adorando e deixando acabadas ellas; sagrado Menino, vestindo as pastilhas em que estava reclinado, com tanta ambição & foi necessário o P. até pastilhas, para q todo ficasse consolado. Deste tempo andava o fanal Olandez na Bahia em Malaca em busca do P. Lig., coms Vos & entre outros circuitos querendo saber quem devorar: hum Rei fugitivo para os matos, outros nas embarcações era para o mar. É bem verdade, que não apanhou outra crua. Mas achou huma lâmina q achou em hum escritório de hum Xpão. Mas ficando estes P. bem desconcertados, porq não só não gozaram da festa, Mas não ouviram Missa nenhua, se bem q arrependido, e lastiman- do de não ter ido a Batalhão, envejando aos outros q lá gozaram de tudo com privito defeito almey, sem inquietacoen do Olandez. Tanto q os barcos partindo para Macau, eos P. se resolveram a ficar, considerando o quanto importante era o ensino e doutrina dos meninos, e quanto mais naquella terra, aonde a Xpand. anda às escondidas, fizerão dias escolhas. Nas quays eram os filhos dos Xpãos. ler, escrever, em doutrina Xpã, negar-tin: de ser primio com q estudavam, aprendendo com tanta e muzi- cação, q muito delle já falava toda a doutrina de Carvalho do P. Mestre Ign., fazendo todos os sábados seus triges, aonde huy, com outros argumentos de doutrina, levando o prêmio os vencedo- res. Mas quanto mais fruto se faria, e mais se esperava neste particular, entao parece fez o Diabo mais pelo impedir, não sofrendo fazerem lhe os PP. guerra com meninos, como foi a banda de Iker com os destorros do P. Manoel Henriquez, como adiante referimos, e a banda de Malaca: com hua prohibi- ção, q por ordem do Governador veio ao P. Pero de Almeida: acuraras poi assi? Deq em sua casa ensinava aos filhos dos catholikos não só ler, e escrever, Mas tambem doutrina de Romanos contra os Olandez, e não se enganará, porq todas as domingas duas vezes fazia o P. doutrina a seus discipulos, e todo seu cuidado, trabalho, era Cristo com amor as cruzes de Nossa Religiao detestando, saborecendo os erros dos Cal- vinistas.

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[Page 19] [Texto Principal] nistas, quanto era possível à capacidade dos Meninos. E huns o F. faziam já bem desenhado, na sua escolha; & estava fechada Justiça en- tão actual, e vindo os Meninos postos por ordem de hua & outra ban- da estudando, & aprendendo, aliás lhes perguntou com que ordem fazia aquela escolha? Respondeu o D. Mudo, sobre si, perguntando também, com que ordem Anna havia de fazer? Correu o fiscal dizendo que se seus predicantes não levavam em paciência haver outra escola: Ma- is que a sua. Respondeu-lhe o D. fingindo-se secular desafiado, que ele viera aquela terra a mercancear, e porquanto estaria bem aquele verem escravos, lhe fizeram ver os Pães, lhe quisesse ensinar os filhos em quanto não tivesse maiores negócios que lho impedissem: e trouvesse viva a Missa que acelle Se lhe não dera nada de seus Domingos predi- cante por mais tardio que eles estivessem, mas obstante sua impaciência havia de continuar no ensino dos Meninos, em quanto fosse Sua vontade, com tanto que o G.° da graça lhe não man- dasse ocorrer. Chegou ne o Fiscal aos Meninos & escrevia, & pegando-lhes das matérias, achou hea heslado dalla ho Do P. em els dos quais estava hum cõneto da Virgem Maria, e dizendo que aquele não era bom visto cos Dragões que não encontrava a sua vista, e porquanto enxergou nos semblante do P. algum sinal de mui, pegando-lhe das mãos lhe disse em voz baixa, que o não ouvisse seu meninho, que não tivesse medo porquanto não era nada: e conferindo as matérias dos Meninos com os Irmãos, achando hum m.° boa de hum menino de nove annos, que já arremedava a letra do P., lhe disse jurando que se ele tivesse três filhos, hum havia de mandar aprender naquele lugar, porquanto aquele Menino sabia escrever melhor que o mestre delles Blanqués, além de que era his bobado, e não ensinava nada aos Meninos & assim prome- tia dizer ao G.°, quem hia mostrar o traslado, que achara naquela escola os quais trouxe da hi até o dia, e entregou- o q ao D.° Notificou por ordem do G.° que não continuasse mais com o ensino daquele Menino, e como os Blanqués ainda pelo pregão infame & dançado contra Nossa santa Reli- gião, não prohibissem que a gente dos Catholicos pudesse ensi- nar seus filhos porquanto quisesse, para que não gordesce este foro em que estavão.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] ameaça criminais? Respondendo-lhe D. Mattos, os poderia ele nem outro algum ensinar daquelle Modo, posto não sendo os Meninos o Mestre presente tanto q. duvidassem em algum ponto, ficarião parados a se aprender toda a tarde ou manhã: Na verdade disse o Jor. ao Dr. Requezes, nem eu ignoro estas difficuldades; Mas bem sabe VV. Mell. d. Nesta casa já ensinou outras cousas, Mais d’Hes, as escrever, e parece q. me explicou vásse embora, ensine logo filly por quem e como quiseré; Mas não seja em casa de ffe Senhor de que Dll. Mell. Segurado tanto de amigos. O autor destas acu- sações foi (como se diz) hum Christão da terra, q. tinha muito d’estes Meninos a sua conta, Mas vindo fesos Pagos daquella escola não aprendiam, antes o tempo q. estavão nelle, era pouco para se ocuparem em serviço do Mestre; Se resoluerão amaldiçoar aos P., para q. em sua casa, embiua outra cousa se ensi- nassem, e como aproveito d’aquelle Mestre tirava dos discipulos, não fosse pouco, Sendo de sua falta ser accusadaõ d’elle dito Muito Senhores ficarão os Pagos demais poderem alcançar do gr. Seu despecho, Mas Muito Mais offendarão Seus filhos, q. não havia Remédio para não virem de casa do P. se não a apren- der como dantes, as Menos achavam sua perda todos os dias. O Mesmo impedimento teve a escola do P. Manoel Henrique, mas pela mesma causa; Mas por outro bem differente, como foi desterrarmos os Hollandezes de Malaca, como a odiente se dirá; Mas antes q. se desterrem vejamos o q. obrou na misfald do Reino de Jor., a onde foi mandado a acudir aos Xpãos q. da perda de Malaca, athe o presente vivem entre aquelles Mouros captivos. § 5º Da missão q. fez o P. Manoel Henrique ao Rei de Jor. Quando os PP. vierão de Malaca, trouxerão ordem do Padre Geral q. fizessem alguma Missões a onde se esperasse algum fruto das almas. Mas tornaram huy a Malaca, com tanto q. nelle ficasse sempre hum do Padre, ajustando por ser a cabeça de sua Missão; tratou o P. Sup.

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[Page 20] [Texto Principal] a empreza ao P. Manuel Henriques fez Comps.ª aos quinze de Agosto. De feis Centos, cinquenta, e hum e embarcou na sua Galé, q de Malaca partio para Jor, cujo dono e Cap.º era Eu Nypo d’Aterro d’aquelle porto, hua fazer suas Mercancias. Chegando q foi o P. a Jor, tratou de executar hua lembrança entre outras, q lhe deram o P. Pero de Merquida, q era fazer todas as dilig. para Vergatar algumas crianças filhas de Christãos naquelle Reino estavão captivas. Vindo o P. q nao era pos sivel os Vergatar dos Mouros, assim pello mais quererem largar os Mouros seus senhores, como pello empedirem os proprios Pays Xpãos leva-los Mais de amor Paternal, q do interesse da Salvação dos filhos, tratou de Vergatar gente cristã q era Mais facil; para este effeito comunicou seus intentos com o Mercador Dino de Galles q levava, pedindo-lhe queresse fa zer esta obra, não só de Misericordia por ser Vergata de Captivos, Mas tambem de Christandade pelos tirar do poder de Mouros. Tomou o Mercador o conselho do P. vindo no que lhe pedia fa cilmente, com tanto q na volta q fizessem a Malaca, lhe pagas sem os Vergatados o S. Sim Mays outro interesse egualho que o proprio q Vergatassem em sua liberdade. Dia do Nascimento de Nossa Senhora foi a prim. vez q o P. disse Missa em Jor No bailão de Ximbadas She o Mur mao q provedor da alfandega, aonde o P. com a Cap.º de galles Mor ria, o dia q debiam ally: armouse o lugar com bons panos em flores, q se compraram para ornato do altar, e com adornos e Regalos, q para isso levava o P. a Malaca, ficando tudo tam curioso q parecia hua capela feita de proposito. Dada Magestade Começou o P. ouvir a Confissão algũa gente athe pagar de hy horey emq dfe Missa, e deu comunhão a quatro pessoas q para isso se acharam Mais dispostas, ficando os maus para outro dia. Quasi toda esta gente havia quinze annos q não sabia q cousa era confessar, entrara de Mais longe alguns tempos antes da perdição de Malaca: he bem verdade q tres P.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] Chorar muitas lágrimas, vendo ali com seus olhos o que nunca viram nem imaginaram poder ver em terra de mouros. Quis o D. acabar a missa que lhes devia salvação. Mas eles o impediram por recearem, como diriam, amanhecer logo, e ajudarem os reis de Folem senhores dos mouros. Mas que em outros dias viriam ouvir missa, e, não havendo impedimentos de consciência, então teriam água e tempo para ouvirem com mais cuidado o que importava à salvação de suas almas, como em efeito fizeram, animando-os e consolando-os o P. a conservar-se na Lei de N. S., entre aqueles mouros, com exemplos de S. Simeão, da legenda e escritura, que folgaram muito de ouvir por ser coisa nova em seu cativeiro, derramando todas muitas lágrimas. Dia da Exaltação da Santa Cruz fez o P. outro muito confesso desabrochar também senão antecipado — depois de juntar-se de Malaca, recebendo com o Sacramento do matrimónio doze que viviam ocasionados havia muitos anos, tinham três filhos, um deles já defunto, e morro Xpão, casados, que já estavam baptizados, pois o P. os santos óleos: fez mais o D. o seu casamento; que é nessa cultura poucos trabalhos, porquanto além do mau estado em que viviam, tinham particulares determinações, com que se asseguravam a melhorar, ou mudar de estado, governando-se importando, ou conveniências: se viviam das práticas e conselhos do P., que veriam N. S. lhes importava ao remédio de sua salvação, cortando pelo que importava a sua conveniência. E por neste tempo ser a festa da treyra dos malaios que vai / o mesmo que a nossa Páscoa tem), os mouros andavam divertidos, teve o P. mais lugar para com mais liberdade exercitar seu ofício, administrar com mais segurança os sacramentos. Um dia acara se encontrou o D. na Tua com uma jovem mohar, que pelo sinal mouro havia de parir cedo, e ouvindo-lhe o P. falar português, afoitou-se a demandar persuadindo-a a sofrer para Malaca, para o que lhe prometia buscar vez gate. Mohrou-se porém ela tão indiferente do que importava a seu remédio, que ficou o P.

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[Page 21] [Texto Principal] dos Malayos, q. erão atrevidos a deixallo, q. deisso entã o P. Luiz para hir a sua casa a encontrar-se com o amigo, e achou tão perti- naz Na Fé infame, q. ameacou ao P. com obrar, e poder do Rey: o P. o abraçou com sua caridade, e prudência: e como o interesse dos dous, e principalmente da criança q. Nascera, era grande, falou-lhe: fujam da Madre do lobo infernal, a quehas almas se metessem No Vebando de Christo. Não desanuou o P. Na demanda, por- que o Malabar a seu remédio Muitas difficuldades, alegando ser Mouro de Nascido, e Naquelle tempo de preffico, e fez-lhe Medo de se tornar a Christandade por arriscar ser castigado do Portuguez: Mas como o P. se assegurasse de todo o temor prome- tendo-lhe todo o favor, caçuda, commiçando-lhe hua carta de Seguro e Grazia do P. Pero de Mesquita, como comissario geral do Santo Officio, explicando-lhe os poderes, e ainda dos senhores Inquisidores de Goa, para o poder remediar, ficou hum pouco satisfeito: fi- nalmente convenido, veio em q. o P. Leva-se o P. ao amo de dori- ge para seu Vergete, e por quanto elle era Captivo del Rey, e por isso não poder ser Vergatado fugiria às escondidas, com tanto, que o P. os carecia Na Viagem, não Náo fazer assim, nem hum nem outro havia de hir para Malaca. Concedeo lhe o P. tudo presentado: a Mulher fez-se por Vergata de poder dos Mouros, e elle fugio com o P. achegando a Malaca, e apresentou ao P. comissario, ficando todos tres remediados; Mando, a Mulher aos Sa- cramentos de penitencia, e acreiança que logo Naceu com o Sacra- mento do baptismo. Em outra occasião andando o P. pela praça, ou bazar buscando occazions de Mercancia de seu officio encontrou hua Mulher, e vejo demandar, cuidando ser algum Portuguez Mercador, perguntando-lhe se tinha alguma gannja para vender. Per- guntou-lhe o P. verdadeiro, e Mercador disfarçado, e era Christão, e se dera a fesse a sua casa, aq. lá acharia o que Mais lhe era Necessario: assim foi, porj. forçando ella ao P. lhe disse achou o Vergate de seu corpo, e remedio de sua alma. Dizia ella ao P. Vindo conta de sua vida, e era Christão, Mas já não sabia o seu Nome, Nem outra couza da doutrina, Mais já tom. o final de Cruz, porj. sendo piguena No cerco de Malaca alguns ca- ptivos os Malayos aquella terra: Mas informado o P.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] cefe tratar do q. importava a sua salvação, q. me quero responder ella lancando fé aos pés do P., porque sempre cuidei q. era Christã e como tal Me halei sempre em dor, e postos jornadas de oração, naõ vendo Nunca móura devoção, naõ querendo outra cousa q. receber a água do Baptismo, para ser depois Christã na realidade. Ao Capitão q. havia de dar dinheiro por seu vergado pedio o mesmo, dizendo que o vergadão, ainda q. fosse ficando ella sa- que fua cativa, porq. ainda q. era nascida de payes alberbes, na- ta era sua vontade exercida em se fazer Christã, como por ver se tinha declarado com q. P., q. lhe abria os olhos para ver a capinha de sua salvação: bem notório dizia ella, há alados q. Christãos de dor, como fugi húa vez q. Malaca, afui sentida, caçada por mes amo, pelo q. me apanhou cinquenta palacos q. tinha de mes, e Me vendeu a outro Senhor: isto foi cuidando ser Christã, agora q. fey de certo não sou, tenho maior von- tade, desejo de Me hir para o fer. Com estas versões, acom- panhada do P., q. procurava por ella do Cap. de galé decantando palacos q. seu vergado, assim vejo q. Malaca, aonde depois de instruídas nos mistérios da nossa santa fé, e doutrina cristã, foi baptizada, e o P. Me buscando húa esmola para pagar a grande quantia do seu vergado — Hum Christãõ, q. por usar mal de húa mãe casada q. elle tinha vergatado de feo P., naõ queria largar pelo preço com q. a vergatara, ficou notavelmente escandalizado contra o Padre q. por lhe negar a ambos a absolvição. Demandou o Padre a sua casa dando lhe satisfação, q. faria pelo mesmo estado, em q. estava, e porq. enquanto tinha aquella mulher deportada a- de, principalmente sendo ella casada, tendo seu mando em ella, não estava capaz de fazerem dependências do verdadeiro defue alma: oferecendo-se capas das versões q. lhe dava o P., lhe prome- teu de largar naõ somente a mãe, Mas tam bem húa menina q. captiva, para q. com liberdade se fom viver a Malaca; cuidando o Padre q. tinha ganhado alguma cousa, s achou- derengado, q. q. dahi a bry dia quando houve de cumprir pella promessa, já se tinha arrepender, e nem húa nem outra queria largar. Buscou o P. dous amigos daquelle homem, por quem Me Mandou fallar, significando lhe a grande sentimento, q. tinha de Me faltar com a sua palavra, pois era cada aquella Mulher por dua alma, seu Marido juntamente, q.

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[Page 22] [Texto Principal] ocasionado em Malaca por ella ter em for sua Mulher, forão os Mercadores, e disserão: «Mais dói o. De lhe encomendou, porq da. mecarao com extremunhade de q ficou tad amedrontado, que se veyo logo lançar aos pés d.D. pedindo lhe perdão, largando em effeitos a Mulher com hua escritura q passou, em que adava q fora elebida para q fosse viver com seu Marido a Malaca. E por elle não poder por então fugir por ser captivo do Rey, tratou de se por em melhor estado, acolhendo-se ao Levante. Imperium: ella, como fez, indo a demandar ao D. quando já embarcado estava para dar volta para Malaca. Não fez tanto o D. ElRey courey a seo sobro. q meo tivesse feito perigos, por que indo hua vez, passando pela praça aonde estavão vinhos Malayos juntos, perguntou hu’ille aos outros, q homem branco era aquelle, e sendo lhe respondido q era Mercador, replicou: «Não he, Mas aqui hade Morrer, porq faz os outro Mercadores, meo fazerem, nem ofes Modo he de quem trata Mercancia, busca gente enas ouro, quem sabe se a leva fugida; tambem tira com Negre alguma milhary afej amigos; e fazendo a encontrar-se co o Padre, apuhlando o Crif the chamou algumas Vindades, querendo com elles armar agaci- encia, se acerco o D. agravado. The Respondeu: «Mas elle se ficou no Campo, q the largou o D. passando avante, afazendo orelha de Mercador (ja q em outra couce lhe nao parecia) ao dity dos Malayos.» Outros Mais forão os Vergadores, q se trouxe q: Malaca, q por serem identicos Seo Vergates, sendo faz delles partic- cular muncas, como tambem de outro, que por conselho do D. se fugirão depois de sua vinda: aposto que vinham q. Malaca hum de hereges de Melhor condicao ficava, q nas terra do Mouro, q dally facilmente podia achar Segureçam o remedio de suas almas pela asistencia q sempre athe aquelle tempo farião os sacerdoty de Malaca, administrando os sacramentos todos artificij, outros, q ficarão em dor de Remediara Na melhor forma que podia ser visto a impossibilidade da Mudança datura, fazendosj ao. co suy pratey, e conselho Mudos Teoshemy, acomodarem a Me- nhimonios como dipes: qj Muitos fizerão carando se lavaram talmente com quem brutalmente vivião haviao Muitos annos, como se nao fossem Christãos: e q q ao D. sendo qdio deter o muito Naquella terra, conforme a ordem q levava do D. Procurador de Ma- cquilá.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] quita para que o Vico não podesse desear limites, aperdessem elles, aos Christãos de Malaca, com o risco de P. Seu remedio, abrou mey- tey breuy dia, que em quatorze annos se não tinha obrado, confes- sando a todos, dando a communhão aos dignos, Recebendo todos com o S. Matrimonio, baptizando as crianças que estavam, quando os santos o lega- ram hoje, Doutrinando a todos, nos Maus lhes era necessário e suas altruedes, e reparando com elles Vocários, Verónicas, outra cousa de devoção, para que se lembrassem e conservassem a fé que receberam com o baptismo, acom isto se despedio o P. d’aquelle Christãos ex- ploros entre Mouros, prometendolhes o favor dos Padres mas os carisens, que fosse possível acudir-lhes, derramando sobre elles muita lágrima por perderem tão depressa, que tão tarde alcançarão. S. C. De algumas perseguições que houverão os PP. Daqui sobrea neste tempo alle se deuhi. Como nas he glória sem trabalhos, nem bonança sem tormento não gozarão os PP. de tanta paz em Malaca, que não experimenta- rem vigorey de Olandezes, e accusações de Moç Aytao, por que como em Malaca haja tanta variedade de gente assim nas Naçoens, como nos vícios, alguns acharam o interesse do D. ou escândalo, de não serem admitidos pelos Padres aos sacramentos por fé vício tão decrime, por que levaram mal, não lhes aprovarem sua moeda, que naquelle forgo são as Mayores, e mal acostuma- dos a viver sem absolvições por haver este vicio, e no Novo anno, que andavão ocasionados com carisens de portos dentro, como se fossem carões, ou como sendo fossem Christãos, e não se fazend capazes darne, parecendo-lhes cousa nova, porque outros sacerdotes, que alli estiverão os annos antecedentes os absolverão, ficando elles no mesmo estado como dantes, compuserão contra os PP. accusações diante dos Ministros d’heréges Olandeses: e erão as seis: serem tão multiplicadas que forão fere aos Padres fazerem seis offícios, e Ministros Deroute quando a fortaleza estava fecha- da, e recolhida dentro os Ministros de justiça Olandeses. Nem isto bastava, pois já era cousa ordinaria estando elles que f. ecto.

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[Page 23] [Texto Principal] He Vebate, (ou falô por lhe dar esta qera ou verdadeiro & lhe dar estes avizos) em como estavão vendidos, avinha o Fiscal com sua demanda com os quais obrigado a desmanchar tudo lançando fora, o que pertencia ao officio de P. oficiara com acza: ingrima do Soldado. Só esta Verdade huy verea se celebrás M.n. Matos, e outras oras povoa- ções, Veriando já o tempo, já os lugares, para que mais tivessem por tanta certeza o braidory. — He bem verdade q o Fiscal ao G.º daquella graça não faria caz desemelhante ocorrida, fazendose desen- tendido, ou desmulando por suas razões particulares, como diz o D. entendes o Mesmo Fiscal em certa ocasião ao R. Mansel Henri- quez, como quem depois de seu desterro particular Amou goande amizade, como adiante se dirá, dizendo q elle fora Gouver- nador por Nenhum Modo o largaria a elle, ea seu Comp.º de Malaca, por quanto em hum aperto lhas podia valer p. com: os Portugueses, quando virem q athy lhes ferias guerra & esperavam, emthõs em Malaca, e por quanto huma destes Xpãos de Nome cuidou, q com estas acureceses poderia ganhar em certa ocasião o G.º, e foi ter com elle Moçhandese Teloso dos P.P. havias em Malaca contra suas ordens, e q elles se atreva a Matralos, e a pa- gaelos No ponto, q estivisem celebrando, q.º lhe fazer vendedores o q.º lhe dizia. Mas achou logo sem May outra diligencia, Muito bom premio, afevras q ella esperava, as Menos, ao Mercido por q perguntando lhe o G.º se era Xpão, o Tenpondo elle, elle m. deprece q fim pela graça de Deo; pela graça do vinho, e do- Diabo, respondeo o G.º espojando de hum Vaso de araya o foi, forçando gelej cortar vilentemente, lançando defua graça, e chamandolhe de cachorro, etraidor, q não tinha vergonha de se nomear Christão pela graça de Deo vindo acuar afor Padre. Mas como os acuradores não gandete bem como o G.º tratava de provar nenhuma co os seus Doming, cyricantes, dando lhe todos os fines por onde govern os P.P. conhecidy, equixe de se apricantes do G.º e o Fiscal, arguindo depois o leitor com sua ceita. Mandará chamar ao mr. Andelba orden, que os vigiasse, e fizesse particularmente digir, pt. os apanhar celebrando officio da missa, ou administrando algum Sacram. de Nossa Religião. Como detudo atizados os Padres aterás devia aquele- guicad, evindofse com May cautela em seu officio, assim Não — tempo. [Anotações marginais] [No topo, à esquerda] 49 [Assinaturas] [No final, à direita] tempo.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] tempos como nos lugares, como também em lhe contraminar e intenções com efeito, acontêo vigílias, sendo algumas dellas de dentro, e familiares dos mesmos Ministros Holandeses. E porque hum dos acu- santes, com promessa de vinte e oito patacas, que lhe tinha feito o predi- cante Mayor, se empenhou a mostrar hum dos Padres, com efeitos queria fazer em costa ocasião indo chamar outro: pelos pontos que lhe tinha dado, se achou enganado, perdendo o feito, pois agora para o chamar já não era tempo conveniente, pois cuidando o traidor hum Domingos havia de dizer Missas ao Nove de Dezembro, o D. Manoel Henriques já o Padre tinha dito antes do quatro: além de que o Ministro ali por não estar pronto caminhante, por ter acabado pezadas com sobrecargo dos bens, ou por não ser caro de acorrente. Não tratou de se abalar de sua casa, fremendo mal de palavras, aqui o inquietavam; também deficou o não haver em todo estado Nes- sa diligência, pois temia voce deste a elle, e ficasse o contrário, o Mes- mo que atraz Gireij seus antecessores, de quem tinha averiguado Me- lhoria. Que toda ella (porque todo apanhara o Padre celebrando, e os prendera) todos honraram logo derechadamente, e porque o Fiscal desta cidade fez a mesma diligência anos de Natal como fica dito. Mais com animo de meter medo, que de fazer efeitos, foi repreendido de sua mulher, fora Holandeza, dizendo-lhe que jera medisfe me bolsas com os Padres e encarmentada, como estrebeva athos, mas morty teb aprevedes as de outros três Gireij aquem sucedeu. Até isto que ocorreu de Fevereiro de seiscentos e vinte e cinco, Pedro, estando o P. Manoel Henriques doente e largado, lhe ca- ra a acusa o Fiscal acompanhado de hum Domine com soldados, cuidando o poderia apanhar dizendo Missas, e porque ainda sentira dentro Vamos de gente, como eu deva, lhe bateram a porta, esperan- tado o P. de dentro, quem eram? Responderam de fora: amigos. Foi mi- nhoes abaixo ver. A jera, oferecendo pela falle Jeroso Holandês, sem abrir a porta, viu acima dar aviso ao P., que julgando se poderia ser, de honor fica confiança, mandou abrir a porta, e perguntado o que queria? Respondendo-lhe queria dar hua palavra, lhe man- dou o P. dizer como estava diante com censura, que podia subir, se é que queria delle alguma cousa. Subiu o Fiscal. Mas a escuridão o propôs-lhe, não quis o P. acender candea, acendendo tocha na cama, chamou pelo Domine que não quis subir de medros, elles senes acenderam hua sola que havia. Depois das saudações, o P. visitado [Anotações marginais] [No lado direito, entre linhas 10–12] [UNCLEAR: .pelo Padre.] [No lado direito, após linha 25] [UNCLEAR: .não quis.] [No lado esquerdo, após linha 30] [UNCLEAR: .a porta.] [No lado direito, após linha 40] [UNCLEAR: .subiu.

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[Page 24] [Texto Principal] virita, Nao esperada disso o Domine q elle vinha y linguo do Fical, Mostrando nao ser conhecido até aquele tempo estanhando vir a aquellas horas a sua casa. He disso o Domine q era a casa vir o Fical archifisialto, & logo se embaracou para a Índia. No palacio da Viagem de China para Cochim q estava vindo na barra este dia seguinte farião vella. Verpondoo o D. q elle tinha animo para fazer oq lhe ordenava, Mas q bem vião, q pello estado emq estava, nao podia dar comprim. aquella ordem allem Deq obaves hio tao cheyo de gente, principalmente Macao, q nelle nao acharia aonde se recolhesia. Nao’ este seve o Fical pela causa de P. dizendo q nenhua Repodia aceitar por ser affimo ordem de G., q Macao seria ser elle da empreza, aquando quiesse Mandar, outrem por q, fosse pessoa q soubese fa- zer, das Vessens com satisfacad, e com isto se despedio, cuidando o Padre lhe queria dar busca em casa, aonde deprente finda os or- namentos da Missa, pegando elle de Mad lle offerece hum brinde (isea, ou pedra de afiar dos Mandarins) pedindolle o aceitasse q ser aprimera vez, que entrava em sua casa, elle aceitou dando Macao defiar jenhorado por agracedo. E porq Mandando o P. por hum Portuguez, aq. os Mandarins tinham requito, a fallar ao G. e Representar lhe o- estado emq estava, Mas sem sucesso, porque onas quizerão ouvir. Sedeo official por obrigado Rodia seguinte avir, e s’ada- mandar o P. a sua casa, dandolle Noticia doq passara, aq. aos desterro de Malaca fora ordem pelo predicante, eq nem elle, Nem o G. timbe culpa, Mas q eses parecer era, q tiran- do o P. foras de fraquera, se animasse a hir pessoalmente falar ao G., porque entendia q folgaria elle ouvir lhe muy Vezoem: Com isto se Verolveu o P. a mehora nue Vida efaz ser pessoalmente oq lhe aconselhava o Fical. O G. o recebeo emlye para com muy graça o espedir, dizendolle q nao tinha q fazer com elle, qor que via l’atidade de Malaca estava ja determinada por conselho: ontum a esta hora, Dizia, nao sabi eu nada diso, e foi o diabo Nesta casa, em Matinada dos me- os predicantes, e a gente de D.M. tem aculpa, eras eu, q Nun- ca tive agrovo algum de D.M. Nem o conheco. Mas face estas demostreado para aquedar os predicantes, correspondendo lhe o Padre a estar, Louvos Vozes, convencido Da Sem Vozo q faria, Macao- va sentimento trofendo as P.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] ver hão aguardado das rezens do P. como das ameaças dos predicantes. Mas vindo o P. q. lhe não era possível ficar em Malaca até à volta de Nossos barcos para Macau, pedio ao G.° de Malaca as V. Menos tempo q. de curar, e convalecer das ações, por que seus intentos todo era lançado fora de Malaca, e he fazia ausentaria della, até voltarem os barcos do Português, e então se embarcaria p.° Macau, aonde tinha negócio, q. o obrigava a ir lá aquelle anno; q. entre tanto andaria por alguns terros dos Mouros, aonde já andava em outra ocasião, sem q. elles lhes fizesem semelhante agravo, q. nunca imaginara q. podia receber de Vua Senhoria, dos mais senhores do conselho, não estando ag= gravado, como elle mesmo confessava. Por última resposta man= dou o G.° ao P. oferenda p.° casa, e logo o avizaria do q. havia de fa= zer. No dia sig. veo o Fiscal com resposta dizendo ao P. q. o Cor= te concedia licença para poder ficar dez ou doze dias em Malaca q. convalescer, q. acabados elles se fosse embora, e que voltando os bar= cos da Índia poderia voltar a Malaca para nele se embarcar p.° a China. A mesma notificação se tinha feito ao P. Domi= nico Digo Tavara, e por quanto elle tinha comprado de Aleijos hum gali para levar com outro Xpão para Sião, lhe concederão não ir para a Índia. No Palácio do Português, com tanto q. nas mes= mas monções, se sahisse fora de Malaca como prometia na sua gali. Com o P. Pero de Mesquita não entenderão nesta ocasião, ou p.° como algum dizia, houve hum mez q. não aparecia por estar do= ente em cama, ou porq. como lhe disse hum Holandês do conselho (não se falará nelle por se não achar acusação particular contra elle: ou porq. por queltia com algum dissenso) Não querem quebrar de sua fé com os Portuguezes e Christãos deterra lançando-lhes foro todos seus Padres, julgando por estas ser mais acertado deixar-lhe hum ensejo comp.°. A ocasião q. houve q. este dissero ao Holandês predicante, foi que indo a Mother Dehum delly avizidat a Lio fidalga p.° vinho de Macau p.° Goa, expedindo-lhe quizese vender, hia Mouro ella lhe negou; escusando-se com os sei Padres mas erão contentes, Nem permitiam q. se vendessem escravos a Holan= deses, ofsi logo adrogou q. Na merma hora tinha sahido o P. Mansel Henrique de sua casa arnde aforovizidat pelo conde Ant. de Macau, e foi visto pelo predicante Mando de Holandeses q. pertencia a Merave. Com isto se estimularão tanto os predica= ntes, logo maquinaram contra os Padres, fazendo com o G.

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[Page 25] [Texto Principal] e o desterrado de Malaca, a quando não, haurias de o acusar a Batávia com fautor do Romano, por lhe consentir ser Padre naquela terra. e por não faltou no conselho q. f. isto aunz sou o Gor. q. desfez os Padres de o erão, andavam tão disfarçados, q. nas eras conhecido q. pondeles por viver muy espias Nunca oferecerão achar em desculpa, onde não havia prova defora Padre, antes andavam em Malaca, com tanta segurança que entravam, alhures na cidade comunicando com os holandeses, e ainda algumas vezes comendo à sua Mesa, e que acompanhasse he mas estava bem y se desterrasse os homens, porq. não sendo el. ley Padre, como diria? por furgo, andando Mercadores cos mo mostravão com ofício: se os Ley velancem fora de Malaca não veriam outro mercador aquella terra temendo he q. por semelhantes forças fossem aggravados, como ogum veras de via acompanhar por servido d’elles os holandeses. Nas bastou illo para aqueitar os predicantes, antes dirião elle ao G.º conselheiro q. andarem tão disfarçado, Nos fazem Muy guerra, dog se andem em seus hábito proprio, E quem em Malaca oconente disfarçado, Mayor Serviço fará a comp. Vos o conselheiro avellar, Manifesto, jordandante em seu hábito saberemos com q. balad, dog Nossos conheceremos quem sam os Reformados de nossa Religião. alem d’el. Nos os predicantes os chamaremos amigos cuja deipus faremos com elles, ou se não pode fazer andando elle disfarçado, antes deste modo poderão elles melhor fazer a sua fé, onçj não são conhecidos delles. Com este e outro versery, a lom dependencia, confronte Dejalava, ficando Muy perto do viereiro as quinhadas, se deu o G.º por obrigado a fazerlhes avon. Iade desterrando, como fica dito os dous Padres de Malaca. Como o S. Manuel Henrique se achou com algum alento tratou de comprir seu deforo. e como lhe nao apordorão luz gar próprios, Mais q. Sahife de Malaca amigo. Tratou o Padre Pero de Merguila de o acomodar junto aonde se pude fim como vicar Muito muy : para ifo escolheo embra outras, aprovação de Balabrundes, donde joguez Merz estty linda feita a Ilhomada de São Francisco Xavier. E porq. este lugar estava muy outro legoy de Malaca pela Rio acima, & julzou q. ally poderia o P. estar seguro dos holandeses, e Mais consolar com sua presença q. Comq.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] Rezou Missa, administrando-lhes os. Maiores sacramentos. Ao dezoito de Março se foi o P. Malacca convallecido para o seu desterro, & hirado por aliviar aquelles Christãos, despejando hum d’elles das galhotas, esferecendo ao P. para sua habitação. A 11 se celebrou a inauguração de Nang, a festa da Panchor do Espírito Santo, concorrendo todos os Moradores daquelles Matos a confessar-se, ouvir Missa e comungar; outros q haviaõ no certão cativeiro dos Malayos de Rumbu e Nang, sabendo q tinha tão perto o remedio de suas almas, ouvinhão buscar, hora dende ste as encondes, hora com capa devir visitar seus parentes, oferecer suas vinagras, a Malaca. Mas puderão os Padres aquella Queroma fazer demonstração particular de devoção na Semana Santa, a fim pella perseguição então predicente blander, como por ambos estavam. No Mesmo tempo doutrinou o P. Pero de Mesquita em Malaca q. De algum modo consolar aquelles Xpãs de levantar decima, arrouo a sua capelinhas de panos pretos, & meados de estrella delata para Mothar començou hum passo da paixão de Christo Nosso Senhor a noite da sexta Feira das Doenças. A tarde antecedente agred parte da Noite gastou em confissões, e na Madrugada fez dita comemorações sinceras y efóias. Acabada a procissão, se corou Eu corine velada, capanços a imagem de Santo Sudário & venerando adoravão com muita dignidade. Mas nao se satisfazendo com ifo enfreguez do Padre, tanto q anoite effecthou, e com ella as portas de fortaleza, Reviou acarar sem q nenhum lhe entras sem pela porta, pedindo lhe q ja que não podia correr as Igrejas por estarem embarricadas de herigos, ao Menos os Nao privasse de vista da sua capelinha, Tendo Servido accender o altar, Mas dallhy orarão opafos como q se consolarião vindo Na imagem sagrada as Memorias e fincy de Nnits & Dao obrar epadecera por elle. Deste modo gastarão a Mayor parte da Noite, entrando huma efahinda outro, com tanta cautela, querendo q ez tende aporta do P. fuchede, vinguem entrava Mom Fabia q, ella: emem assim deduzio por satisfeito em sua devoção, sendo q sabundo q alguns Xpãs tinha em casa oratório com algum gafio todos envies detendofe om cada hum delle, oferendo O: mead. Assim passaram os P. consolando aquelles Xpãs co- mo puderão hum em sua casa, outro em feos desterro, esperando q voltassem os barcos da India para Nelhes fazerem Viagem q. Malaca cortarão lhe os blandery este intente cultivando os heroy com. [Anotações marginais] [No topo, à direita] (Ilegível) [No centro, à esquerda] [UNCLEAR: .de Nang.

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[Page 26] [Texto Principal] com a Nova guerra q. vierão apregoar a Malaca contra os Port. § 7º Cativados os Olandezes os barcos q. vinham da Índia p.ª Macau, e de como se acas- teo ao P.º Portuguez Freireiro. Aos seis de Mayo de seis cento e setenta e dois chegaram a Ma- laca três Naus q. vinham de Batávia apregoando Nova guerra a fogo e sangue contra os Portuguezes, sendo q. não era ainda acei- ta a paz q. se fizera em tempo do Conde de Aveiro em De- zembro de seis cento e oitenta aquelle. Raiso-se porom de ver q. se lhes perdia Brasil, e quizeram vingar (como diziam os Portu- guezes) a falta feita tomando-lhes hũa das embarcaçoens q. pediram quando May descuidado estava de guerra por ser aquella a inda último anno das trezas: despedio logo o Gov.º de graça dizendo que o caso valhia huma com aviso p.ª outra, que estava em queda, Mandando q. se visse, com ordem alday q. fossem esperar as embarcaçoens dos Portuguezes q. haviam de vir p.ª China, e q. por todo arroy, ou afora de arroy, ou com enganos de fingida amizade, as tomassem e toubessem, trouxesem os Portuguezes cativos. Como de Goa partisse a- quelle anno para Macau hum palaco. De Cochim outro, e os tres de Junho vindo estey demandar a Ilha de Pullo Dindy a vista a Nao de queda, dejando a Necessa nem temos, pela confiança com que partira de Paõ. Foram acabadas as trezas e chegando se afala. Vhe perguntou o Capitão Olandez Schas na Terra de Malaca: e respondendo elle q. lá levarão aprisa, Mandaz ras q. visse a Nao o capitão de Palaco, para lhe entregar esta carta, q. emportava levar ao Gov.º de fortaleza adicendo o do palaco q. não podia surgir por terem falty de ancoraç q. já tinham perdido, Vhe Mandarão os Fremengos chegassem May perto, dizendo q. por gopa da Nao lhe carregarião hua ancora. Gançou o Capitão a batal fora, e Nelle o Mestre de Navio como May douy Portuguez mercador, Mandando dizer q. a elles podia entregar carta, por quanto vinha de sente: chegaram os Portuguezes a Nao Olandeza, e recolhidos na varanda com m. brindey forão presos, q.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] guarda, e mandando segundo vecado os capitães do palácio, que viessem para querer tomar conselho com ele acerca de sua viagem para Malaca: suspeitarão logo os portugueses que tanta diligência não era em proveito seu; mas como lhes restava ainda Malaca por proa, e onde forçadamente haviam de passar, se resolveu ahiir assaz o português, que tanto que lá chegou ficou prisioneiro como os mais. E deste, e semelhantes enganos se apoderarão do palácio, cativando a gente e roubando a fazenda. Neste palácio ia o P. Adriano Pereira da Nossa Companhia com mais outros religiosos de S. Domingo para a China, e também ficarão presos, e nouvida como os mais. Aos dezasseis do mesmo mês, vindo o palácio da Goa na altura de Pullobulum, em que iam assim mesmo para Malaca, o P. António Cardim e o P. José Cardozo da Nossa Companhia, com mais um dominico, dois caquiches, embarcados com outra nau, com a mesma segurança avierão derribando vaidando-se, e salvando-se de parte a parte. Mandou o capitão holandês ao feitor por água do poder do palácio com vecado ao capitão, que, suposto ia para Malaca, o quisera acompanhar, pois também a nau ia na mesma derrota, abusando destes para a sua gente que estava fazendo guerra aos malaios de Lerá: afeiçoou apartado o português inocente, prometendo fazer recompensa, e ainda amarrando as vilas por esperar pela nau que era hum pouco tardia, afazendo densoite favor! Na ma- drugada do dia seguinte vejo o pirata fungido adar é hum brindar os bons dias aos capitães portugueses, e dirigindo a nau com o palácio estando ele brindando os capitães, e as naus ainda mal desfidias, levantando-me aver arros, forão de repente a borda dos Mennhburg: holandeses, que lançando-se no palácio com alfanges e machados nas mãos forão cortando, ma- tando quantos achavam diante: entre os feridos foi um frade dominico que acharam na proa, dando-lhe outros ferro com um machado, deixando-o por morto, e entrando na varanda aonde estavam os pedros chamando-vos de papistas, fra- dores, correrão por uma estrada a um caquiche que o atravessara, e ainda vejurarão com uma almofada ficando ferido num dedo. No mesmo tempo por uma portinhola correrão uns lançados ao D.

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[Page 27] [Texto Principal] Melhor natural aquelle o P. António Cardim pediu quartel com o pediu ou outro que não fizesse mal aos PP. Deste modo e com esta facilidade foram tirados os barcos & trouxeram logo a Malaca, ficando os PP. portugueses prisioneiros & roubados, de há quanto havia trazido com tanta desumildade, que am- não deixariam, ainda acamisado haja no corpo. Como neste tempo se achava só em Malaca o P. Pêro de Mesquita e estar comigo nos males com seu degredo, fez lhe os trabalhos as costas de acudir & remediar os prisioneiros apor- d’lhe deferiam que o P. António Cardim vinha muito mal e com perigo de vida; foi com alguns portugueses principais de Malaca & alcançou de Gª licença pª desembarcar como também o Do- minico que vinha gravemente ferido, para se poderem curar em terra. A hum ca outro acudiu o Padre com o que pôde, e sendo jovens na vaselidade que lhes animou foi muito para quem vi- a as assombrações entre o landary. Aos outros Padres eram por- tugueses y estavam captivos nas naus e havia o Xerife de Batavia dellés acudiu com a mais caridade que pôde ser mandando-lhes o P. fazer roupa branca para todos aproveitando as decimas, além de que por espaço de quinze dias que ali se demoraram hum dia q outro mais os PP. nas naus com hum barco de xefrino, que lhes davam sery, freguesia repartia por todo, vendo que isto não bastava acudiu abanto, se verdues atir com outro português pedir esmola pelas portas ao católico; d’ali ajuntou hum dia vinte aço- tro palácio roupa, outra cousa que lhes deram, com que os PP. reme- diaram o tempero e necessidades dos prisioneiros, ficando todos com dey equipagem, a roupa branca fora algum dº. que tobejou, e co repartiu pelos mais necessitados, para as primeiras necessidades quando desembarcaram em Batavia de j não ficou outra comissão com pouca glória confirmado tudo que só elle sempre, e onde se achavam nos filhos acudiu abaixo em semelhante aperto. Quando as naus haviam de dar à vela q. Batavia mandou o Gov. que os PP. António Cardim e Dominico ferido de fôfum embarcassem q. hirão em comissão do Maí, e como hum outro nao estivessem q. fazer viagem sem risco, evidente de perderem as vidas no mar, fez o P. Pêro de Mesquita abdicar q. podia q.

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[Page 8] [Texto Principal] Isto em Nome de P. António Cardim fez duas petições aos dous pre- diantes, e ficará delas e seu termo tão satisfeito, que durou por obrigado a empenhar-me com o G.°, a que não obrigasse as Padres, a se embarcarem antes lhe mandasse dar gasto e médicos q os curassem. Ozerão-se as naus a vella, não com pouco sentimento dos que ficarão pelos trabalhos de cativos q em Malaca se ape- ravam. Hede as naus parecendo ao Padre Pero de Mesquita ser já tempo de aparecer desfe dethro; o P. Manuel Henriques se foi aconselhar com o ribandar q val o mesmo q embrenso pro- vedor da alfândega Holandesa q entrava por seu officio no conselho, e era grande seu amigo, tanto assim que quando o P.° veio de Mac- au por entrar em Malaca mais disfarçado trazendo certa formalha mas em seu nome, não só lhe esperou seis moedas pela paga dos direitos, senão que quando foi o tempo de se fecharem as contas lhe perdoou hido pela amizade que tinha com o P.° Henriques; nos livros ser já hida pago, além de outros favores q lhe fazia: notícias, panços, q lhe dava. Este o aconselhou que depois os bar- cos que haviam de ir para Malaca fossem tomados dos Holandeses, man- dasse-se ver se o comp.° Vende estava, e que pessoalmente se fosse apresentar ao Grr. Tomando este conselho, aparece o P.° em Malaca como de vista defora, e fez ao Grr dizendo q Senhoria ficaria com elle para ausentar de Malaca até à vinda dos barcos para Macau, Maranhão; tem falta achava de embarcar como lhe tinha prometido, e estava pronto q.° a fazer; agora ifis por ser já tempo viem a Malaca Maio e Depois achava novas guerras publicadas, e ditos barcos to- mados. Othrou o Grr apresentações q defy fazia o P.°, dizendo q por então se deixasse estar, a que podia andar em Malaca até ao tempo mestrar q.° se havia de fazer. E não sepefaro qua- tro mezes q não se viesse, porq desconfiado já os prediantes de não poder com suas gentes apanhar os P.°, entendendo vendo os doug q fizeram deternar não hivérão effeito, porq o frete da vare arribou outra vez com agalla, e o P.° Manuel Henriques a parecera novos em Malaca escreveu a Batavia aos Mayores dando juntamente os nomes delos, garaff, della os mandasse im- mediatamente levar de Malaca como fizeram. [Anotações marginais] [No topo, à esquerda] (Ilegível) [No canto inferior direito] 8.

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[Page 28] [Texto Principal] S. S.° Prendem o Landeza aos 22. e desferrão nos de Malaca; novam. são encarcerados em feitas, alle largari em graça com liberdade. Agregadas as guerras efectadas, os caminhos a Macau comuero; os Padres y agozarão della Melhor paz, y Nunca tiverão em Malaca, fazendo seos officios, e exercitar doses Ministerios com Mais liberdade, segurança vindo da sua Maô afua parte ajudhia o Landeza pella nova a Mezada y tomou com elley o Final pela occasião d’aqui dizey: Tinha elle comprado dous cafres dos capthins que tomarão aos Portuguezes, na praça y fizerão confessar barco, e como eram valentes, e bem dispostos, estimava os o Final muito, pella trazer comigo por seu page. Socedes y poucos dias depois lhe fu- girão para o mato, e vindo alguns outros y afortar para comer nas hortas da povoaçens de Alter, lhes armaram y. os tomar, exami- nando Mey detido de pois de varia diligência y se fizerão vindo afáveis que já descansariam y dos Padres y dos Portuguezes & entregá-los-iam, y. y Elles fizesem os combates com seu Amo, de mo- do como os havia deturar. Andava entre tanto o Final coms dvido pela affeição y tinha tomado aos Cafres, afabindo a Veroluz- ção com que elles estavão se de por obrigado demandar, o D. Manoel Henriques y Morava da quella banda pedindo lhe m. por Merce quereffe tomar afua conta fizerão comy os cafres lhy tornassem a Mao, pois y si aelle se quierão entregar, agy tam- bem elle offereceria No que atinvesse em sua Mao. E tomou o P. Muito a ocasião y se lle offerceu para fazer amigo do Mayor inimigo, e ter de sua Maô o Mayor ministro de justiça o Landra, que ar ditig. que pode para salvar ao Final; finalmente os Ca- fres aparecerão, eo Final ficou tão pago, e captivo do P. y o dema: dava Muitey Vezes, eo levava comygo a sua casa, Manifestando- lhe y lhe ficava agradecidos, oy pegaria com seos officios dizendo y elle es Comy. podiô seguramente fazer seos officios porq.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] Mas em tanta bonança se seguiu a maior tormenta, & houve em Malaca a sete de setembro de seiscentos e cinquenta dous Padres de Belavia com ordem que só desherrarem sette Padres q. forão N. ones, como tambem hums Portuguezes por seus fautores. Deram-lhes as cazas & nella se dizerem Missas aos católicos aos PP. que vinham. Nomeados que desta sorte erão dous Clerigos & havia hũa seninha já kid. ou para melhor dizer tinham elles mesmos lançado fora de Malaca pelos apanharem em descuberto. Mas foi tanta alegria dos predicantes, & para segurar suas fahidas os quais erão Novos! com mais outros dous Clerigos que estavão suspeitos e excomungados por ordem do Gov. de Bisnado, e neste tempo andavão ausentes fazendo viagens nas terras de Malayo. Vostavão só para a execução ovigários davam aos droy Padres Missionarios de Nossa Companhia, e por quanto o Xibundur e Fiscal arranjou seu estavão em queda, aonde forão vingar hũa dos Caminhos & li estava captivo começo-se a execução daquela do Padre ao Secretario que ficara em lugar do Fiscal. Por este forão chamados o P. Manoel Henriques, q. achava em sua casa, ao P. Pero de Mesquita & estava servindo aos Padres prisioneiros & ficará dentro. Recebeo o Secretario com muita cortesia com obrigações costumadas, e emquanto não chegava o breir. & era ovigl. devera mas se quer explicar com elle na execução & pretendia. E perguntado dos dous Padres q. era aquelle que ordenara; Respondeo q. hua diligencia aquell não podia fazer emquanto mais se apertavão os outros. Mas os nomeados foram Pedro & outro, só por ser Nomens, como se fossem seculares como vinham Novos!: e fugido nes acabavão de chegar segundos os droy hir q. suas cazas & dali alter diz o tornarem alhemaar, porq. erão pessoas de tanta honra, q. ho em Mag Se poderá elles fiel. Andava neste tempo o Regr. por ser Domingos, fazendo as Horas do Rosario. Mas sem algum noticia do acontecer, & na ocasião Deprixa de Manifestarão como offidos aq. pode ser offensa esta açam de se executar o desherro naquella ocasião além dhuas cartas do G.º de Bisnado q. gente de Malaca, emq. falava nos Padres nomeados os seus nomens, e vindo amas do Olindry por tomarem obras de Malaca emq. vinham. E como se nao pode fim achar os Clerigos suspensos, qandavão ausentes, forão chamados outra vez aos sette de Outubro. [Anotações marginais] [No lado direito, verticalmente, entre linhas 10 e 15]: (Ilegível) [No lado esquerdo, verticalmente, entre linhas 25 e 30]: [UNCLEAR: .mãos.

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[Page 29] [Texto Principal] Lubro aos Padres Dijs. Dauara, Pero de Merquita e Manuel Henriques oferecerão Veebedy de secretários com as honras costumadas, dizendo- lhes da parte do G.º que era ordem do general de Belharia e supremo conselho que se fossem fora de Malaca para as suas terras, por quanto já não podiam assistir naquela praça por serem começadas as guerras com os Portugueses, e para embarcarem decerto e se executar a ordem de sua saída. Dauara, sem falência, ordenava o G.º estivessem va- colhidos e juntos numa casa, que quando viesse uma das que espe- ravam, os pudessem levar consigo para Goa. Responderam os Padres que eles não tinham agraviado ao G.º nem aos mais Holandeses, e sim os conselhos como atados em manifesto, e já andavam como Malaca com os outros que ali buscavam seu remédio. Mas que estavam prestos para fazer o que o G.º com os conselhos ordenasse. Tornou o secretário abrindo-lhes, pedindo que fossem em sua comp.ª, aonde os levariam fortificando-se; mas ver ele mais que um executor da ordem de seus maiores. Neste tempo estavam já muitos dos soldados, alarmados para verem o sucesso do chamamento dos P.º e vendo que os secretários os levava e suminhava que obrões, levantaram um grande desfeito de lágrimas, e já de antemão arrecado o se- cretário. Deixou os Padres por outro caminho, amargando o de- porta de fortaleza que era muito fácil, esperando pelos Irmãos. Virando-se para os Padres dizia que não cuidassem que queria levá-los à for- ça; eram geralmente não honrados que não merciavam aquele lugar: a que responderam os Padres que para aqueles corpos que ora estavam pre- stes apparelhados, sendo vontade dos Senhores Holandeses. Que deixou os Irmãos o secretário à porta desta vila e na casa do sargento os acomodou, aonde já estava aparelhada uma vila com cadeiras e mesa, escadearias, dizendo aos Padres que ali haviam de estar sem sair fora até ver a nau que esperavam cedo, para nelas fazerem para a Jordânia que lhes doutra forem (advertência) deu por várias razões) que aquilo não era prisão, nem eles tomassem como tal, pois mais era ofício das intenções do G.º, e por isso a comp.ª mai não havia de fazer ojado.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] Dizem aboda o sorte de gente, & quisese vir falar com elles, como tal bem D deixase pagar tudo o que os Catholicos lhes mandasse para seu contento. Com este favor e a largueza nada usada, a menos es- perada dos Olandezes, passaram os Padres aquelles dias com mais re- galos, e menos do que se estivessem em suas casas com liberdade, porq os Catholicos vendo os preços por sua causa se esmeravam em mimos à competência; conservando-se entre si atimar cada qual seu dia, para lhes fazerem os gastos desejo contento com tanto amor, e emulação, q muitos alguns que aquelle dia não sabia isso cedo ca- ramo q nes se adiantavam e mandar-lhes o jantar; acço todo fez-se apreparado com grande apparelo de bandeja e iguarias, Mas em particular inveja dos predicantes olandezes; & se corriam a Batavia por verem tanto o clero o grande amor, e estimação a Deos Padre periam os Catholicos, chegando a Mulher do pro- prio z q os que hido havia pezar, algumas Mulheres Ca- tholicas com q tratava, do muito q mandavam a seus Padres, dizem q Nunca os Dominy chegariam a experimentar por mais offereci- mento semelhante mingau nefeu gente se fe vifim nos mesmos ha- belhy; Nem duravam os Padres de fazer no q podiam aos offi- cios neste tempo, q hido era pouco para elles; porq eraca muito tinhad tempo para verem, ou padres nes visitar q the vindad fazer os Catholicos defusto em legimas por verem os Padres pre- zos por sua causa, como por ver que poucos dias havia degosto de sua presenca, avindo outros muitos a confe[r]dar-se por despedida abusar outros sacramentos que lhes ords mecesario ally Sepa- dias Doministrat as encomady. E como diziam de entrar, e sahir era hũa agampla, que a Ningum de aposthelia vinham tambem olandezes huns avistar aos Padres por serem conheci- dos a confessar-se por serem catholicos Mekhandose huns, e ta- luy Maio, senthy, huns de perder a ermiração, conversacams como dizia3 outros, por perder o remedio de suas almas; que tinhas nos Padres entre horges, e q poderia adiante ter, Se o mais lance fe fore de Malaca como deprecente faria - chegada da naus que se esperava, Mandou o Gº Notificor aos Padres q estavam prontos a Dethysiom prester. Naquelle Noite Se embarcaram, hundo o Padre Pero de Mesquita com o P. Ses Compº.

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[Page 30] [Texto Principal] guerras com os Portugueses ordenava seu general que se fossem para suas terras, além de o serem isto, sabia suas Mercês M.ª Vem. que não podia andar naquela terra. Respondeu-lhe o P. Pero de Mesquita que em andar na sua terra não encontrava suas ordens, porquanto andavam com mercadores, e em trajes mudados, que era o que o pregão não proibia: e deste modo andavam em Holanda, e em Japão. A verdade — respondeu o G.º — mas com seus riscos. Explicou o P.º que o Visco sobre acudir aos católicos aquele buscavam; eram todos seus interesses, e se sobre isso sua súria queria delles maior, que ali o tinha tão prestes, como sempre oferecia ordens. Respondeu que estas eram de bataria, e não suas, que se fosse quão à Índia as suas terras, para onde lhes daria passaporte, expulsassem nas suas mares. E perguntando-lhes os Padres se poderiam levar comsigo as alfaias do seu ofício, como eram livros, comuns por que deixar havia de fazer algum desacato, queriam antes por lhes o fogo. Respondeu que os metessem entre a roupa de ir tirar, e que com hum despacho de alfândega o mandaria pagar. Ninguém dos tais hobolios des- pedidos do G.º com seu benefício feito foram os Padres em suas casas a re- ceber suas alfaias, fazendo debaixo disto muitas confissões e des- pedidas, andando neste tempo pelas ruas os católicos esperando que elles para se despedirem de seus Padres com tantas lágrimas e meios em confusão aos holandeses, que vindo agrande amor que mostravam, te- mendo mais fizessem maiores demonstrações nas últimas despedidas, mandaram de repente às sete horas da tarde, tendo publicado que já não iriam os Padres naquela ocasião, que logo atoda agrecia se embarcassem. Mas não foi isto bastante para impedir ajuntarem-se os católicos na porta da fortaleza, e na praça esperando pelos seus Padres desterrados, lamentando-se em alta voz e de seus desempe- ros, e orfandade; e não satisfeitos com isto acompanhavam portos o batel que levava os seus Padres ao mar, a quando foi ao desem- barcar da terra, levantaram tal pranto de lágrimas que os hereges assombraram, e aos quais magoou o coração vendo ficar tão desempar- radas sem esperança próxima de seus vermeios, aquelas almas, que por espaço de dez anos cultivaram. Fiz-la a nau avella, e em poucos dias navegou-se em combro com outra, em que vinha o ribandar a Cical já de volta de Quédá e Malaca, e com o vesídeo feito do Coriço.º Ofício dito. Sabendo que os Padres de Malaca são naquela nau, os vieram logo demandar. De sucesso em sua ausência se mostraram muito sen- tidos.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] vinhos, pela particular amizade q. com Malaca tinha tomado co os Padres, dizendo q. estranharão muito ao govr. e aos do conselho fazer lhe aquelle agravo, em delle serem recebidos: alem de q. não serem os P.P. a- panhados em alguns dos ministerios de seos officios, mas podião pro- ceder contra elles, a d’outro modo avia de ser, se elles nas estivissem naquelle tempo, ausente de Malaca; mas já q. a fortuna assim o quera, q. orfãe se naquelle encontro mandarão algua couza de seus serviços, e despedindo-se dos Padres os vicomandares, ao capitam de náos q. os levava, para q. os tratasse com toda a honra, escolhia dizendolhe q. na quelly douz portuguezes q. erão pessoas de muita honra, e estimação, imaginação levava as proprias pessoas delles Frei R. e Ribandar. Chegou a náos a Bahia de Galli, a onde já tinha chegado tambem outra q. vindo atras; chegaram primeiro, entrando os Padres e portuguezes com mais algua gente do paiz, q. tomaram a Malaca, e de Batavia dados já por hirry barcos passageiros q. d’ em Goa, ou na costa de Malabar, os botassem com liberdade, mas com neste tempo estivessem já publicadas as guerras em Ceilão, e os holandezes com as alterações q. de Columbo esperassem, verse muito sedentos de toda a alta, onde lhe voce tendo por então como elles esperavão mandarão q. mais dous escaleres q. vindão muy nas fossem para terra, aonde em chegando os amarrarão ao suy douy com corrente de ferro, mandando os carretar pedra choro, e servir com espingarda. Aos Padres, coutros portuguezes deixarão ficar nas náos, q. despacharão logo averes da barra de Columbo. Mas como neste tempo os portuguezes de Negombo arrajal alcançasse della hua victoria no campo, vendendo lhe hua bangu, donde tinham tres centos homens de guerra, com navios e conveniencias dos mais sucessos, mandarão prender abdos os Padres, e com elles os de Malaca, coutros portuguezes, q. andavão viperidos nas náos, e vindo a terra em segundo os meterão em hum bronco carregado de ferro. O que os P.P. e os mais padecerão no bronco por espaço de quinze meses q. nelle o estivirão não se pode explicar por jorna; só quem as suas custas e experimentou pode formar juizo verdadeiro; só digo q. era tal o trato de comer, q. era hum pouco de arroz preto, madre sem mais outra couza que agoa do aperto do lugar q. não cabia acada hum mais q. dous palmos, abos proprios de gajetas, cachorros, shindorq. q. chegavão a die zut [Anotações marginais] [No topo, à direita] (Ilegível) [No centro, à esquerda] [UNCLEAR: .tinha.

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[Page 37] [Texto Principal] ser alguns Olandeses melhor intencionados q̃ os outros, fora os prezos estarem captivos em terra de Mouros, porg̃ nas tratavão mal o S. P. Porheguay, & os q̃ empeçiaõ q̃ nenhum gêso me podesse fazer algum bem, ou armada porg̃ que venhriaõ dalguns annos D. co g̃ hum, contra os Nomedoarãs chegaraõ a prohibir q̃ nenhum podesse comprar couros de comer. Deixo a deshumanid. Juravaõ es os doentes nas lo Reis vias da: Do Mezindey de Bahia; mas nem ainda hua sangria q̃ era muita, e findo que a todos dezijavaõ a beber o sangue, fazendo q̃ o diabo então era empregado dos prisioneiros antes os queriaõ ver mortos q̃ sangrados. Chegou hum Padre da Nossa Companhia chamado Thomaz da Costa, aquele tinha apanhado em dua galleota, q̃ sahiu de Columbo de avios q̃ Goa, a estar grave: mt sem lhes haver esforços, elevaõlos ainda nos juz alegulharaõ. A outro Pottg. q̃ morreo negrizad, não foi bastante amorte ulando amarrado es outro, vhe haverao abraço, senão dore horas depois de espirar executando os Olandezes obrem. de Melencio es os q̃ ficou vivo deixendo o estar amarrado aquelle logo co o corpo defunto. Ne faltaraõ pancadas de fusas velas q̃ estavão carregado, devindo e carrancado dos mais successo de seu arraque, porg̃ sendo este vencido do Pottg. em campo com arrojo nas Mato, descarregava sua vingança, e desabafaria dau enfojo contra os Padres prisioneiros amarrados es ferros Ney broncos. Em Alago defeu cemto sincoenta aquatro depois da vilas dos Jalegos q̃ Goa, temendo dos Portuguezes flequizesse acerca a Negumbo carrecando q̃ he livraſſe apraes, epizioneiros como naus, e os effectos Sena, se aifso se despuzesse, o Por- huguey, Necolourad adequejar a forte. Seguinte inutil, caſim mandaraõ os Por- temais prisioneiros q̃ Gale, fazendo emburem de day andou amarrado, emforço como estavaõ mohronos. Em Gale continuaraõ os menos trabalhos, esfrontes, e Gonho Vaim successo Meterao os P.e mais prisioneiros em novos ferros achando q̃ nao erão tam pesados os paſhados, e tirandolles os mosquitos estavão em seus corpos, q̃ q̃ nao podeõ ser tirados, porem mandando q̃ os Padres acarretasse acurridamente arroj q̃ lhes davão, cague q̃ haviaõ de beber, pondo juntamte apastada ordens contra os q̃ em alguo erras o apedreſſe, e porg̃ alguns negros, q̃ erão agora companheiros do P.e vendos quaxa agua depois aender na escrinda, os ajudaraõ amente a rez- cied, aganados, e a estes aprouerá amecindoo dos novo se emalgiá como aquel mais aos Portuguezes, e contra q̃ principalmente a hirou sode a vingence de Menday o S. P. Neste honres se achavaõ Ney, o seniad forão de Nossa comg. os dous Mofumi. Internado de Malacca, p. Chit. Adimo, o S. Adriano Galiano, o P.e Padre Cardoso, q̃ forão prisioneiros. Nos buren y hiad q̃ China, & o P.e Thomaz da Costa & Pedro da Cll. de Columbo e morreo negrizad em galle, co D. Diego dos Abreu & foi tomado na Sua Igreja de Calpeth. De S. Dig. se achavaõ tres Relig., dos quays morreram droy, hum em Telagumbo de hua queda sim lle audiam com remedio algu, outro mor.

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[Page 1] [Texto Principal] Reo físico em Gale pelo Xuim, tratado d’acelou pelos Olandezes, depois de ter levado quatro feridas de hum Machado, q.° nos varas em) hia para a China, foi tomado por el. Franc.° e achavaõ també quatro Relig.°: dous de observância, q.° vinhaõ de Columbo para Goa, e dous capuchos, q.° hiaõ p.° Macau; achinse também hum Clérigo Genovês, q.° foi hube tomado afalece fe na Nao do Maracar de Franc.° Vieira, da qual era capitão. Entre tantos trabalhos meõ faltavaõ alivios spirituais, e os P.° maij Portuguezes se consolavaõ na graça, porq. ed juntand.° co elles prenderaõ de novo os P.° deshorrados de Malaca, aj.° por resp.° dodez.° q.° trouxeraõ da alfandega Nad debrio nosso fale, pelas queremos armar a o S.° Pero de Mliz.° No brincos as escondidaj a sua imagem de Santo Sudário, diante da qual rezavaõ todos os psalmos penitenciais e Ladainhas, tendo se alegria spiritual. Dos paços de paixas de N.° S.° aquela acabada, oravão sem muitas lagrimas, e consolados todos devaõ e p.° reverentemt.° hiaõ fazer adoração a Santa imagem. Nas festas de Nossa Sr.° principalmente, ficarmava hua imagem m.° Sermon q.° fazia Capellinde, trouxera o P.° e alguas candeas q.° buscavaõ com alguns Vellediros de juventude, ficando de mispiedade, Teferial Novena e p.° rezavaõ as Ladainhas, estorço dos P.° s.° com coz mant.° confeissandose aos primeiros Nodias de festa: as Mermaas Novenas e dez vocas safes ao S.° Franc.° Xe.° hiaõ porom as portas fechadas Notempo may esmodado em) se julgavaõ nao havido inquietado de Olandez, no Mais diz curios damno todo, o diaj rezavaõ as Ladainhas dos Santos pela Mendes a gosta andachara com Seu torco: fariad se doubrina muita vez, eras pes tas gratias espirituals como passavaõ o tempo, e consolavaõ no Mezo de Santay afflicions os prisioens.”, acomo em galle “fivaffe” Mais algua liberd.° com Materia de falar co gente preta: feiravaõ os Padres alguas confissioens aalguns Christaos q.° ally estibem, como tambem alguns baptismoens aj.° escondidos assim de creances q.° baxiab ao P.° Pedro, como de adultos q.° o vizinhos pedir, e entre elley hum Chingala da mesma prizão Domores logo depois do baptismo. Alemza q.° derão os Olandezes aos Padres, e Maos Portuguezes q.° vinhaõ de Batavia dado por Livro com ylhe parte do General q.° andareõ es liberdt.° em suas terras, e elles de novo se encarceravaõ em galle e Negum ba Dixiab elley confessando ser verd.° viram livre, Mas Seños Portuguezes houveje seus Spiritoens.” q.° fosse fechdo, e por isso desenganalhe de ter li berdade emquanto lho nao largassem por hoca ofesos Olandez, acomo esta cousa nad Militavaõ pros Dm.° Padre deshorrados de Malaca pediraõ elles audiencias ao Mayory daseu gouerno em Ceilão, arquerendo diante delle sua liberd.° pois nao eras spiritoens.” deguerra tomada de terra ni no Mar, e por isso eras incapazes de troca por serem meram paftag.” em suas Naoj, candaram em suas horas como Mercadores gaz gardo. [Anotações marginais] [No topo, à direita] (Ilegível) [No centro, à esquerda] [UNCLEAR: .depois.

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[Page 32] [Texto Principal] gando dito, como outro q. em Malaca ficavão, aonde estavão em tempo de paz & logo sey em suas ordens. Responderão-lhe os do Governo q. he verdade não serem elles prisioneiros como os Majores. Mas q. mais culpa tinham daquella guerra, e os Majores q. nela padecerão erão por andarem contra suas ordens jogando e entrinando Mauvias terras, Romanas, & por isso lhes davão ally o castigo q. lhes não souberão dar em Malaca: a isto acuy- centou o comendador do Negumbo que era o mais zeloso dizendo com q. se elle estivesse em Malaca por q. Não só nos troncos mas na forca os havia de por para q. acrementando em cabeça a Igreja não torna-se outro Padre em Malaca. Respondeu-lhe o Padre Pero de Meij. q. já o go- vernador fizera em Malaca, oferece elle em Galle q. tanto poder tinha q. os por nos troncos, como na forca, Mas que soubesse decerto q. nem com isso deixaria de hir Padre principal m.° da sua Religião a Malaca, antes então de mellhor vontade por q. y q. elles at Norte por Semelhante causa era o Mayor interesse, e o premio Mayor de seus trabalhos Maij) Sendo esta causa de sua prisão, eo Deus comp. Ola desfa sua Invisem prisão por papel em forma da vinda por q. é insuficiente com isto dizend de impossibilitar requerendo sua liberdade a esta Vozpita: deo o Com: dor! hua grande Virada como herege & eme da mistura de Calvino futuro defende ao Padre q. isto era o q. queria q. a Roma aprezes- sar aquelle papel agoçay, e Mostrar como fora Mártir dos Ranz- Doriz, Nem vi o P. das esta causa de sua prisão & defeu Compº, & mais q. Musteymey falando co o Padre Ant. Cardimo, e elles Refulava Nos douz Padres de Malaca aogo & alias com os hindus No Coracao Mostrando odio q. elles tinham erão e endo ainda por Az- kifuto. Nestes trabalhos passarão os Padres dous annos, e tres Me- zes parte em Galle e Negumbo, parte nas Naos Olandez Mehdo, eiz pra em ferra ate q. em Janeiro de Seis cento sincoenta e cinco Fozhu- raõ alhazelos a Goa com outros Padres, e portuguezes q. por todo furiao N.° devinte equatro para os trocar com doze Franciscos, q. De aquella Cidade te tinha Viteudos os Portuguezes, sabendo que estes estavão Solto e Mandados com liberdade para d'arrate Largarão os Padres cos Mais prisioneiros q. trazião em Vingurla, aonde o Gor. da Ín- dia os Mandou buscar com armada do Canguicij. Foi ja em Li- bertade tanto q. dezamarrarão deporto, q. virado ja fora da Cimj: dos hereges e arriba dos Espois entrando dous Religiosos o palmo Inexito Israel do Egipto, e deyjarão da Armada toda Artilheria. Chegando a Goa, aonde es acerdo. q.

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[Texto Principal] Desta Província, e do Colégio de S. Paulo, he arquecendo logo os trabalhos passados; este foi o fim: Deu-se a nova curia Missão de Malaca, a este dito trabalho Tezera Missionário, e como hum delles seja filho em Christo de V.R.ª pela grande parte com q. V.R.ª a que entra com doutrina q. elle recebeo, sendo V.R.ª seu Mestre, e Pay spiritual, a elle o unico filho q. V.R.ª tem na Índia sirva-se V.R.ª de por os olhos Neste papel clarear-lhe sua benção, em muito se encomen- da. De Goa, 25 de Dezembro de 1655. [Anotações marginais] [No centro, à direita] D.V.R.ª Indigno filho em Christo. Pedro de Marquês.

Translation

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Mission of the Reverend Jesuits Pero de Mesquita and Manuel Henriques to Malaca, 1651–1653.

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[Main Text] The Macau Report is drawn from its original source, which is preserved in the ‘Mata’ folio of the Province of Japan. At Court, the volume is catalogued as ‘Livro na Nho S. Pedro’—that is, dated 30 January 1747 (anno B. L.). The Province of Japan, headquartered in Lisbon, will retain this volume in its Procuratorship; a copy is also held at Bahia—wherever excerpts are required. Macau, 5 December 1746.

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[Page 5] [Main Text]
Year 1651. To Father Francisco de Távora, S.J., Assistant in Rome for the Provinces of Portugal and India.

Account of the New Mission Undertaken by Fathers Pero de Mesquita and Manuel Henriques, Sent from the College of Macau to the Fortified City of Malacca in 1651.

On the Origins and Causes of This Mission.

§ 1. Following the Dutch capture of the stronghold of Malacca—during which they desecrated the sacred precincts of churches (as was their custom) and expelled their ministers, especially religious clergy—certain Portuguese residents and native-born inhabitants who remained in the city, together with some local secular clergy, were compelled to practise our Apostolic Faith in secrecy, under constant pressure from the Protestant authorities. Observing this earnest resolve among the Catholics, the faithful—though constrained—began gathering in one of the surrounding settlements; each household erected, as best it could, a small shelter or *alpendre* (a covered veranda or porch), which served as an informal place of worship. There, in discreet fellowship, they performed certain devotional acts, including recitation of the Rosary and of the Litany of Our Lady on Saturdays. As this devotion deepened, their confidence grew: they progressed to celebrating the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass. With heartfelt dedication, they assembled rudimentary liturgical vestments and sacred vessels; through ingenuity and persistence, several secular priests even succeeded in recovering some of these items from the hands of the Dutch authorities.

The faithful further hoped that, should the Dutch be weakened or dislodged—or at least sufficiently distracted—the people of Malacca might be emboldened to construct a friary church: one on the mainland side of Malacca, another on Pulau (‘Ilhéu’, the island settlement), and a third in the village then known as Booraya—located approximately half a league upstream along the river. These three settlements flanked the fortress, with Pulau situated directly between the two mainland districts.

So great was the growth of this devotional life—and so thorough the reinvigoration of Catholic practice—that the faithful ultimately resumed the full range of Christian observances.

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The guests responded with such enthusiasm that they even lent him arms and maritime equipment—as well as all other items necessary for the full ceremonial splendour of the festivities. Such was the state of the Christian community in Malacca when news reached them of the first success attending the unexpected restoration of Dutch (not Portuguese) rule in India. The local Catholics were deeply unsettled—not least because they feared a similar fate might befall Malacca, given their own misplaced confidence in, and excessive goodwill towards, the Catholic population. They further worried that, under Dutch administration, Malacca would be left abandoned in matters of fidelity—particularly as, in our own times, Portuguese judges had been admitted to the municipal council to adjudicate cases involving Portuguese subjects, receiving the same salaries formerly paid to aldermen during the period of Portuguese sovereignty. Moreover, the Dutch assumed control over ecclesiastical appointments and the regulation of religious practice—including oversight of church governance and the exercise of our Catholic faith—a development which threatened grave detriment to the Church’s interests. At this juncture, however, the Dutch authorities were preoccupied with the fervent activities of a foreign Catholic priest; but once his presence became known, he was summarily expelled—especially given that hostilities were then ongoing with neighbouring Malay polities, notably Bumbo and Mäny. Thereafter, all former privileges were revoked: arms and provisions were confiscated from the Portuguese and other Christians; churches were once again laid waste; an infamous edict was issued denouncing the Catholic faith; and the evangelical ministry was openly mocked—above all, the priest of our Society (the Jesuits), who was subjected to calumny: accused, like the ‘Thomas copper-smiths’ (a pejorative contemporary term for itinerant, unqualified, or fraudulent preachers), of deceit, superstition, and the propagation of pernicious doctrinal errors. Henceforth, priests were expressly forbidden—under penalty of severe punishment—from appearing in public either in clerical habit or in any official ministerial capacity; nor were Catholics permitted to gather collectively for worship, nor even to accompany funeral processions with candles. Notwithstanding these harsh ordinances, several clergy remained clandestinely in Malacca, continuing to exercise their pastoral duties. In consequence of these repressive measures—and particularly following the celebrated judicial sentences pronounced by Pedro (i.e., the *Sentenças Encomiadas* of Dom Pedro de Almeida, Governor of Portuguese India, 1622–1628)—there occurred occasional instances wherein priests were discovered carrying the Blessed Sacrament (*frete sagrado*) either within the royal palace precincts (*maj.* = *majestade*, i.e., the Governor’s residence or seat of authority) or through the agency of Dutch spies who subsequently executed them, or else upon charges of *lesa majestade* (treason against the sovereign), brought by the Dutch authorities themselves.

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[Main Text]
a monetary penalty and banishment from Malacca—and their detractors. As was customary in past times, the black clergy (Vead) serving both the Indian and Chinese communities were granted this privilege: they paid the customary dues levied on trade between India and China, and from China to India. Throughout this period, the resident Catholic population of Malacca derived spiritual consolation from the pastoral presence of secular clergy and, especially, from religious missionaries—principally members of our Society [i.e., the Society of Jesus]. To advance these apostolic aims for the benefit of Christendom, several Jesuits deliberately allowed their moustaches and beards to grow, wore their hair long, and disguised themselves so as to disembark covertly and remain ashore; their vessels remained anchored in the port. During this time, they carried out numerous sacred ministries—despite the prevailing heretical environment—and rendered considerable service to the Catholic faith.

In the year 1634, a group of missionaries arrived in Malacca: from Goa and Macau came Fathers Mathias de Maya, Pedro Marques, Pedro de Mesquita, Manoel Jorge, and António Lopes; from Cochin came Father Manoel Henrique, who had recently been ordained there. Upon arrival, most of them disembarked and dispersed across various districts, where they achieved notable spiritual fruit among the local population: they led communal prayers, heard confessions, administered baptism, and distributed the Most Holy Eucharist. They also won over several Dutch Catholics and members of heretical households—including some Dutch families already partially reconciled to the Church. By this time, the number of Catholics resident in Malacca had grown substantially; indeed, nearly all those present received the Sacrament of Penance, and the majority partook of the Most Holy Eucharist. Three Gentile slaves were baptised; at the same time, the ‘Landes’ Oleg—referring to Dutch settlers or colonial officials—and several children born to Dutch parents were also baptised: some had already received baptism through Dutch Reformed ministers, others through our own priests.

The following brief account, though drawn from general observations, highlights one particular episode that passed through the hands of Father Pedro de Mesquita. While seeking to purchase a small quantity of cloth, he was offered—as a dowry—two souls (i.e., two individuals eligible for instruction and baptism). The Father discussed his intention with a local Christian acquaintance, who agreed to act as intermediary. This layman informed him that a certain Dutch factor—a Catholic (as was widely presumed), whose wife was also Dutch and a well-known, devout Catholic—might be willing to facilitate the matter. Deeming the opportunity auspicious, Father Mesquita resolved to visit the man’s residence in order to explore whether a more spiritually fruitful arrangement might be effected.

On the first Sunday after Pentecost, the Father went to the home of the Dutch merchant—the ‘Remunerator’ and ‘Offeror’—and, having broached the subject of the cloth, received no favourable response.

[Marginal Annotations]
[Top left corner] (illegible)
[Right margin, between lines] [UNCLEAR: .pelo.]

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Unaware of the identity of the person with whom he was speaking, the priest learned that that day—being in the month of May—was a day of *guarda* (a traditional period of religious observance and abstinence observed by certain Catholic communities in Portuguese colonial contexts, particularly among *mestiço* and native Christian populations); consequently, no commercial transactions could be conducted on that day. The priest ascertained that the following day was likewise a *guarda*, but noted that the merchant (Mon. Hafie) would be at home that day and available to inspect the cloth samples; he therefore proposed completing the purchase on a weekday (*dia ferial*). The merchant accepted this arrangement courteously and escorted the priest to the seventh chamber (*7.º d’acamar*) within the interior of the house.

At that moment, the merchant’s wife—accompanied by her four eldest children—emerged. As she had only recently completed her *guarda*, the Christian companion (Comp.) offered her congratulations on the birth of her newborn child. She accepted the felicitations, remarking that “this mother’s body had been baptised by the hand of a Roman priest”—adding that, having married a Catholic woman, he himself held priests in high esteem, and would welcome a priest who was also a learned writer (*padre escritor*) to hear his wife’s confession.

The priest praised her statement, offered ten *réis* (a small coin of the period) to the companion as a token of goodwill, and then departed—only to discover that the factor (i.e., the chief commercial agent or resident European trader) was, in fact, already present outside. The factor—pleased with the development—immediately agreed to arrange for a defender (*defensor*, i.e., a spiritual advocate or lay catechist), along with one or more *padres escritores* (priests known for their theological learning and literary output), to visit his household. All those present extended numerous courtesies to him, and several were personal friends. He accepted the offer, stipulating strict confidentiality—requiring that no one else be made aware of the arrangement.

Up to that point, the priest had remained unknown to the factor; however, the latter had previously encountered his name in mercantile correspondence for certain reasons, and the time now seemed opportune. Seizing what he judged an auspicious moment, the priest declared his purpose directly to the factor: he wished for a priest to visit the factor’s home. No further delay was necessary, he explained, for the priest presently accompanying him was fully qualified to fulfil the spiritual need—especially given that the salvation of the factor’s soul and the procurement of the cloth were intimately linked matters of mutual concern.

Meanwhile, the Christian companion—who had just stepped outside—was explaining to the factor’s wife the identity and standing of the merchant now present in their home, and confirming that the cloth had been purchased in peace (*de pazia*, i.e., without dispute or coercion).

The Dutchman (Olandez)—who had been awaiting developments—did not wait another moment. He rushed in immediately, falling at Pedro’s feet with such exuberant joy that it surpassed even the delight one might feel upon discovering a long-hidden treasure.

The factor then explained his request to the priest: he desired that his wife receive the sacraments of confession, Mass, and Holy Communion. Yet he declined to participate himself, citing fear of enemies and a profound lack of trustworthy confidants. He recounted how, on a previous occasion, he had attempted—under solemn oath—to engage a German (alemão) whom he believed to be a Roman Catholic; that effort had ended disastrously. He feared far graver consequences should the Dutch authorities learn that he had sought confession or attended Mass.

The priest pressed him firmly, urging him to permit his wife’s spiritual preparation (*gozar concentrar a sua mulher*, i.e., to allow her to undergo the requisite spiritual disposition and instruction prior to reception of the sacraments) and reminding him that, as a baptised Catholic, he could not rightly remain apart from the Church’s sacramental life. He assured the factor that he would come to his home—even if the factor himself were absent.

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Gashe Gotto: He was reluctant to confess, at least until he had secured gold—indeed, he felt he ought to avoid confession altogether, since his conscience weighed heavily upon him. He was residing in that house; yet he feared exposure, for—as he kept a public shop and was active in commerce on that very day—the *Blandezey* (i.e., the local customs or fiscal inspectors) might well suspect he had come merely to purchase cloth, like any ordinary merchant.

After some time, an arrangement was reached: it was agreed that the confession would take place under the auspices of Father D. Nafista. The following Friday—being a *concelho* (municipal council) day, and thus deemed secure—Father Nafista was to visit the home of António Penheiro, a Portuguese neighbour, where Gashe Gotto’s wife would confess and receive Holy Communion. Moreover, the priest was invited to dine with the family; and during the meal—by which time the Sacred Oils had already been prepared—he would hear the husband’s confession. That day was to serve as a *dies apparellhi* (a preparatory day), for it had been nine years since Gashe Gotto had last left his native land (D.era Barbante—i.e., D. Erasmo de Barbante, likely a misreading or variant form of ‘D. Erasmo de Brabante’, though the precise identification remains uncertain; cf. contemporary references to Erasmus of Brabant in Iberian ecclesiastical records).

On the appointed day, Father Nafista arrived at the Portuguese man’s house, having already been informed of what was to occur. He found the altar already richly adorned with silks and perfumes. The *Blandeza* (customs officials) were present; Gashe Gotto confessed with profound devotion and declared that his husband—i.e., his wife’s spouse—also intended to confess and receive Communion. However, when the husband delayed, he sent word that he could no longer attend, citing his obligation to hand over the *feitoria* (trading post or factorship) to its new administrator; the priest therefore accepted this as a legitimate excuse—though it was clear the man’s resolve had begun to cool.

During the preparations for Mass, the ceremony commenced. After administering Communion to the *Blandeza* and to Viecbes (a variant spelling of *Vieques*, possibly indicating a local official or lay confraternity member), Gashe Gotto wept copiously, displaying deep piety. The priest felt himself obliged to remain for the banquet, to which he had been formally invited—and from which he could not withdraw without violating his word. Accordingly, he remained as guest, even after the Mass concluded, in order to hear a further confession. Yet he had also accepted an invitation outside the fortress—a circumstance that occasioned concern: the *feitor* (factor or chief commercial agent), noticing the priest’s absence, immediately set out in search of him, questioning people throughout the town until nightfall. His inquiries provoked widespread discussion among the Catholic community, who quickly surmised that the merchant’s dealings with the priest were of a nature wholly distinct from ordinary commerce—indeed, far removed from the usual scope of his mercantile office.

The following day, the priest—feeling bound by duty—called upon Gashe Gotto at his residence and offered him the full resources of his pastoral service. Gashe Gotto, however, declined the offer, replying: “You must remedy my soul—for in Your Majesty’s presence [i.e., before God], I seek aid for all that I have done.” He spoke these words with great earnestness and sincerity to the priest, declaring that he now held life and honour in proper esteem, and that he no longer feared human judgment, but only the offence he had committed against God. Thereupon he made his confession—penitent, lucid, dignified, and profoundly sorrowful—so sincerely and with such evident contrition that one could truly perceive the authenticity of his repentance.

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An unconfessed, avid penitent—who could evidently not tear himself away from the Father’s side—declared: ‘Reverend Father, I did not come to your house accompanied by my linen cloths; yet I had been guided by God, so that He might win my soul through Your ministrations and such holy communion, after having remained estranged for a period of nine years.’ The following day, he was reconciled in that same house; he heard Mass and was wholly comforted, having received the Most Holy Sacrament. Having thus completed his reconciliation, he returned home to take dinner—both to afford joy to this penitent and, as it were, to secure the anointing of his children with sacred oil (i.e., their baptism or confirmation), which he duly effected.

Now, one of his sons—being more devoutly Christian and attending the school run by his catechist—reproved certain ceremonial practices, asking his mother why she wore that Portuguese garment (a shirt) over another garment, ‘in such great profusion at that hour’, with silk neckbands (referring to surplices and other liturgical vestments). To avoid any danger to modesty—understanding this as a matter of *pudor* (moral reserve)—and being, like many Merinos, unaware that such questioning constituted an offence, the mother reported the boy’s remarks to the heretical schoolmaster. Thereupon, the Father advised the mother to tell her son that this ‘Portuguese’ (i.e., the priest himself) was a most eminent physician, who prescribed this particular remedy because the Merinos were excessively inflamed with wrath against one another. Yet he also instructed her to add—so that the boy might grasp the gravity of the matter—that just as the priest knew well how to heal the Merinos, so too he knew how to *diminish* (i.e., counteract or nullify) those remedies they themselves concocted; and, knowing that they recounted to others the composition of his remedy, he likewise knew how to prepare an opposing one—indeed, one capable of utterly undoing their efforts. The penitent approved this admonition wholeheartedly, declaring that he would follow it faithfully, remaining obedient—precisely because he now felt himself greatly strengthened in faith and even more deeply apprehensive on account of this new ‘remedy’, which he imagined he had acquired in exchange for the previous one.

The penitent was profoundly edified by the spiritual service rendered to him. He repeatedly entreated the Father, while still at his own residence, to remain in Malacca, affirming that his conversion to God would be of immense significance. Should the Father consent to stay, the penitent pledged immediately to construct for him a concealed chapel—modelled upon those used in Holland—where prayer and the celebration of Mass could be conducted securely. As an initial offering, he undertook to hand over three hundred *galões* (a colonial unit of currency, equivalent to approx. 300 Spanish dollars or *pesos*), to be distributed among the poor at the Father’s discretion.

The Father, moved with compassion, expressed his gratitude but explained that remaining in Malacca was a matter he could not grant, as he was subject to a superior in Macau, to whom he was obliged to report in person. Nevertheless, he assured the penitent that he would faithfully represent his wishes; and that either he himself—or, failing that, another suitable agent—would endeavour to satisfy them, should such an opportunity arise.

Nor was the penitent’s zeal confined solely to his personal spiritual renewal: he also took prompt and energetic action in promoting the cause among the afflicted (*remelhados*, i.e., those suffering from ophthalmic ailments, commonly trachoma—a condition frequently associated in missionary accounts with moral or spiritual ‘blindness’); and further extended his efforts among the Portuguese community, especially among Catholic laymen, whose fervour had borne abundant fruit in the souls entrusted to their care.

[Marginal Annotations]
[At bottom right of page] (Illegible)

[Seals]
[None visible]

[Signatures]
[No clearly legible signature; only a final stroke in the lower-right corner, possibly part of a rubric or monogram—tentatively transcribed as ‘Mg.’ or similar.]
[UNCERTAIN: Mg.]

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…would undertake such tasks—and more—within so short a time; indeed, they would be capable of far greater endeavours were they present and working in close proximity to one another. Having already attempted to expedite the processing of this petition through the Procurator Provincial of Cochin—who, however, declined to act—the petitioners found themselves at an impasse, hindered particularly by the lack of rockets (i.e., signal flares or pyrotechnic devices used for maritime communication and defence). It was then observed that, at this very juncture, a Portuguese national—born and married in Macau—was preparing to depart for that port; he undertook the voyage voluntarily and with mutual agreement, formally attested, and pledged to seek, in the name of His Majesty the King, from the Superiors in Macau the assignment of two Fathers to accompany him, as had previously been arranged in Malacca, Cambay, and other regions.

Upon his arrival in Macau, the Portuguese petitioner presented the petition *in pace* (i.e., formally and respectfully) through Father Abbadia de Maya, who at that time served as Visitator of the Province. After submitting the matter to consultation, the Visitator granted the request, appointing Father Pero Marques as Superior of the new mission and Father Manoel Henriques as his companion.

§ 2. The Fathers depart for Malacca and proceed immediately to the project of re-establishing that Christian community.
It was customary for the Dutch authorities, upon sighting a Portuguese vessel anchoring at Malacca, to dispatch an official to inspect it and inquire how many priests it carried. To ensure the safe arrival of the new missionaries, it was therefore agreed—following consultation—that they should land in Malacca disguised as laymen: wearing secular dress, swords at their belts, and with uncut hair and beards. In this manner, they disembarked from the church—already known to some, while others recognised them only after conversation.

Having embarked aboard a merchant galleon bound for Cochin, they set sail at the beginning of January 1661. Their voyage proved prosperous, though frequently becalmed; they narrowly avoided peril in the Gulf of Hainan. They arrived in Malacca on the twelfth day of the month of Merino Mez—a date corresponding, in the Gregorian calendar, to 12 February 1661.

Upon learning that a vessel had arrived bearing official confirmation of the long-awaited petition, the local Catholic inhabitants were overjoyed: they greeted the news with jubilant celebrations, declaring, ‘Behold! Two angels have come to us!’—a phrase expressive of profound relief and spiritual hope. Their joy was all the greater given the depth of their prior desolation: for some time past, they had remained without pastoral care; moreover, all resident priests had been publicly notified—under penalty of excommunication—to depart the territory, and had consequently fled.

[Marginal annotation] (Left margin, between lines 1–3): [Unclear: possibly ‘P.’ — likely an abbreviation for *Padre*, indicating a marginal note by a priest or scribe, now illegible.]

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**Translation (UK Academic English, British spelling and conventions)**

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… and thus, outside Malacca, this district fell under the jurisdiction of that monsoon season’s ecclesiastical administration, by order of the Governor of the Diocese. It is indeed true that a Dominican religious was appointed as vicar *ad tempus* to serve in the district. However, as he was a foreigner—and owing to the local population’s inability to understand him—the people were dissatisfied with his ministry. The Fathers disembarked, and although they offered two candidates to the Dutch authorities, there were nevertheless Catholics among the local merchants—including Maycaldey—who recommended them, even though hitherto they had been unaware of the Fathers’ arrival. They reasoned amongst themselves that the presence of squadrons and naval vessels—manned by secular officials—was readily apparent; yet those others—the Dutch administrators—exhibited a manner whose nature they could not discern, however much the latter attempted to conceal it: they appeared rather like ‘Cados’ [i.e., *cadi*, Islamic judges under Malay–Portuguese colonial usage] of the Company, or worldly deputies acting on behalf of the temporal realm.

On the night of the Mass, our missionaries presented themselves to the Dominican superior to render obedience, as to their ordinary; he received them graciously. He then notified them that they could not remain in that territory, since His Excellency Paulo da Costa, Governor of the Diocese—who had formerly been a Jesuit of the Society of Jesus—had expressly instructed him, as a matter of obligation, to dispatch them forthwith, thereby precluding any possibility of assistance being afforded to the Fathers of the Society in the exercise of their pastoral ministries within that territory.

Father Cuyp responded that, owing to our sins, the land was now under Dutch sovereignty—not under the authority of Father Paulo da Costa—and that it was the Dutch Fathers (i.e., Dutch Reformed ministers), not His Paternity, who exercised spiritual authority there. Moreover, His Paternity could not wholly prohibit the establishment of any formal mission or apostolic undertaking under the Society’s mandate, for—if His Paternity so willed it—he might himself issue new directives aligned with the Dutch Governor’s civil administration, authorising the Society’s ministers to perform their duties. Such an act could not be impeded by Father Paulo da Costa, given that Malacca was now subject to the Dutch civil government *and* ecclesiastical jurisdiction—that is, the Dutch Reformed Church held sway over the spiritual life of the territory. Hence, it was more expedient—indeed, more conducive to the advancement of Christendom—that those best able to serve should do so. Greater service would thereby be rendered to God, since moral disorder was rife and widely known; and prohibitions issued against Catholic practice had only served to entrench heresy further. The Dutch authorities, having assumed dominion, sought actively to eradicate all Catholic ministers; therefore, the greater the number of missionaries from the Society who came thither—not to challenge His Paternity’s jurisdiction or to encroach upon his benefices, but rather to minister effectively through deeds—the more fully would the faith be upheld. And thither His Paternity would go.

The Governor assigned them two coadjutors: one was the Admiral’s assistant; the other assumed responsibility for all judicial matters—acting, in effect, as judge *ex officio*, motivated entirely by personal interest.

Having rendered this act of obedience, the Fathers immediately withdrew from their lodgings in order to pursue the pastoral ends proper to the Diocese; they did so both to safeguard their own welfare and, subsequently, divided their labours—so that some remained stationed at one location, others at another—thereby positioning themselves closer to the local communities and enabling them to respond more readily to all pastoral needs.

[Marginal Annotations]
[No marginal annotations visible]

[Seals/Imprints]
[No visible seals or official stamps]

[Signatures]
[At the foot of the page, right-aligned, a partially legible signature: “P. C.”]

—
*Notes for scholarly citation and contextual understanding:*
- *Cados*: A Portuguese rendering of the Malay–Arabic term *kadi* (or *qāḍī*), denoting an Islamic judge exercising jurisdiction in matters of personal law under the Dutch East India Company’s (VOC) system of indirect rule in Malacca post-1641. Its use here reflects contemporary colonial administrative terminology.
- *Monção*: Refers to the annual monsoon-driven administrative cycle governing maritime communication and ecclesiastical visitation between Goa (seat of the Archdiocese of Goa) and its eastern dependencies, including Malacca.
- *Compª*: Abbreviation for *Companhia de Jesus* (Society of Jesus); standard in Portuguese archival sources of the period.
- *Vicário da vara*: A vicar appointed by episcopal mandate (*per vim ordinis*) to exercise delegated jurisdiction—distinct from a parish priest (*pároco*) and often attached to a specific administrative or missionary remit.
- The reference to “Dutch Fathers” denotes ministers of the Dutch Reformed Church, established as the sole legally recognised public church in VOC territories after 1641, replacing the Portuguese Catholic ecclesiastical hierarchy.
- The document dates stylistically and contextually to the mid-to-late 17th century, following the Dutch capture of Malacca in 1641 and during the protracted ecclesiastical realignment of the former Portuguese ecclesiastical province of Malacca under Dutch civil sovereignty.

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Thus, from whichever direction they approached, the Catholics of that region were obliged to lower their heads—i.e., to submit—before the Dutch authorities. Father Pero de Mesquita remained stationed on the Malacca side of the river to minister to this district, which lay under the jurisdiction of Dutch governors, including those at Abrangueira, Adevôa Praga, Bartabrandão, Sali, Chira, and Cândado; these settlements lie approximately two to three leagues downstream along the river.

Father Manuel Henriquez was stationed on the Vier (Veer) side of the river, serving the parishes of São João, Eis de Galles, and Ranquy—approximately four leagues distant. Moreover, his confrères and local Catholic residents were frequently unable (especially at night) to cross the river to reach the fort at Matar Goro (‘Meyo’), owing both to the steepness of the riverbank and to the fact that the crossing point—a narrow footbridge—was often closed, in accordance with the Dutch colonial administration’s regulations.

One such settlement was governed by Dutch captains resident there with their families, who regularly undertook nocturnal patrols. The four Dutch officials divided responsibility for oversight among themselves, while one—Raa—was a fugitive, having fled his post. The Dutch captain stationed on the Malacca side was a colonel whose wife had been confessed by Father Pero de Mesquita.

During the voyage from Goa to Macao, baptisms were administered en route: enslaved persons, having first received instruction in the Christian doctrine, were baptised, and the Lord placed them under the care of a merchant (‘mercearia’) in Macao, who was himself the father of a daughter.

Upon learning that Father Pero de Mesquita was bound for Malacca, this merchant immediately went aboard the *patacho* (a small coastal vessel) to welcome him ashore—just as he had done previously—and brought with him the chest containing liturgical books and sacred vestments, which he safeguarded in his own residence so that they might not be confiscated by Dutch customs officials at the port.

On the Vier side of the river, another Dutch captain—a man of good natural disposition, married to a Portuguese woman of mixed (‘mestiça’) descent—was notably well-disposed towards our Jesuit fathers. On numerous occasions—not least during Father Manuel Henriquez’s ministry—he extended generous hospitality to him; similarly, he had earlier shown like kindness to Father J. during the latter’s passage through China, where he remained for several precious months.

The principal method adopted by the Fathers to nurture the spiritual life of these communities was to establish, among themselves, a rotating system of pastoral care: each month, one priest would reside in turn with the local Catholic families, thereby ensuring continuity of instruction and sacramental ministry. This arrangement also secured sufficient material support—food, lodging, and other necessities—for the resident priests. Yet Father Pero de Mesquita declined to participate in this shared domestic arrangement, declaring that he carried sufficient provisions for his own sustenance and had not come to Malacca for personal comfort, but solely out of zeal for the salvation of souls. He insisted that all poultry and other provisions offered to him should instead be distributed among the poorer faithful.

Moved by profound piety, charity, and mercy, the local Catholics willingly shared what little they possessed: when food was scarce, they would lend or freely give what they could—even if only a modest portion—to ensure the Fathers’ subsistence. As a result, the Catholic community remained spiritually satisfied and edified, while the Fathers gained greater freedom to devote themselves fully to their pastoral duties and sacred offices.

Masses were celebrated alternately in private dwellings and in village chapels—but always discreetly and in secret.

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— TRANSLATION —
[Page 1] [Main Text] Theft was regarded as an offence against divine law. Arrangements were made for confessions: the Fathers convened assemblies and exhorted all persons to make their confessions. Many were heard in general confession; yet it was commonly remarked that little spiritual fruit resulted, since some individuals had not confessed for seven, eight, or even nine years.

During the principal jubilee feasts, the Fathers instituted stricter pastoral discipline—more rigorous, yet better suited to comforting others—so that no one would remain excluded. To administer the Most Holy Eucharist to the faithful was deemed essential for their salvation; yet certain grave sacrileges were committed in this regard.

The Fathers visited the sick and assisted the dying, administering to them the Sacrament of Anointing of the Sick. They described themselves as ‘heralds of the saints’, explaining that not all could receive the Blessed Sacrament within their own homes—not because of any deficiency in faith, but because dwellings lacked either sufficient decency or security. For this purpose, a portable altar had already been brought from Macau by Father Luís de Mesquita: a gilded silver *altararium* (i.e., a portable sacramentary chest), fashioned in the form of a *custodia* (a monstrance-like vessel), expressly intended for carrying the Most Holy Sacrament to the sick, in accordance with the privileges granted to us by Apostolic authority.

Gentiles and Muslims—mostly enslaved persons, whether belonging to Catholic or Dutch masters—were baptised, provided they first received instruction in the Christian doctrine and the essential elements of the Christian life. With the consent of their Catholic mothers, many children of Dutch fathers—who had already been baptised by their own Protestant minister (*predikant* or *dominie*)—were conditionally baptised by the Fathers, who applied the Sacred Chrism and other holy oils in accordance with canonical norms.

To Catholics living in irregular unions, the Fathers separated cohabiting couples (*mancebidos*) and urged reconciliation through the Sacrament of Matrimony, offering counsel and pastoral guidance. They also instructed Catholics not to attend Dutch Reformed churches. Children were taught to read and write, instructed in Christian doctrine, and prepared for First Communion—particularly during the early morning hours, or during the period of vicarial administration under Father Vigário, and again in May, when Alis Vhe supplied the necessary materials. In these duties, the Reverend Fathers performed the functions of coadjutors and missionaries of the Society of Jesus.

§ 3. Particular cases adjudicated

A notable instance of oppression occurred during the vigil preceding execution: a case of judicial severity initially imposed by the Dutch colonial authorities on grounds of alleged heresy and political dissent. This followed a confession made before a Catholic magistrate, wherein the accused—a local Christian—was sentenced to be burned alive for the crime of sorcery (*feitiçaria*).

The circumstances were as follows: shortly after the Jesuit Fathers’ arrival in Malacca, the Dutch authorities arrested a native Christian from that city who had travelled aboard the same *galeão* (East Indiaman) from Macau, where he had gone to conduct commercial affairs. The Dutch lodged formal accusations against him—though the precise nature of the alleged offence remains unclear from the record.

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Those individuals from that Christian community did not appoint any other priests. The Portuguese parish priests serving in the Church were publicly named and duly installed; yet they were subsequently hanged under Flemish justice, having received the Sacrament of Penance at the hour of their death—commended by the Major (i.e., the principal ecclesiastical authority) of the Catholics as having died in a state of grace.

There was a man resident in Malacca, married in the Flemish manner to a Malay woman, with whom he had cohabited for several years. Having offended against the law of the land, he had previously agreed—through mutual arrangement with his wife—to accept formal recognition of their union from the local parish priests, thereby securing her legal protection and freedom from claims or obligations whenever he was absent from Malacca.

Moreover, on account of the *nigad* (a term denoting a customary form of informal marriage or cohabitation recognised under local adat law), and because the woman—having confessed to Father Manuel Henriques—was earnestly seeking her salvation and reconciliation with God, she entreated the priest to persuade her husband to make confession, as he had not done so for a long time. He refused, alleging that he had been widowed only eight days earlier and had not yet resumed marital relations with her—thus remaining, in his view, within the canonical conditions stipulated by the Council of Trent for the licit reception of the sacraments.

The woman then went to consult him (i.e., the priest), acting upon the advice of her confessor—whom I here identify as Father [Manuel Henriques]—accompanied by her *yecado* (a local intermediary or go-between, often entrusted with sensitive personal or ecclesiastical matters). She urged him to hear the confessions of many souls residing in the homes of their neighbours, but insisted that he conduct them elsewhere, acknowledging his own culpability in the matter. When he declined to comply upon the first request (*yecado*), the priest pressed him again through a second intermediary (*yefoa*, a variant spelling of *yecado*), appealing to his conscience by enumerating divine mercies and contrasting them with human ingratitude—warning that such ingratitude would weigh heavily upon his soul, and that the ‘Dnthus’ (a probable corruption or phonetic rendering of *dúvida*, i.e., spiritual doubt or scruple; alternatively, possibly a misreading of *dúvidas* or *dúvidas de consciência*) was already taking root there. This inner turmoil, it seems, prompted him to resolve—albeit with treacherous intent—to repay kindness with betrayal and truth with deception.

He therefore sought out an official heretic (i.e., a known Protestant magistrate or civil officer aligned with the Dutch Reformed authorities) to accuse the confessor-priest. Finding the fortress gate already closed, he instead approached the *Merinho* (a colonial administrative official, akin to a sheriff or bailiff, drawn from the local Luso-Asian or Eurasian community), who resided outside the fortified town.

Yet this Merinho—whether moved by divine providence, or simply disinclined to act upon such allegations—either took no notice of the man’s accusations, fearing that publicising them would scandalise the young Christians, or deliberately chose to dissemble. Nor did many days pass before Heaven itself intervened: celestial signs—interpreted by contemporaries as divine judgment—became manifest. Moreover, the man was formally accused by his own sister-in-law, who—under compulsion—testified against him; and thus, amid grave suspicion of homicide (*casa de entenca de Morte*, i.e., a dwelling associated with death, here implying culpability in a fatal incident), he was arrested and confined in the prison block (*bronco*) under severe detention.

The priest resolved to respond to this malice with yet another act of pastoral beneficence: he exerted every effort to secure the man’s confession, having been informed—by reliable sources—that the prisoner now expressed sincere remorse for his error, requested spiritual direction (*contas para Yezor*, i.e., an account of conscience, likely a variant of *exame de consciência*), and even called upon one of the priests by name. However, apprised by his wife of the imminent peril to his life—and aware that the likelihood of a fresh act of treachery was now exceedingly high—the priest abandoned this intention. He resolved instead to await a more opportune moment, should circumstances arise wherein he might safely intervene, even at great personal risk, for the man’s spiritual remedy.

It proved timely: the man was released from prison due to insufficient evidence. Thereafter, having undergone correction (*gascathigs*, a phonetic rendering likely of *castigos*, i.e., disciplinary admonitions or penitential exercises), the priest sent word requesting his pardon—and the man duly presented himself for confession.

[Marginal Notes]
(Left-hand margin, running vertically:)
[P. — likely abbreviation for *Padre*, i.e., ‘Father’, referring to Fr. Manuel Henriques]

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… and receiving the sacraments of marriage. Another man—then in his early twenties—lived *in statu foris* (i.e., cohabiting openly) with his partner, with such flagrant disregard for ecclesiastical discipline that, while still married to his lawful wife, he had maintained her in his household for a considerable period. Upon approaching the Fathers for confession, he confessed this irregular union; yet, as he was in a state of manifest sin, he was denied absolution—a circumstance which came as a profound shock to him, for throughout this entire time he had received absolution at every confession. His earlier confessors, however, had consistently urged him to regularise his situation by abandoning this unlawful cohabitation. Having resolved upon continence, he and the Fathers jointly agreed that he should marry the woman with whom he had long cohabited—and by whom he already had several children. Yet, being impoverished, they encountered considerable difficulty in presenting themselves before the fiscal and the *Escrivão-Mor* (Chief Notary), as required under Dutch colonial administration and customary governance: such formalities entailed payment of a fixed fee—termed *palácios* (a local term for administrative levies or ‘court dues’)—which they were unable to afford.

The Fathers therefore assumed responsibility for resolving the matter, consulting only Father Legaris, the ecclesiastical judge (*juiz da vara*), to whom they submitted the case of these two souls, requesting that he grant them access to the sacrament of marriage. They indicated their willingness to defer formal civil registration until after the religious ceremony. Father Legaris replied unequivocally that he would not solemnise the marriage without their first fulfilling the requisite civil formalities before the Dutch authorities; he wished to avoid any risk of official censure should the fiscal learn that he had performed the rite without prior civil authorisation.

The Fathers pressed the matter further, but no resolution could be secured. In desperation, they petitioned His Excellency the Governor for special dispensation permitting them to administer the sacrament notwithstanding the civil impediment—offering, on their own behalf, to assume full responsibility for any administrative consequences, penalties, or procedural obligations arising from the fiscal’s subsequent discovery of the marriage. Even this appeal proved insufficient—at least initially. What ultimately prevailed was not persuasion nor pastoral urgency, but the offer of contraband goods: this inducement carried greater weight than either repeated entreaties or the moral scruples the Fathers sought to instil.

Many other cases likewise eluded remediation by the Fathers; and still more demanded intervention beyond what ecclesiastical authority alone could effect. Had it not been for the Dutch authorities’ occasional willingness to cede jurisdiction—particularly in matters of conscience and sacramental discipline—to the missionary clergy (*Doutores Missionários*), such pastoral interventions would have been impossible.

One such instance involved a Bengali woman, raised from childhood within the Dutch colonial community. After two marriages to *Flemings* (i.e., European Catholics of Flemish origin resident in Asia), she entered into an informal union with a Catholic man of Malaccan descent, who had pledged to marry her. When she went into labour, she urgently summoned Father Pero de Merquita, believing—given his Catholic identity—that he would hear her confession and prepare her for Christian burial (*ad extremum*). When the priest questioned her regarding the fundamental tenets of Our Lady’s Immaculate Conception, she responded that she had never been instructed in Catholic doctrine, having been reared exclusively in the Dutch Reformed tradition and never having set foot in a territory under Catholic ecclesiastical jurisdiction.

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— TRANSLATION —
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It was indeed true that Merina—though of noble Merina lineage—had hitherto lived in a state of spiritual estrangement, having been reared and instructed among the ‘Blandezes’ (i.e., Muslims) in Bengal. Yet, having subsequently come to understand—through sustained reflection and personal conviction—that devotion to Our Lady yielded genuine spiritual benefit, she observed several Catholic women, her friends, practising such devotion with evident sincerity and fervour. On one occasion, moved by an unusual impulse, she requested that one of them accompany her to the priest’s residence to attend Mass and witness other rites of the Catholic Church. Upon entering the church, she was struck by its cleanliness and ornamentation, the solemnity of the Roman liturgical ceremonies, and the reverent veneration accorded to sacred images; and thus she came to recognise that this was the true Faith, whereas the religion of the ‘Blandezes’ was falsehood and deception.

She embraced with alacrity the intentions and prior resolution he had formed concerning her conversion to our Holy Religion, declaring herself resolved to embrace the Catholic faith with steadfastness. Thereupon she was reconciled to the Church, receiving the holy oils and the Sacrament of Penance. Only one matter presented difficulty: namely, the baptism of her unborn child. She feared that if the child were baptised by a Roman priest, the ‘Blandezes’—particularly their religious leaders (the *imāms*)—would retaliate against her, for, having been married to a ‘Blandeze’ for many years, she was already regarded by them as one of their own. Nevertheless, she declared that she would petition the priest to administer baptism to the infant *a second time*, should the first rite prove invalid.

Meanwhile, a Catholic woman—Ovro Ama—held the view that the baptism conferred by the ‘Blandezes’ held no sacramental validity. Consequently, certain Merinos who had previously received such baptism were later rebaptised by Catholic clergy.

In the end, however, the priest succeeded in persuading Merina that no baptism whatsoever should be administered except by the hands of a Roman Catholic priest—in this instance, the Vicar of Malacca. It is true that the Vicar was reluctant to delegate this responsibility to the priest; yet he ultimately acquiesced. Nevertheless, the priest remained dissatisfied with the progress achieved thus far, and determined to press forward resolutely. He therefore visited friends and associates from all quarters, urging them to fulfil the promise they had solemnly made. Yet he could not prevail upon Merina, whose hope remained fixed upon the birth of her child—awaiting its arrival to ascertain whether it would be hers alone or shared with the ‘Blandeze’. Though the child was born, she continued to waver: neither the objective reality of her pledged word, nor the priest’s earnest exhortations, succeeded in moving her to consent to the formal act of marriage. She declined repeatedly—even refusing to attend the ceremony when summoned. At length, however, the priest confronted her directly at a private meeting, entreating her with grave insistence. He appealed to her conscience as a Christian—not merely in words, but in deeds—urging her to protect this woman newly brought into the Catholic faith, and to assume responsibility for her spiritual welfare. Moved thereby, and acknowledging his pastoral authority, Merina consented to marry him, in order that the ‘Blandezes’ might not punish her—or the child—for apostasy, treating them both as belonging to their community. The woman, though deeply distressed, accepted this arrangement, albeit reluctantly.

[Marginal Annotations]
[Lower right-hand corner, handwritten signature] Jornose.

[Seals]
[No visible seal or official stamp]

[Signatures]
[Jornose] — signature in lower right-hand corner.

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The journey toward the loss of faith having commenced, he turned again to the voice of God—yet this divine summons came to an end with the death of his mother, who had expressed contentment with that marriage. He had pledged to uphold the vow he had made; and so he did. Nevertheless, having lost his efforts, he readily obtained her consent—not, however, as a formal dispensation issued by royal authority; for by then the difficulty had already been resolved on the part of the priest, as though the Devil himself had relinquished the Cross. Yet it appears he was not numbered among the elect. Whether or not he was, he leapt into the service of the Mercenary Priests (*Pe. Mercennt.*), seeking great victories. But on the Malacca front, the Devil triumphed in this man’s soul; whereas in Japan, the Devil was vanquished—in the body of his wife.

He took up residence in the house of Captain Alandez, having married a certain Dona da Costa, from whom the priests (*PE*) had always received tokens of favour. There, a demonic possession entered the body of a young woman—she being hale and in full possession of her faculties at the time. One day, she suddenly collapsed to the floor in terror; shortly thereafter, she rose and seated herself with regal authority, after the manner of Malay kings. She declared herself to be king, speaking in refined Malay dialects; and though there were those present who understood her well, her speech was scarcely intelligible—so distorted was it—uttered in the language of *Borle* (i.e., Portuguese *Burla*, ‘mockery’ or ‘jest’, here likely a phonetic rendering of *Bali* or *Borneo*, or possibly a corrupted form of *Buru*, though context suggests a term denoting ‘deception’ or ‘profane parody’), shouted aloud, commanding all to render her due reverence. She proclaimed that whomever disobeyed would be punished, asserting that she had no equal—neither in blood nor in power—for all others were her servants. When prayers invoking the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary were offered in her presence, she would ask mockingly whether she should kiss the sacred images, then laugh derisively, making grotesque gestures: declaring that kings and queens do not confess; contorting her face and body, rolling her eyes wildly—so violently that it seemed her limbs might snap from their sockets.

In this state she remained from morning until nine o’clock at night—speaking incoherently, issuing threats, heedless of those who sought to reason with her—and then abruptly departed through the door. The priest Manuel Henriques, their neighbour, was immediately summoned. Unaware of what had transpired between them, he entered the house and approached her directly, exposing himself to grave peril—as though offering himself to Jacob’s ladder (*Jacobra*, i.e., *escada de Jacó*, a symbolic or folkloric reference to spiritual ascent—or, more plausibly in this context, a scribal corruption of *Jácora*, a variant of *Jacaré*, denoting a crocodile, used here metaphorically for danger; or possibly *Já-cora*, meaning ‘already gone mad’ in vernacular usage). Yet she received him with greater familiarity than he anticipated, bestowing upon him numerous mocking kisses (*vizadas*), performing profane parodies of holy rites—including a travesty of confession. The priest soon fell into doubt, uncertain whether she truly wished to confess; when he pressed the question, she turned her back on him, redoubled her grotesque gestures—so extreme that her limbs appeared dislocated—and, addressing both the priest and Captain Alandez, asked:

[Marginal Notes]
[Right-hand margin, following “asked:”]

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That woman, having previously exhibited such behaviour, had already been subjected to certain rites by him; he had performed his *fados* (i.e., traditional exorcistic rites or invocations) upon her, declaring that she appeared to be possessed—so profound was the effect. She, however, had responded with mockery (*zombaria*), making grotesque grimaces (*mômios*), travelling about (i.e., behaving erratically or in a trance-like state), and even taunting the priest; at that moment, she had gone into the house armed with implements appropriate to such spiritual combat.

The priest brought with him a crucifer (a processional cross), holy water, and a stole. The bishop presided over the rite, and—equipped with these sacred instruments—he entered through the doorway where the young woman stood. Immediately, she began clapping her hands and performing contorted grimaces (*mômios pafados*), fixing upon the onlookers a countenance both sorrowful and terrifying (*semblante triste e medonho*), causing all present to flee—except the captain, who withdrew to the threshold and then outside the door. Thus the priest remained alone, seized by an overwhelming dread, accompanied by violent shivering and his hair standing on end.

Nevertheless, recovering his composure from the sacred arms of the Lord, he summoned courage to enter the fray. At that moment, someone urged him to raise the holy crucifer and to gaze intently upon the image (*catar a imagem*); whereupon the exorcism of *Zombara*—the demon—commenced.

Yet when the priest approached her and sprinkled holy water, she cried out as though scalded, startling all those present and drawing neighbours to the scene. Thereupon the priest felt greatly emboldened, sensing that the enemy was now fearful; and so the exorcism continued. The demon grew yet more cowardly—but raising his voice still higher, he suddenly fell backwards, uttering in the Malaza language the words: *“Repechand o cheia”* (“I am repelled—the tide has turned”).

So violent was this expulsion that the poor young woman lay as if dead, utterly speechless for three full days. But once the exorcism concluded, and she gazed upon the image of the holy crucifer—now freed from the dominion of its infernal captor—she uttered, “Ave Maria, valime” (*Ave Maria, vale me*—i.e., “Hail Mary, be with me”), and, regaining full consciousness before the sacred image, made the sign of the cross. Up to that point, no one had succeeded in eliciting any coherent response from her.

The Blandez (i.e., members of the local Blande ethnic group or community) were greatly delighted and astonished by the outcome. They declared the priest to be a most powerful servant of God, since—even at the very first application of holy water—the demon had been so thoroughly routed that it had felt compelled to surrender unconditionally. When the priest asked whether the Blandez possessed any cure or remedy for such afflictions, they replied that they knew nothing of this malady, nor of the great power wielded by the Roman priests over demons; nor, they added, would they accord any credence to such claims—yet they expressed profound satisfaction with Our Holy Lady, affirming that, having witnessed this event, she had commanded them to collect all the holy water remaining in the small cauldron (*caldeirinha*) and to sprinkle it throughout their dwellings. Furthermore, they pledged to accompany the priest whenever he blessed their homes, assisting him at the altar and always observing the prescribed ritual signs (*sempre com sigs.*—i.e., *signa*, lit. “signs”, here denoting prescribed liturgical gestures or blessings).

The following day, the priest returned to ascertain whether she retained any conscious recollection of the previous day’s events. When questioned as to whether she considered the episode to have been an illness, she replied that she remembered nothing of what had transpired—and that, at the moment the holy water was sprinkled upon her, she had seen it transform into the figure of a man.

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So many forces were arrayed against him, and the entire worldly authority of the King appeared—yet only a few of them bore down upon him, for numerous other crosses did not weigh upon him, as he deemed them unjust. He had already passed through this trial; and, some days after the hours appointed for spiritual preparation, he was visited by the priest and made a general confession of his entire life.

On the Malacca side, another similar case occurred—one which bore no small fruit: There resided on this side a customs officer, married to a woman named Mother, both of whom were heretics, having been raised entirely among the Mandarins and born in India amongst them. This man—whose precise motive remains unclear—developed an intense personal attachment to Father Cordeiro Mesquita. So great was his regard that, on several occasions, he secretly sent warnings—via intermediaries—to the priest, advising him not to celebrate Mass on certain days, as he believed the said priest to be under surveillance. He knew that Father Segueria was shortly to depart for Macau with his companions—a matter to be elaborated upon later.

The Mandarin declared that a Christian *degucão* (a term denoting a low-ranking official or functionary, here used pejoratively) had ‘unravelled’ (i.e., renounced or betrayed his faith); and warned that unless he either apostatised or disappeared entirely, the gods would punish him—adding that, should he comply, he would receive a stipend and official uniform (*farda*), for which he was deemed suitably competent. The Mandarin further offered him his garden and two houses located at *Tehireby*, where the priest might reside instead—in effect, proposing a material inducement to abandon his vocation.

On another occasion, when the Macau-bound junks arrived in disarray, the priest remarked, *‘Let them go to the galleys!’*—a figurative expression indicating severe censure—since letters dispatched from Macau had failed to elicit any effective response from him in this matter. It was resolved to confront this heretic directly, as his influence posed particular danger to many Catholics. Yet the execution of this plan proved more difficult than anticipated, requiring the active intervention of Father Icos. To the latter’s pointed question—whether it was licit, even among Christians, to lend galleys (*galés*) for profit or personal gain—the Mandarin replied without hesitation that such practice was exceedingly rare in that land.

Remarkably, the same spirit of piety was observed by Father Icos in ‘Mother’ (the customs officer’s wife): although he had never spoken with her directly, she showed him marked kindness—especially during his periods of illness (*horas do P.e ter*—i.e., times of fever or infirmity). On one occasion, she sent two fowls (*galinhas*) along with a message stating that the birds were intended for the priest, to request that he say three Masses for the souls in Purgatory—specifically, at the altar of Our Lady. When the priest asked on whose behalf the offering was made, she replied that the donor was ‘a lady of another religion’, who nonetheless believed devoutly in the efficacy of Masses for the souls in Purgatory and in the intercession of Our Lady—doctrines which, though rooted in Roman Catholic teaching, stood in total contradiction to her own professed faith. The messenger confirmed that this was indeed the case.

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Further questioning the Father as to his place of origin, she expressed such profound contempt toward him—despite having rendered him neither service nor even spoken with him? He replied, on one occasion, that she had requested her maidservants to bring certain objects from the Father’s residence so that she might view items pertaining to our Religion. On that occasion, she had visited the small chapel, which—coinciding with a feast day—was especially well adorned; there she had attended Mass and subsequently returned home, carrying with her various objects associated with the Roman Catholic faith, and joined the Father who administered them.

It so happened that, one night, the Father—being himself in a state of considerable distress—sent for this woman and earnestly entreated her to accompany him to his dwelling, as he could no longer bear the many disturbances occurring there; indeed, the house had become a veritable seat of affliction. As her husband was absent, the Father summoned a prominent local neighbour (a *senhor* of the locality) to accompany him, lest the Dutch—should any be present at that time (as some were already known to reside there)—observe the Father entering that house and thereby draw unwarranted suspicion.

Upon arriving, the Father learned that, during the night, a spectral figure had been appearing: now clad in white, now in black; at times assuming the stature and proportions of a person approximately ten *cubits* tall; and striking—without distinction—all the young women (*mocas*) and youths (*moços*) residing in the household. In particular, one young woman had sustained severe lacerations across her entire body—not through forceful blows, but so delicately that the marks resembled punctures from needles, arranged in such a pattern as to evoke a labyrinth or a chessboard. Another woman, who had a two-year-old child, reported that the apparition repeatedly declared, ‘That child is mine.’

The Father immediately summoned all those individuals to whom the apparition had manifested itself and examined each in turn. He discovered that the child claimed by the spirit had not yet been baptised. When the Father questioned the mistress of the house regarding the delay in administering the sacrament, she replied that, although the child was her son, her husband—the *Domine*—had refused to permit his baptism. This error was characteristic of certain other heretical groups, notably the *Cuthinists*, who maintained that infants were not members of the Body of Christ and therefore ought not to be admitted to Baptism.

Regarding the young woman who had been scratched and beaten, the Father ascertained that she had arrived from Cochin three years earlier and had been sold into servitude by a Portuguese man; though herself a Catholic Christian, she had confessed only once during those three years—and even then, only under exceptional circumstances. It emerged that she had lived in a highly irregular domestic situation: having been raised from childhood in the Portuguese man’s household, she had never again confessed after her journey from Malacca.

As for the youths likewise afflicted by the nocturnal disturbances—manifesting as loud noises, clattering of pots and pans (*cacharros*), and the sound of footsteps (*derenqueltaçey acama*)—the Father observed that, upon seeing non-Christians (*gentios*) present during this episode, they had themselves petitioned for Baptism. The Father then proceeded to question them individually…

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[Page 14] [Main Text] Baptism of individuals in the Mandais domains, whom the missionaries had brought into the Christian faith: The Father reflected that these people would sooner have remained gentiles than become Christians in the manner of the Claridos—since, although they claimed to be Christians, they were not those who walked the ‘straight paths’ (*caminhos direitos*), a phrase used by the Black population living among them to denigrate their own religious practices (*jutas*). Accordingly, he arranged for spiritual exercises to be held at the house, inaugurating a small chapel (*capelinha*) there. The following day, preparations were made with greater solemnity for the baptism of one of the *mocais* (a local term for young adult catechumens), who was already sufficiently instructed; all three *mocais* were likewise prepared through instruction in the tenets of Our Holy Faith and heard their confessions, so as to receive Holy Communion. The mother of the infant was summoned to the chapel, where she was asked once more to relinquish the child. She responded courageously, declaring that the boy had already been given to God and therefore no longer belonged to her—neither in part nor in right. The Father then requested the assistance of several Catholic women resident in the locality, enjoining them to take charge of instructing the two adult catechumens in the catechism, so that their baptisms might duly proceed at the appointed time. That same night, the infant was brought to the chapel, and the catechumens prepared themselves for confession and communion.

The following day, having found the chapel already prepared and vigilantly guarded, those designated to administer baptism arrived—among them Schinha, who had spent the previous night confronting the adversary. When the Father inquired about the outcome of that night’s vigil, Schinha reported that the Devil—or rather his apparition—had not dared to demand the child, but had passed by without approaching. Yet the mother appeared before him with a darkened countenance; the *moca* (young woman) bore scratches, and much of the night had passed peacefully—until, towards dawn, when the others were exhausted from watching, the same figure reappeared, dashing violently through the house, striking the *moca* as though with blows and producing deep gashes (*carranhas*) of the kind previously described; fresh wounds, still bleeding, were evident.

The Father then baptised the infant and the adult catechumens; the three *mocais*, having confessed, heard Mass and received the Most Holy Eucharist. Thereupon the disturbance afflicting that household ceased. Subsequently, Dona Maria came to the Father to render thanks for the labours he had undertaken in this work—particularly for having consecrated the house—and confessed that she had suffered such disturbances there for three years. During the first Lent that the Father spent in that residence, several leading Catholics gathered there; among them came Father Pero de Merquitas, accompanied by his confrère, requesting of the Father that he grant them *Sua Bênção e Rogativa* (His Blessing and Intercession).

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Particular arrangements were made for Holy Week, intended to afford spiritual consolation. In response, Father [—] stated that he had been unwell and confined to bed; nevertheless, he had undertaken to provide pastoral care and comfort. He did not do so in the manner of one who was merely performing a perfunctory duty, but rather as Dona [—] had never again visited the site since the loss of Malacca—yet here, at a location known as Sanguim, situated further up the coast, she found a suitably accommodated place where all necessary devotional observances could be carried out with complete security.

Upon receiving this report, the Christians expressed great satisfaction and affirmed that there existed a site—formerly used by the Malaccan community—named *Sanguim*, where they could conduct their rites entirely safely. This was owing to the presence of a priest (*Mey*), who had recently been appointed as chaplain to the newly established chapel (*Nova Capela*) dedicated to Our Lady of Remedies at the same location.

Accordingly, Father Gero de Morguila immediately dispatched Father Manuel Henrique, accompanied by a Portuguese layman, to inspect the site. Finding it eminently suitable, the local Christian community—drawn from the surrounding *matopias* (indigenous hamlets)—erected a temporary shelter (*galpão*). Having recovered from his illness, Father Henrique fulfilled his vow by commissioning two portable altars (*capelas portáteis*): one entrusted to a devout Christian layman for the painting of an image of Saint Eulalius; another assigned to a different layman charged with the safekeeping of the Blessed Sacrament. A third altar was prepared for the exposition of the Blessed Sacrament.

Additionally, a three-sided pyramid—comprising eight tiers—was constructed, together with a pavilion of purple taffeta, adorned with silver stars and fringed with gold braid (*crendas*). With these preparations in place, the principal Fathers were able to celebrate the liturgical offices before fifteen *fazendas* (revenue-producing landholdings or ecclesiastical benefices), issuing strict instructions to the local Christians to maintain discretion: only a small number were to gather at any one time, and only during daylight hours, so as not to attract the attention of the *Dianzes* (a local non-Christian community or authority). Moreover, as the intention remained to hold a maritime procession (*procissão por mar*), greater caution was exercised—though not sufficiently so to prevent discovery, given the scarcity of manpower caused by the seasonal shortage of fish. At the local market (*bazar*), fishermen were leasing their boats (*carros*—a term here denoting small fishing vessels or skiffs) exclusively to Christians; and, as these Christians were themselves so numerous and active, even a single *couba* (a traditional communal dwelling or longhouse) became a focal point of their engagement.

On Wednesday, 4 February, the day was devoted entirely to hearing the confessions of the local Christians, celebrated in solemn concert before the principal altar. The entire church was richly ornamented with a canopy of taffeta—the very same fabric formerly reserved for use in the public church (*Igreja pública*) during major feast days. Over the sepulchral monument (*sepulcro*), a *ducel* (a draped canopy or baldachin) was erected, composed of two layers of Chinese damask (*cubertores de China*); the steps leading to the sepulchre were lined with interlining (*entretelas*). The main altar and its frontal (*frontal de igreja*) were decorated with floral-patterned silk (*tela de flores*); along the steps, arranged in hierarchical order, stood candelabra of brass (*cathedrals de latão*), each bearing wax tapers, alongside a dozen gilded Chinese candlesticks (*jovelos dourados da China*). The *custodia* (monstrance) rested beneath a purple pavilion, itself adorned with brass floral motifs and illuminated by numerous lamps—an arrangement of considerable dignity and grace.

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[Page 15] [Main Text] A guard armed with weapons stood watch at the foot of the altar. In addition to their other duties, a cordon was established along the beach for half a league extending to the site of the hermitage—so that, should the Dutch appear unexpectedly, there would be sufficient time to dismantle the ceremonial arrangements and withdraw all materials into the interior of the forest.

That afternoon, the Mandado (a liturgical rite commemorating Christ’s washing of the disciples’ feet) was conducted before the appointed sermon, as follows: two benches were placed in the eastern part of the chapel—one occupied by twelve members of the Confraternity of the Rosary and by *Nossa Senhora Meiga Jelhy* (a locally venerated Marian title, ‘Our Gracious Lady Jelhy’, likely derived from the Portuguese rendering of *Jesu*, or possibly an early phonetic variant of *Jesu*/*Jesus*; cf. historical usage in Luso-Asian devotional contexts), seated upon a cloth-covered dais (*dogras*) and accompanied by an *alcachifa* (a ceremonial canopy or baldachin, common in Iberian colonial liturgy). Father Manuel Henriques, vested in stole and surplice, presided over the rite; he was assisted by two Portuguese laymen bearing clean linen cloths (*tralhas enxerguadas*) and the necessary implements for the ceremony. Father Pero de Mesquita, who had been brought forward to deliver the homily, was meanwhile led to the pulpit.

There, he chanted the Gospel of the day. Upon reaching the words *‘Surgeat ad co-mam’* (a textual variant—likely a scribal error—for *‘Surgeat ad communionem’*, i.e., ‘Let him rise for communion’, or possibly conflated with *‘Surgeat ad coronam’*; alternatively, a corrupted transcription of *‘Surgeat ad coenam’*—‘Let him rise for the supper’—referring to the Last Supper), the priest performing the foot-washing rose from his place. Simultaneously, a jurado (a lay official elected by the local community, often functioning as a civic or religious delegate) stood among the congregation—a man described as ‘serving the woods all the way down’, weeping openly in lamentation for the Living Creator.

The harmony and solemnity with which the Gospel was chanted from the pulpit coincided precisely with the progression of the foot-washing rite. When the reading reached the chapter (i.e., the Gospel pericope proper), the congregation was invited to reflect upon the occasion of *Jelhy*—that is, the devotional commemoration centred upon this local invocation—and the foot-washing commenced anew, once more moving the people to tears—not merely performative, but deeply felt; tears capable of softening even the hardest hearts. Thus the Gospel chanting and the rite of foot-washing proceeded in tandem, sustained by collective weeping until the conclusion of this sacred observance.

Immediately thereafter, the sermon began. Father Pero de Mesquita preached, evoking abundant tears from the assembled faithful—already profoundly moved by the preceding rite. Yet what most deeply stirred these tears was the presence of a customs officer (guarda da alfândega), born among the Dutch, who—though raised outside the Catholic faith and hitherto unfamiliar with any aspect of our religion—had learned of the ceremony taking place at that location and requested permission from the French captain to attend, remaining present from the outset to the close of the sermon. Remarkably, his visible emotion proved even more affecting than the preacher’s own reflections: Father Mesquita later confessed that he found himself more intent upon observing the officer’s tears—given his proximity to the pulpit—than upon the theological considerations he himself was expounding.

The sermon concluded with a meditation upon the Good Thief (the *Santo Ladrão*), at which point the congregation’s tears redoubled—particularly as they gazed upon the *Tábulo* (a devotional tablet or painted panel depicting the Crucifixion scene, commonly displayed during Holy Week rites in Portuguese colonial churches). What they now beheld with their eyes was that which they had previously known only through oral proclamation. All was simplicity itself—yet all the more profound in its devotion, insofar as the faithful were stirred to greater reverence precisely because they had never witnessed such a rite anywhere between Malacca and that place up to that time.

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Night having fallen, the Christians immediately and devoutly began the Stations of the Cross—a practice observed in accordance with the prescribed rite. The first station was the veneration of the exposed crucifix; to its right stood a most beautiful and devotional image of a crucified Christ—originally from the high altar of Our Church of Malacca—and to its left, the image of Saint Judith. The remaining four stations were established at designated locations along the path, marking the route of the hermitage procession, which measured one hundred and fifty paces in length and forty paces in breadth. The entire route was enclosed by a dense, shadowed hedge of *Veda* (*Erythrina indica*, a native leguminous tree), under whose foliage the faithful walked throughout the night. Many participated in this devotion accompanied by acts of penance: some scourged themselves vigorously with blood-drawing disciplines; others bore heavy wooden crosses of *mate* (*Artocarpus* sp., locally known as ‘breadfruit wood’) upon their shoulders and arms; still others encircled their entire bodies with thorny wreaths. At intervals, they chanted various motets and hymns of penitence within the hermitage.

On the following Friday—the solemn observance of *Feria Sexta Maior* (Good Friday)—the liturgical ceremony was conducted, as far as possible, amidst the thick undergrowth. When the priest extended the arm of the holy crucifix during the rite of *Adoratio Crucis*, it evoked an outpouring of tears, accompanied by deep sighs and profound, heartfelt adoration.

Upon completion of the altar ceremony, a procession was solemnly ordered—conducted with utmost gravity and devotion. It was led by Father Pero de Marquita, vested in a surplice (*sobrepeliz*) and barefoot, bearing aloft the sacred images on a lance. Next followed the boys (*meninos*), then all the men, each holding a lighted candle in hand; behind them came the holy crucifix, carried by a *portador* (bearer) likewise robed in a surplice and barefoot. After him walked all the women, arranged in orderly single file—according to the longstanding custom of Malacca—each also holding a lighted candle. Both men and women, including the boys, proceeded barefoot; the latter numbered approximately five hundred souls. Their silence and devotion were so exemplary that they might well serve as a model for older Christians living peacefully in the faith.

Thus, the procession returned to the *hermita* (hermitage), where the Stations remained set up with their altars, banners (*prefames*), tapers (*ceiros*), and candles duly arranged and illuminated. The procession halted before each station, pausing especially before the crucifix, whereupon Passion motets and hymns of perfection were sung; thereafter, all present thrice implored, ‘*Miserere nobis*’ (‘Have mercy upon us’), shedding abundant tears in profound devotion. Thereafter, all withdrew in silent recollection to resume the vigil within the hermitage—yet now with even greater tears, sorrow, and poignant longing, for they sensed that the time of their spiritual consolation was drawing to a close.

Having concluded the rites, Father [Pero de Marquita] formally dismissed the assembly.

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To depart for their residence by whatever route possible, and to give thanks to God for permitting them to do so with such security. In mere desire—yet without hostile intent—the Fathers undertook the ministries associated with His sacred Passion.

§ 4. The Fathers’ return to Macau was discussed; however, having encountered impediments to their departure, they agreed instead to expand that mission. Upon the arrival of the Indian ships bound for China, the Fathers were instructed—pursuant to orders from their superiors—to return to Macau; yet they were also directed to submit a formal report on this new mission and on the spiritual fruit likely to accrue therefrom in future.

News of the Fathers’ intentions regarding this new mission spread swiftly throughout the region. The sentiments expressed by the Catholic populace defied description: profound joy accompanied the Fathers’ arrival; one and all offered mutual congratulations, while many wept tears of gratitude—so deeply did they welcome the Fathers’ presence. They gathered before Father Prior Mesquita, embracing one another at his feet, and each, individually, implored him not to abandon them. When private entreaties proved insufficient, they assembled collectively to present a formal petition to their superiors, requesting—in a letter addressed to the Visitor and Provincial of the Province of Macau—that the Fathers remain stationed in the region alongside Father João Vieira, who was travelling as a passenger from Goa to Macau. To this end, they submitted a signed memorandum bearing the names of the principal lay Catholics, the substance of which follows:

*The Catholic people of this kingdom declare that, owing to urgent necessity, António Pinheiro petitioned the Right Reverend Fathers, the Visitor and Provincial of the Province of Macau, imploring them—out of love for God and compassion for this Christian community—to assign certain priests to administer the sacraments to the faithful. We, being religious persons, have always held it our foremost duty to seek first the glory of God and the spiritual welfare of this people. For a defined period—namely, several months—the Fathers have already laboured here with considerable fruit; and should they remain longer, their efficacy would increase still further. Moreover, this people having learned that Your Reverences intend to depart for Macau aboard the vessels presently lying at anchor in this harbour—and thus leave this Christian community wholly unprovided for—we humbly beg that provision be made for the administration of the sacraments. For the three secular clergy currently resident here—Vieiras, São Manoel, and another native of this land—have been appointed to their posts by order of the Bishop and Vicar General.*

[Marginal Annotations]
(On the left-hand margin, running vertically: small, partially illegible annotations)
[ILLEGIBLE: ~8 characters]
[UNCLEAR: .

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[Page 1] [Main Text] Gavio da Vara—hence his illness and status as a foreigner, with limited command of the Portuguese language—declared his intention to depart at the earliest opportunity, as previously stated. Thereupon, the local Christian community petitioned the Fathers for twenty *patacas*, pleading in the name of God that they remain in this land; for this mission is no less glorious than others, being directed toward the salvation wrought through the labours of Christ. Recognising that such perseverance aligns with the Society’s own purpose, the Fathers affirmed that the Lord would surely reward their fidelity, and that their service would redound greatly to the glory of God.

Father Lourenço de Mesquita received the petition and submitted it for consultation among the Fathers. He also presented it alongside a commission from the Holy Office, wherein the Inquisitors had delegated authority to conduct a diligent assessment of the Fathers’ need for additional time—stating expressly that they stood ready to comply with whatever course the Most Reverend Superiors should judge most expedient, provided that the present circumstances were made fully known to those superiors. The Fathers affirmed their readiness to accept appointment to this post, and duly notified the Superior in Macau accordingly.

Meanwhile, the Catholic faithful displayed marked solicitude: they welcomed the Fathers of Verolz with evident affection, attending the chapels with joy and offering heartfelt thanks; they extended congratulations to one another—including Sinque Hrnoq, who rejoiced openly at his own felicity.

The Fathers thereupon resolved each to erect a discreet private chapel: Father Pero de Mesquita established his within his own residence, under the invocation of Our Lady of Hope; on the opposite side, Father Manoel Henrique erected his, dedicated to Our Lady of Remedy—a translation (i.e., a devotional replica) of the image enshrined in the fortress. This arrangement was devised so that, upon entry into the *Memocen* (a local administrative or residential compound), visitors would behold the image visibly displayed. (This precaution was necessitated by the prior theft of several *Jeos Alcapões*—a term denoting small devotional statues or sacred images.) The chapels were constructed behind a newly built partition wall—thus concealed from external view yet accessible to the faithful. Their purpose was to enable the Fathers to administer the sacraments to the faithful with greater freedom, particularly in cases where public celebration of Mass was impracticable: for those houses designated for liturgical use refused to admit congregants—either out of fear of the Mandarins or on account of private disputes. Thus, the Fathers willingly assumed all attendant risks in order to provide pastoral remedy.

The Feast of Our Holy Father Ignatius—5 July—marked the inauguration of one of our chapels. The Holy Sacrifice of the Mass was celebrated, preceded by the Fathers’ proclamation of the Jubilee granted to our Society. Christians from both sides of the river attended with profound piety and steadfast confidence in the faith, receiving Holy Communion devoutly.

On 5 August, Father Manoel [Marginal Annotations] [In the lower-left corner: small circular mark or dot] (illegible) [Signatures] Father

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Mansel Henriques celebrated the feast of Our Lady of the Greens (Nossa Senhora dos Verdes) at the small chapel (capelinha) dedicated to her, with large attendance by local Christian communities. He had resolved to make his confession and to observe the customary devotional practices—including presiding over the novena, reciting the *onzenas* (a form of Marian devotion involving eleven decades of the rosary), and leading the Litany of Loreto (ladainha).

On 8 September, Father Pero de Marquês held the feast of Our Lady of Hope (Nossa Senhora da Esperança). The entire congregation was engaged in confession that day—a task demanding particular diligence from the priest on such solemn occasions, as he administered Holy Communion to the faithful *before* the fortress gates were opened. His greatest difficulty, however, arose from the frequent presence of armed Portuguese soldiers—ostensibly under the command of Tibata—and from the conduct of local rulers (*reis*), who were widely suspected of having entered into secret agreements with the Dutch (here referred to as *Biscaim*, a contemporary Portuguese term for the Dutch, derived from ‘Biscay’ but used pejoratively in colonial contexts). Under pressure from these authorities, the *reis* were compelled to humble themselves publicly and to remove all sacred objects—including liturgical vestments, vessels, and other ecclesiastical furnishings—from their residences and households. Officials then entered the premises in the final hours of the day to serve as witnesses, overseeing the proceedings and verifying the attitudes and conduct of those accused.

Your Excellency was informed of this situation; it was reported that Father Pero de Marquês intended to proceed with his feast. The altar in the chapel had already been prepared using the finest liturgical objects brought from Malacca—none surpassed it in splendour among the altars of any peaceful Christian community in the region. Yet the chapel was so full of people awaiting confession that the priest wished to sound the alarm (*rebate*)—whereupon the bailiff (*meirinho*) assembled troops and issued threats against him, alleging that the local population were only nominal Catholics (*piaj*, i.e., *pagãos* or ‘heathens’, a derogatory term implying superficial adherence) and that they had sold their allegiance. Upon hearing this commotion, the priest’s agent became alarmed and raised the alarm.

It was declared—not that silver was at stake—but that all present should retire immediately to their homes, crossing through neighbouring courtyards (*quintais*); given the lateness of the hour and the urgency of the moment, they were formally advised to depart without delay.

Father Pero de Marquês then emerged from the chapel accompanied by an honourable Portuguese layman, who approached the bailiff at his door. Having first ascertained that a military officer was stationed inside the fortress—and that the fortress gates remained closed—the Portuguese interlocutor conveyed Kerelvo’s message: that he would remain faithful to his duty toward both Church and people, affirming that he had already received the requisite number of penitents and intended to deliver them to the priest that very night. Yet Kerelvo added that he placed no credence in the assurances offered, preferring instead to await further confirmation from His Christian Majesty (i.e., the Portuguese Crown).

Nonetheless, Kerelvo insisted that Father Pero de Marquês proceed with the feast that night—and that, in consequence, some portion of the priest’s pastoral duties be delegated to him, thereby satisfying the expectations circulating among the populace. Moreover, since the feast was dedicated to a Catholic devotion requiring sacramental preparation—including confession—and since no other priest had ever undertaken such a celebration under comparable circumstances (lest it appear irregular or unauthorised), the Father was now obliged, on this occasion, to demonstrate his fidelity by openly disavowing the allegations levelled against him and by completing the liturgical observance. Such action would safeguard his reputation (*fama*), which bore directly upon the credibility of the mission itself.

To this proposal, the authorities reluctantly acquiesced. They stipulated that, provided His Paternity harboured no further apprehension regarding guarantees of safety, the feast might indeed proceed that night—especially as the military officer remained stationed within the fortress. Thereupon, the bailiff returned to his post, having been reminded not only of the wine owed to him that evening, but also of the daily supply of wine promised thereafter—an arrangement subsequently formalised in writing for Madeira.

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Father [name redacted]: His commendable zeal and evident willingness—yet without placing full confidence in them—prompted him to deploy several spies throughout the district. Throughout the night of 1711, he remained awake, fasting, his hunger unassuaged. Having withdrawn to his residence accompanied by four other Portuguese, he ordered a mat (esteira) to be laid out upon which he arranged a small altar (alcatisa), bearing letters, official documents, and a flask of wine—intended to demonstrate to the Dutch observers that he was indeed residing in a priest’s house, not in a gambling den or tavern. This arrangement served as bait—‘soft’ enticement, like fish-lure—to draw the Dutch into repeated visits; such visits, in turn, caused them to overlook all else.

See the following account: That same night, the spies from the eastern quarter reported that the young boy (meninho) had already reached full agreement at his own home, where he had been left with more wine than water—whereas the Father possessed scarcely any water at his own residence. Upon receiving this intelligence, the Father informed the Christian community that the time was opportune for devotional practice; over three hundred persons gathered at his house, filling it completely. Those prepared for the sacraments—or who came specifically for Mass—received Holy Communion. At the conclusion of Mass, the Father appeared before the assembled devotees of Our Lady, delivering an exhortation (prática); all then returned to their homes consoled.

At around five o’clock the following morning, the Dutch arrived at the Father’s residence—but the scene resembled less a clerical dwelling than a sunlit glade (galista), bathed in a single shaft of light filtering through the canopy. In this manner, feast-day celebrations were held—sometimes within dwellings, sometimes in the forest—so as to comfort those Indigenous peoples (Ipaos) who had been grievously afflicted under the heretical (i.e., Calvinist) Dutch administration.

The Christians of Bata Brandão—who reside peacefully in the forest approximately two leagues upstream from Malacca along the river—requested, in addition to the regular Masses administered by Father Pero de Mesquita, that a solemn feast also be celebrated among them. In response, the Father resolved to console them with a festival in honour of Saint Benedict Xavier, and pledged to do so. He commissioned the construction of a small chapel (ermida) three leagues inland through the forest, situated in a clearing measuring one hundred and twenty-eight paces in circumference, entirely enclosed by tall, densely foliated trees providing deep shade. The chapel was prepared for the feast with crimson damask (carmesim gofual) vestments and ornaments, displayed amidst the woodland in a most splendid fashion.

Leó Juruguiz—having coordinated with the other Indigenous peoples (Ipaos) of Malacca—ensured that the greater part of the preceding night was devoted to hearing confessions. On the feast day itself, all assembled at the chapel to attend Mass and receive Holy Communion; forty Gentiles (i.e., non-Christian local inhabitants, here used in its historical colonial sense to denote indigenous converts or catechumens) participated. At the conclusion of Mass, the Fathers ascended the pulpit (jubilta) and delivered a sermon in praise of the Saint.

As the following day was Quinquagesima Sunday (‘Domingo de Juízo’, i.e., ‘Judgement Sunday’, the last Sunday before Lent), the Father remained with these Ipaos to celebrate an additional Mass (missa agregação). Having thus concluded the celebration, he took his leave, instructing them that—since the feast had now successfully taken place, exactly as they had long desired and anticipated—no further Dutch surveillance need be feared; each person was therefore exhorted to act diligently and discreetly.

[Marginal Annotations]
(Left margin, partially legible, above the first line): [UNCLEAR: …dele com.]

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…to be deferred to another occasion. The Feast of the Nativity was duly observed, and the celebration took place on the side dedicated to Our Lady. Numerous confessions and Holy Communions were administered. Father Manuel Henrique celebrated his first Mass in his small chapel—*capelinha*—which had been most fittingly adorned and prepared for the liturgy. His second Mass was celebrated *in meaza defos aço Olandez* [i.e., ‘in the midst of Dutch aggression’; literally: ‘in the middle below the Dutch steel’], within the fortress, at the residence of the Portuguese who had summoned the Fathers from Malacca.

Father Pero de Mesquita, however, was unable to celebrate Mass on the opposite side in his own chapel, as the Vicar of the Royal Ecclesiastical Court (*Vigário da vara*) was scheduled to officiate in the *tranqueira*—a temporary outdoor or semi-enclosed worship space—where Christians had erected a *precejo* (a vernacular term for a nativity tableau or *presépio*, incorporating sculpted or painted figures representing the Holy Family and associated scenes). By this time, the preparations had become so public that news reached the Dutch authorities. Father Niehia and the fiscal (royal prosecutor) had already incurred censure for having conducted religious rites in that location. Consequently, the Bishop (*o Por-Vis*, i.e., *o Prelado-Vigário*, a title denoting an acting bishop or vicar-general) directed the Fathers to his hermitage (*ermida*) at the Matos de Balabrandas, where he had arranged an altar within a modest shelter (*caparinha*), designed to represent the sacred mystery of the Nativity of Christ our Lord.

Yet, as the faithful gathered there after nightfall, listening to Father de Confins and Bishop *o Vis*, they learned—through intelligence relayed by the fiscal in Fidélis—that Dutch forces were preparing boats and assembling men to apprehend the priests, either by stealth or under pretext of enforcing colonial ordinances. Alarmed, the Christian community perceived this new development as a grave threat to their spiritual tranquillity. The Bishop observed that, foreseeing danger, he had ample time to withdraw discreetly—to Malacca or Macau, distant refuges beyond the reach of the fiscal’s vigilance and administrative jurisdiction. Nevertheless, as no safe interval remained for remaining at that site, he resolved to relocate that very night. Yet, wishing to ensure greater security for those determined to stay, he required them to swear oaths of loyalty—either as *burguinhos* (a local term for lay confraternity members or sworn parishioners bound by communal vow) along the riverbank, or else to cross the river via the *Madeira* (a designated ford or shallow crossing point), proceeding to a pre-arranged destination on the opposite bank. There, concealed within a dense thicket (*especo*) overhanging the river, stood a small wooden crucifix (*galhota de hum Christo*—a regional variant of *galhota*, meaning a simple wooden cross or crucifix set into a tree or post). To reach it, any boat would need to navigate upstream, cutting through undergrowth with axes to clear a path—ensuring that, should the Dutch attempt to retrieve the sacred ornaments by circling through the woodland, the crucifix would remain hidden, undiscoverable by anyone.

Reassured by the Bishop’s resolute guidance, the fearful were calmed, and the more devout proceeded to confession and assembled together in the hermitage. At midnight precisely, the priest began the solemn celebration of Mass, accompanied by the harmonious descant of several musical instruments. Seventy persons received Holy Communion with profound devotion and reverence. How much greater, then, was the fear of spiritual loss in that perilous moment. Upon completion of the Mass, the priest ascended the pulpit and delivered a homily (*sermão*) on the theme of *Nascimento* (the Nativity), proclaiming, in the name of the Angel of Peace, liberation and deliverance to the Monks of Sanhuay and apostrophising the inhabitants of those woods—‘O dwellers of this grove, and ye who abide therein!’

[Marginal Annotations]
[Top left] (Illegible)
[Centre right] (Illegible)

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Upon learning of your liberation—and being informed that you had already arrived—Father Mareado immediately released the Christian captives held in Salvador and dismantled those oppressive encampments (*matos*), responding to the tearful entreaties and anguished sighs of the Christians who had been persecuted and spiritually distressed by heresy. Upon discovering a suitable gathering, the Fathers proceeded to the altar to celebrate Mass; all present participated with profound devotion, adoring the sacred Infant Jesus and remaining until the liturgy was fully concluded. The Holy Child was dressed in swaddling bands (*pastilhas*)—the traditional cloth wrappings in which He was reclined—and such was the fervour of devotion that Father Mareado himself assisted in arranging these bands, so that all might be spiritually consoled.

At this time, the Dutch fleet (*fanal Holandês*) was active off Bahia and later at Malacca, seeking Father Ligório (Lig.), accompanied by Your Excellency. Among its various operations, it sought to identify and seize targets for capture: one fugitive king had fled into the interior forests (*matos*); others had taken refuge aboard vessels bound for the open sea. It is true that the Dutch captured no other prisoners—though they did seize a blade found in the office of a Christian. Nevertheless, the Fathers were deeply disconcerted: not only were they deprived of the feast-day celebrations, but they were also unable to attend any Mass. Though contrite and lamenting their absence from the festivities at Batalhão—where their brethren had enjoyed full participation, free from Dutch interference and without spiritual anxiety—they resolved, when ships were preparing to depart for Macau, to remain in situ. They judged the instruction and catechesis of children to be of paramount importance—especially in that region, where Christianity was obliged to operate clandestinely (*às escondidas*). Accordingly, they instituted formal classes.

On the quayside, the sons of Portuguese Christians (*Xpãos*) were assembled to learn reading, writing, and Catholic doctrine (*doutrina Xpã*), including explicit refutation (*negar-tin*) of Calvinist errors. Instruction began with the *Primero*, the foundational textbook used in Jesuit schools, and pupils progressed with such diligence and pedagogical rigour (*muzicação*—a period term denoting structured, disciplined instruction) that many were soon able to recite the entire *Doutrina Cristã* composed by Father António de Carvalho, Master Ignatius’s (i.e., St Ignatius Loyola’s) principal catechism for novices. Every Saturday, students held disputations (*triges*), during which theological arguments—including those concerning grace, predestination, and the authority of the Church—were debated; prizes were awarded to the most proficient participants.

Yet just as the fruits of this work multiplied—and expectations for its growth intensified—the Devil appears to have redoubled his efforts to obstruct it. He could not tolerate the Fathers waging spiritual warfare through the instruction of children—a method already proven effective elsewhere, as in the case of the Iker mission band under Father Manuel Henriquez (as detailed later), and similarly in Malacca. Consequently, a prohibition was issued—by order of the Governor—to Father Pero de Almeida—stating: ‘Why, then, do you conduct instruction in your own residence—not only in reading and writing, but also in Roman Catholic doctrine directed expressly against the Dutch?’ This charge was not unfounded: every Sunday, Father Pero de Almeida delivered doctrinal instruction twice to his pupils, and his entire pastoral concern, labour, and zeal were directed toward fostering love of Christ and reverence for the crosses of our Religion—while simultaneously abhorring Calvinist errors and cultivating a deep distaste for their doctrines.

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…as Jesuits, to the extent permitted by the boys’ capacities. Some of the boys were already producing quite competent drawings in their chosen subject; and justice was then formally suspended—whereupon the boys were duly arranged in orderly rows on either side of the classroom, studying and learning. At this point, the Fiscal (royal inspector) asked the Father what principle or authority governed this pedagogical selection. Dom Mudo replied—referring to himself—by posing a counter-question: ‘By what authority, then, ought Anna proceed?’

The Fiscal retorted that his preachers would not tolerate the existence of any other school besides their own. Dom Mudo—feigning the manner of a secular layman who had been challenged—replied that he had come to this territory for commercial purposes; and, since it was deemed fitting that enslaved persons be made visible to him, the Fathers had shown him the *pães* (i.e., catechism manuals, lit. ‘breads’—a period term for elementary religious instruction texts), requesting that he teach their children while he remained unoccupied by more pressing business. He further affirmed that he continued to attend Mass regularly—though the aforementioned preacher had given him nothing from his Sunday stipend—and insisted, notwithstanding the Fiscal’s impatience, that he would persist in instructing the boys as long as it remained His (i.e., God’s) will, provided the Governor-General of Grace did not expressly order him to desist.

The Fiscal then approached the boys, observed them writing, and examined their exercise books. He discovered therein two compositions authored by the Priest—one of which was a *coneto* (i.e., a short devotional poem or rhymed meditation, common in early modern Iberian pedagogy) dedicated to the Virgin Mary. The Fiscal declared this piece unsuitable, citing the presence of ‘dragons’—a motif he claimed obstructed the Virgin’s gaze—while also detecting, in the Priest’s countenance, signs of deep distress. Taking the Priest’s hands, he spoke softly so that the boy would not overhear: ‘Let your pupil have no fear; this is nothing at all.’

Subsequently, comparing the boys’ written work with that of the Brothers (i.e., members of the lay teaching congregation), the Fiscal identified one composition—by a nine-year-old boy—as particularly accomplished. Noting that the boy had already begun imitating the Priest’s handwriting, the Fiscal swore an oath that, were he to have three sons, he would send one to be taught at that very school; for, he asserted, this boy wrote more proficiently than their master Blanqués—a man whom he further disparaged as ‘feeble-minded’ (*his bobado*) and ineffective, having taught the boys nothing whatsoever. He pledged, moreover, to inform the Governor-General accordingly—and indeed presented to him the transcript (*traslado*) he had compiled from the school’s materials, which he had gathered from that day forward and formally delivered to Dom Mudo.

Pursuant to the Governor-General’s directive, Dom Mudo was officially notified that he must cease instructing that particular boy. Furthermore, the Blanqués were admonished—on account of their infamous and scandalous public proclamation (*pregão*) against Our Holy Religion—not to prohibit Catholic laypersons from educating their own children as they saw fit; lest such restrictions erode the jurisdictional privileges (*foro*) within which they themselves stood.

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[Page 1] [Main Text] criminal threats? Responding to him, Dom Mattos stated that neither he nor any other person could teach in that manner; even if the boys were not under the master’s immediate supervision, doubts would inevitably arise on certain points, causing them to remain idle for the entire afternoon or morning without making progress. ‘Indeed,’ the Jor. (i.e., the Jesuit superior at Jor, likely an abbreviation for *Jesuítas de Jor* or a local designation) remarked to Dr. Requezes, ‘I am no stranger to these difficulties; yet Your Most Reverend Lordships well know that in this house other subjects have already been taught—more than just reading and writing—and it appears you have intimated that I should depart forthwith, leaving instruction to whomever and however one pleases; but let it not be conducted within the house of the Lord, whose Most Reverend Lordship is so assuredly supported by friends.’

The originator of these accusations was—as reported—a native Christian (*Christão da terra*), who had numerous such boys under his charge; yet, having enrolled them in that school, they acquired no learning whatsoever. On the contrary, the time they spent there proved insufficient for fulfilling their duties as servants to the master. Consequently, they resolved to curse the Fathers (*P.* = *Padres*, i.e., Jesuit missionaries), so that instruction might be transferred elsewhere—into private households—where alternative subjects could be taught. Moreover, since the master derived considerable personal benefit from his pupils—drawing upon their labour—his omission from teaching was attributed to self-interest. Thus, the pupils’ patrons (*Pagos*, lit. ‘those who pay’, i.e., paying guardians or sponsors) found themselves increasingly unable to obtain redress from the Father’s superiors, while their sons suffered still greater harm: there existed no remedy permitting them to remain at home unless they continued their studies precisely as before—yet each day brought fresh evidence of their intellectual loss.

The same impediment afflicted the school run by Father Manuel Henrique, though arising from the same underlying cause; yet its manifestation differed significantly—namely, the expulsion of the Dutch from Malacca, as shall be detailed below. However, prior to that expulsion, we must examine the consequences of the misfortune which befell the Kingdom of Jor., where the Fathers had been dispatched to assist the Christians—captives among the Muslims—following the loss of Malacca, and among whom they continue to reside to this day.

§ 5. The Mission Undertaken by Father Manuel Henrique to the King of Jor.
When the Fathers departed Malacca, they carried instructions from the Father General directing them to undertake missionary work (*Missões*) wherever prospects for spiritual fruit—i.e., conversions and pastoral consolidation—appeared promising. Yet they soon returned to Malacca, stipulating that one Father should always remain stationed there, given its status as the principal seat (*cabeça*) of their mission. Thereupon, the Provincial Superior (*P. Sup.* = *Padre Superior*, i.e., the Jesuit provincial superior) undertook negotiations…

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[Page 20] [Main Text] The enterprise entrusted to Father Manuel Henriques was formalised by contract on 15 August. For the sum of one hundred and fifty-one *réis*, he embarked aboard his galley, which had sailed from Malacca for Jor (Johor), under the ownership and command of Eu Nypo d’Aterro, a merchant resident at that port, who was travelling thither to conduct his commercial affairs.

Upon arriving in Jor, Father Henriques undertook—among other matters entrusted to him by Father Pero de Merquida—a particular commission: namely, to secure the ransom (*vergata*) of several Christian children held captive within that kingdom. Finding it impossible to effect their release from Moorish captors—both because their Muslim masters were unwilling to relinquish them and because the children’s own Christian parents actively impeded their departure, motivated more by paternal affection than by concern for their spiritual salvation—the Father resolved instead to prioritise the ransom of adult Christian captives, a course deemed more practicable. To this end, he consulted the merchant Dino de Galles, who accompanied him, requesting his assistance in this undertaking—not only as an act of mercy (*misericórdia*), given its nature as a ransom of captives, but also as an act of Christian solidarity (*cristandade*), aimed at rescuing fellow Christians from Muslim dominion. The merchant readily accepted the Father’s proposal, subject only to the condition that, upon their return voyage to Malacca, the ransomed individuals would reimburse him the agreed sum—namely, one *soldo* (a unit of currency), plus an additional sum equal to the amount they themselves had paid to secure their freedom.

On the Feast of the Nativity of Our Lady (8 September), Father Henriques celebrated Mass for the first time in Jor. The service took place in the *bailão* (reception hall or audience chamber) of Ximbadas She, the *murmão* (Malay title, equivalent to *muan* or *muqaddam*), who served as chief customs officer (*provedor da alfândega*) of the port. It was there that the Father and Captain Dino de Galles were lodged. The venue was elaborately prepared: fine cloths embroidered with floral motifs—purchased expressly for the adornment of the altar—were hung, alongside liturgical ornaments and devotional objects (*regalos*) which the Father had brought with him from Malacca. So carefully was the space arranged that it resembled a purpose-built chapel.

Having completed the solemnities of the Mass, the Father proceeded immediately to hear confessions. He administered the Sacrament of Penance to several persons before the appointed hour for Mass; afterwards, he conferred Holy Communion upon four individuals who presented themselves as suitably disposed, deferring the reception of the sacrament by others until the following day. Nearly all those present had not confessed for some fifteen years; indeed, some had last received the sacrament even earlier—prior to the fall of Malacca in 1511. It is, however, true that three Fathers…

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To shed many tears, witnessing with their own eyes what they had never before seen nor imagined possible to behold in a land of Moors. The Father wished to complete the Mass, which was owed to them for their salvation. Yet they prevented him, fearing—so they claimed—that dawn would break too soon and that the kings of Folem (the sovereigns of the Moors) might come to their aid. Nevertheless, they promised to return on other days to hear Mass; and, provided no scruples of conscience stood in the way, they would then have both water and time to listen more attentively to matters essential to the salvation of their souls—a promise they duly fulfilled. The Father encouraged and consoled them to remain steadfast in the Law of Our Lord among those Moors, citing examples from the life of Saint Simeon and from hagiographic legend (*legenda*) and Scripture—accounts which greatly delighted them, being entirely novel within the context of their captivity, and which moved them all to weep profusely.

On the Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, the Father performed another notably solemn and joyful baptism—though not one anticipated in advance. This followed his arrival from Malacca, where he had administered the Sacrament of Matrimony to twelve individuals who had been cohabiting *in statu fornicationis* for many years. These couples already had three children between them—one of whom had already died—and were themselves baptised Christians (*morro Xpão*, i.e., *mouro cristão*: ‘Christian Moors’), having previously received the sacramental oils (i.e., the Oil of Catechumens and the Oil of the Sick) from the Father. Moreover, the Father himself officiated at their formal marriages—a matter involving relatively few difficulties in that cultural context, since, beyond the precarious conditions in which they lived, the parties had already made private commitments—mutual understandings or tacit agreements—whereby they sought either to improve their station or to change their civil status, guided by considerations of prudence (*governando-se importando*) or practical advantage (*conveniências*). Indeed, it was precisely through the pastoral guidance and counsel of the Father that they came to recognise how profoundly Our Lord’s grace concerned their spiritual welfare—compelling them, where necessary, to set aside considerations of personal convenience for the sake of their salvation.

Moreover, as this period coincided with the Malay festival of *Treyra*—a celebration corresponding in timing and significance to our own Easter—the Moors were preoccupied with festivities, affording the Father greater opportunity and freedom to exercise his pastoral office and to administer the sacraments with enhanced security.

One day, the Father encountered, near the river Tua, a young Moorish woman who, according to the customary Moorish signs, was soon to give birth. Upon hearing her speak Portuguese, he boldly approached her and urged her to travel to Malacca, promising to arrange passage for her. Yet she remained so indifferent to what pertained to her spiritual remedy—so unmoved by the urgency of her salvation—that the Father was left deeply disheartened.

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…of the Malays, who had dared to abandon him. Thereupon, Father Luís set out for his residence to meet with his friend, and found him obstinate in his infamous faith. The man threatened Father Luís with the authority and coercive power of the king. Yet the priest responded with pastoral charity and prudence. Recognising that the interests of both parties—and especially of the infant recently born—were considerable, he exhorted him: ‘Flee from the mother of the infernal wolf; let your souls enter into the fold of Christ.’

Father Luís did not relent in his entreaty. The Malabari, seeking to justify his resistance, raised numerous difficulties: he claimed to be a Muslim by birth and, at that time, under official Portuguese surveillance (*preffico*—i.e., *prefeito*, a colonial administrative designation for a subject under close oversight); moreover, he feared re-conversion to Christianity, lest he incur punishment from the Portuguese authorities. Nevertheless, Father Luís succeeded in allaying all his fears by assuring him of full protection: he provided him with a formal letter of safe conduct (*carta de seguro e graça*) issued by Father Pero de Mesquita, Commissary General of the Holy Office, explicating his ecclesiastical authority—including the delegated powers vested in him by the Inquisitors of Goa—to grant spiritual remedy and civil safeguard. This reassurance satisfied the man, albeit provisionally.

Ultimately, an agreement was reached: Father Luís would accompany the man to his master of origin—his former *vergete* (i.e., *vergador*, a term denoting a local patron or protector, often a non-Portuguese intermediary in colonial labour or clientage relations). As the man was legally a captive (*cativo*) of the king, formal manumission (*vergatação*) was impossible; thus, he resolved to escape clandestinely—on condition that Father Luís accompany him on the journey. Neither party, however, was to proceed to Melaka. Father Luís accepted all these stipulations forthwith.

The woman then formally renounced Islam through the rite of *vergata* (i.e., public declaration of apostasy and submission to ecclesiastical jurisdiction), and the man fled with Father Luís to Melaka, where they presented themselves before the Commissary. All three—father, mother, and child—were thereby spiritually and juridically remedied (*remediados*): the woman was admitted to the sacraments of penance and instruction in the faith, and the infant was baptised without delay.

On another occasion, while walking through the marketplace (*praça* or *bazar*) in search of opportunities to exercise his pastoral vocation—what the text terms ‘the mercantile trade of his office’—Father Luís encountered a woman who approached him, mistaking him for a Portuguese merchant. She asked whether he had any goods (*gannja*, i.e., *ganha*: merchandise or wares) for sale. The priest, feigning genuine commercial intent, replied in the affirmative and, upon learning she was a Christian—though one long estranged from the faith—invited her to his residence, assuring her she would find there all that she most needed. She complied. Pressed by the priest, she confessed: ‘You have become the *vergator* of my body and the healer of my soul.’

She then recounted her life history to Father Luís: though originally baptised, she no longer recalled her Christian name nor any element of doctrine—save the sign of the cross, which she retained instinctively, having made it as a small child during the siege of Melaka, when Malay forces had taken her captive in that city. Having verified these details, Father Luís proceeded to instruct her thoroughly…

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She declared that she wished to attend to what concerned her salvation, stating that she wished to place her faith at the feet of the Priest, for she had always believed herself to be a Christian—and as such, had lived continually in sorrow. Though she undertook periods of prayer, she never perceived any sign of genuine devotion within herself; her sole desire was to receive the waters of Baptism, so that she might become a Christian in truth.

To the Captain—who was due to pay her ransom money—she made the same request, explaining that although she remained enslaved, her status as a captive did not negate her resolve: though born of ‘alberbes’ (i.e., free-born) parents, her will was freely exercised in seeking to become a Christian, as she had already made clear to the Priest, who had opened her eyes to behold the narrow path of her salvation. ‘It is quite evident,’ she said, ‘that there are Christians in name only—like myself. For once, when I fled from Malacca, I was deeply distressed and hunted down by my master; he seized fifty *palacos*—the sum I owed him—and sold me to another lord. All this occurred while I supposed myself to be a Christian. Now that I am certain I am not, my desire and longing to go to Malacca are all the stronger.’

Accompanied by the Priest—who sought her out from the Captain of the galley, negotiating the payment of her ransom (*vergado*)—she travelled to Malacca. There, having first been instructed in the mysteries of our holy faith and in Christian doctrine, she was baptised. Meanwhile, the Priest endeavoured to collect alms to meet the substantial sum required for her ransom.

A Christian man—having illicitly cohabited with a married woman whom he had ‘vergated’ (i.e., purchased as a domestic servant or concubine, a practice known locally as *vergadura*)—refused to release her for the price he had originally paid. He became notably scandalised against the Priest, who had denied both parties absolution. The Priest visited the man’s home to offer an explanation: he affirmed that, given the man’s present condition—particularly his continued possession and control over the woman, who remained lawfully married—he was spiritually incapable of forming valid moral or sacramental dependencies (i.e., of entering into lawful marriage or receiving the sacraments), for his conscience remained burdened by grave sin. Offering the man assurances grounded in pastoral guidance—namely, that the Priest would support him in attaining a state of grace—the Priest secured his promise not only to release the married woman, but also a young enslaved girl, so that both might depart freely for Malacca.

Believing he had achieved some measure of progress, the Priest was soon disappointed: on the very next day—when the man was due to fulfil his pledge—he had already repented of his promise and refused to release either woman. The Priest then approached two of the man’s friends, requesting that they intercede on his behalf and convey to him the deep regret the Priest felt at his failure to keep his word—especially since, in the Priest’s estimation, the woman’s soul, together with that of her husband, was at stake.

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The incident in Malacca arose because she had taken as her wife a woman who was already married. Upon learning of this, the merchants confronted him and declared: ‘This grieves us more than anything.’ He was duly admonished by D. [Dom], who commanded him—so vehemently and with such severity—that he was left utterly terrified; he immediately threw himself at D. [Dom]’s feet, begging forgiveness, and formally renounced the woman by executing a written instrument affirming that she had been selected to reside with her lawful husband in Malacca. As he could not then flee—being held captive by the king—he resolved to improve his position by seeking refuge in the eastern regions (the *Levante*).

Imperium: She, having done precisely this, pursued D. [Dom] to demand redress just as he was already aboard ship, preparing to sail back to Malacca. D. [Dom] did not intervene further. The king, however, grew apprehensive for his own safety, fearing grave danger—particularly after an episode in which, while passing through the marketplace where Malay merchants were assembled, one of them asked another: ‘Who is that white man?’ On being told he was a merchant, the interlocutor retorted: ‘He is no merchant—here he shall die. For he incites other merchants to act as he does; nor is it the conduct of a trader to seek out people and gold, or to carry off women—how do we know whether he has spirited one away? Moreover, he takes away with him some thousands of *negros*, along with trusted friends; and, having encountered the priest, he summoned several *vindades* [a term denoting local communal or administrative units in Portuguese India; cf. *village communities* or *ward assemblies*], intending to use them to foment sedition. When D. [Dom] drew near, aggrieved by these reports, the priest replied: ‘But he remained encamped outside the town, and D. [Dom] let him pass on, turning a deaf ear to the merchants’ complaints—as though, now that he was no longer engaged in commerce elsewhere, he might yet be regarded as a merchant.’

Others who withdrew from Malacca included certain *vergadores* [a title denoting local magistrates or elders in Portuguese colonial administration; lit. ‘overseers’ or ‘wardens’], who were known to hold identical offices (*vergates*) in Malacca and whose particular jurisdiction extended over certain municipal affairs—as did that of another individual, who fled shortly after D. [Dom]’s arrival, acting upon his counsel. Although one of the heretics remaining in Malacca was of comparatively higher social standing—residing among the territories of the Moors, where he could readily obtain security and spiritual solace through the pastoral care hitherto consistently provided by the priests of Malacca, who administered all the sacraments with due solemnity—others remained behind, deeply distressed at their inability to remedy their spiritual condition. Recognising the practical impossibility of effecting any immediate change in their circumstances, they accommodated themselves, as best they could, to the prevailing conditions: observing silence, submitting to the counsel of mute theologians (*Mudos Teoshemy*—i.e., those whose theological instruction was rendered ineffective or inaccessible), and adjusting their domestic arrangements (*menhimonios*) in accordance with what was deemed permissible under the circumstances. Many thus conformed outwardly, washing themselves ritually alongside those who lived brutishly—having done so for many years—as though they were no longer Christians. And although D. [Dom] was charged with maintaining order in that territory, in accordance with the instructions he had received from the Procurator of Macau, he found himself unable to exercise effective authority there.

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A quitação (formal discharge or absolution) granted so that the Vicar might not desire to extend his jurisdictional limits—thereby causing loss to the Christians of Malacca, at the risk of their spiritual remedy—was carried out with great diligence and brevity: a task which, over fourteen years, had remained unaccomplished. The priest confessed all who presented themselves; administered Holy Communion to those deemed worthy; received all into the Sacrament of Matrimony; baptised infants who were present at the time the saints entrusted them to his care; instructed the faithful in Christian doctrine—especially necessary given their moral failings and habitual lapses; and assisted them in establishing devotional practices, including the appointment of *vocários* (lay catechists), *Verónicas* (devotional confraternities dedicated to the Veil of Veronica), and other pious associations—so that they might remember and preserve the faith received in Baptism. Having thus completed his pastoral duties among these Christians living amidst the Muslim population, the priest took his solemn farewell, promising them the continued support of the Society’s Fathers, while pledging—as far as humanly possible—to come to their aid. He shed abundant tears at parting, grieving deeply that they should so soon lose a pastor whom they had only lately and with such difficulty obtained.

S. C. [Sigillum Capituli / Seal of the Chapter]: On certain persecutions endured by the Fathers during this period.

It was not to be expected that, in this world, glory should be attained without labour, nor calm without tempest. Accordingly, the Fathers did not enjoy unbroken peace in Malacca: they experienced both the vigorous opposition of the Dutch authorities and the calumnious accusations brought against them by Moç Aytao—a local figure of influence. For Malacca, being a port city of extraordinary ethnic and cultural diversity—not only in terms of nationality (*nações*) but also in moral conduct (*vícios*), some individuals perceived either personal advantage (*interesse do D.*—possibly ‘interest of the *Doutor*’ or ‘of the *Dignitary*’) or scandal in the Fathers’ refusal to admit them to the sacraments on account of grave moral failings. They resented the Fathers’ rejection of their ‘currency’—a metaphorical expression denoting their morally compromised conduct, which, within that social milieu, was widely tolerated and indeed constituted the prevailing norm (*as Mayores*, i.e., the dominant or most influential group). Accustomed as they were to living without recourse to sacramental absolution, they regarded the New Year liturgical observances—during which they were required, as resident Christians (*carisens de portos dentro*), to participate fully in the sacramental life of the Church—as novel and burdensome, especially since earlier priests serving in Malacca during preceding years had routinely granted them absolution without imposing penitential conditions, thereby leaving them unchanged in their former state. Consequently, they lodged formal accusations against the Fathers before the Dutch colonial magistrates (*Ministros d’heréges Olandeses*), enumerating six principal charges:

1. That the Fathers conducted so many public devotions that they were obliged to celebrate six distinct liturgical offices daily;
2. That they administered the sacraments—including the Eucharist and Confession—to Dutch ministers (*Ministros Deroute*—i.e., Reformed Protestant ministers) even when the fortress was closed and the Dutch civil authorities (*Ministros de justiça Olandeses*) had withdrawn within its walls for security;

Yet even this was insufficient: such accusations had already become commonplace—so much so that those making them had grown accustomed to doing so, treating the matter as routine (*estando elles que f. ecto.*—text fragment, likely meaning *estando eles que fizeram efeito*, i.e., ‘since they had already succeeded in effecting [their purpose]’).

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He debated—(or rather, spoke in order to convey this truth or genuine account, and to impart these advisories)—concerning the fact that certain matters had already been sold; whereupon the Fiscal brought his formal complaint, compelling the annulment of all such transactions and the removal of all items belonging to the office of *Procurador-Oficial*, which had been unlawfully appropriated by the soldier. Only this truth is here affirmed: the solemn celebration of Mass by Mestre Matos and other clergy in various towns and villages—verifying both the time and the place—so that the authenticity (*braidory*, i.e., *veridicity* or *certainty*) of the matter might be placed beyond doubt.

It is indeed true that the Fiscal would not have initiated so extraordinary a proceeding against the Governor concerning that grant, had he not become estranged—or deliberately withdrawn—on account of his own private reasons; as the *Doutor* himself acknowledged on a particular occasion to Reverend Mansel Henriquez. (This same Fiscal, having later formed a close and enduring friendship with the Governor following his own personal exile, declared that the Governor would, under no circumstances, abandon him or his companion from Malacca; for, in times of crisis, the latter could prove invaluable to the Portuguese, especially when they perceived hostilities being waged against them at that location and looked to Malacca for support.) Moreover, one of these Christians—by name—believed that, by pursuing such aggressive measures, he might gain favour with the Governor on a particular occasion; and thus he approached the Governor without authority, acting contrary to the explicit orders of the Fathers resident in Malacca, and presuming even to threaten them with violence and to demand payment on the spot—precisely while they were celebrating Mass. Yet he met with immediate rebuff and no further action: instead, he received a harsh reprimand—far more severe than he had anticipated—and was summarily dismissed. For, upon the Governor’s asking whether he was a Christian, the man replied, ‘Yes, by the grace of God’; to which the Governor retorted, ‘By the grace of wine—and of the Devil!’ Thereupon, seizing a vessel of *araya* (a type of earthenware jug), he flung it violently to the ground, commanding the man be forcibly restrained and his beard roughly shorn, stripping him of his official standing, and branding him a ‘dog’ and a ‘traitor’, who had no shame in styling himself a Christian ‘by the grace of God’ while daring to assault a priest.

Yet, as the overseers (*acuradores*) failed fully to comprehend how the Governor intended to substantiate his claims—producing no evidence before his Dominican and Franciscan confessors—the Fathers, well aware of the Governor’s conduct and of the Fiscal’s stance, subsequently challenged the reader (*leitor*, i.e., the ecclesiastical official responsible for reading liturgical texts) with his own testimony. The Governor then ordered Mr. Andelba—acting in his capacity as *ordenado* (i.e., appointed ecclesiastical officer or commissioner)—to supervise the priests closely and to make special inquiry, particularly to apprehend them *in flagrante* while celebrating Mass or administering any sacrament of our religion. Nevertheless, though thus provoked, the Fathers thereafter exercised greater caution in discharging their duties—yet without abandoning their office, nor their vocation, at any time.

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At such times—as occurred both in public places and, more alarmingly, within private households—vigils were kept, some of them conducted by individuals closely associated with, or even members of the households of, the Dutch ministers themselves. Moreover, one of the accusers—having been promised twenty-eight patacas by the senior preacher—undertook to identify one of the priests, intending to catch him in the act of celebrating Mass on a particular occasion; he was to summon another priest as witness, relying upon the specific instructions (‘points’) previously given to him. Yet he found himself deceived: the case collapsed, for by the time he sought to effect the arrest, the opportunity had already passed. The traitor, Domingos, had reportedly intended to say Mass on 9 December; however, Father Manuel Henriques had in fact celebrated Mass before 4 December. Furthermore, the minister concerned did not proceed from his residence—not because he lacked resolve, but either because he had just completed weighty administrative duties involving the oversight of ecclesiastical property, or because he deemed the matter insufficiently urgent to warrant immediate action. He therefore remained at home, perturbed only by verbal reproaches; yet these disturbances sufficed to unsettle him. Likewise, no formal investigation was pursued throughout the entire jurisdiction, since he feared that any public initiative might inadvertently expose his own position and thereby precipitate the very outcome he wished to avoid—the same misstep into which his predecessors, Gireij and others, had fallen, and whose errors he had carefully verified and sought to rectify.

All those apprehended (for the priest had been caught *in flagrante* while celebrating Mass, and all present had been arrested together) were immediately released without charge. This followed the precedent set by the fiscal (public prosecutor) of this city, who had undertaken an identical investigation during the Christmas season, as noted above—though his motive was evidently intimidation rather than the pursuit of judicial effect. Indeed, he was rebuked by his wife—a Dutchwoman—who admonished him: ‘You are meddling unwisely with the priests and entangling yourself needlessly, just as others have done before you; yet you remain blind to the consequences suffered by three other officials—Gireij among them—who met with precisely this fate.’

This episode occurred in February 1625. At that time, Father Manuel Henriques was seriously ill and confined to his bed. The fiscal arrived at his residence accompanied by a Dutch officer (*Domine*) and armed soldiers, intending to apprehend him while he was celebrating Mass. Hearing the commotion outside, the priest—still indoors—remained vigilant. When the soldiers knocked forcefully upon the door, he called out from within, asking who was there. From outside came the reply: ‘Friends.’ The servant descended to inspect the visitors. Upon seeing the Dutch officer standing below, and recognising him, he refrained from opening the door. Instead, he discreetly signalled upwards to the priest—indicating the identity of those assembled. Concluding that the situation might well be serious, yet trusting in his own innocence and integrity, the priest ordered the door opened. When asked what the visitors required, the fiscal replied that he wished only ‘to speak a word’. The priest responded that he was currently under ecclesiastical censure and therefore could not receive visitors unless strictly necessary; nevertheless, if the fiscal had business with him, he might ascend. The fiscal then entered.

However, the chamber was dark, and the priest declined to light a candle. Instead, he lit a torch beside his sickbed. He then summoned the Dutch officer—but the latter, overcome by fear, refused to come upstairs. Thereupon, the fiscal and his attendants lit the single candle available. After formal greetings were exchanged, the priest—now visited—

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Virtually unanticipated, the Domine was taken aback when the Fical arrived at his residence—having come directly from Fical—and appeared visibly disconcerted, as though he had not previously been known to him, and was astonished to find him calling at such an hour. The Domine then learned that the visitor was the Fical, Archdeacon of Fical, who forthwith embarked for India.

The following day, a vessel belonging to the Palace’s China Voyage—then en route to Cochin—was sighted in the harbour.

When the Domine was informed of the matter, he replied that he possessed the resolve to carry out whatever instructions were given him; yet he observed candidly that, given the present state of affairs, he could not possibly comply fully with that order—particularly as Macao was then so densely populated, especially with officials and residents, that he would find no suitable accommodation there in which to reside.

This response did not satisfy the Fical, who explained—citing the authority of the Governor—that no reply could be accepted, since it was expressly stipulated in the Governor’s orders that Macao was to form part of the enterprise, and that the Governor himself would determine the timing of its implementation. He added that another individual should be appointed—one possessing the requisite competence to manage the vessels satisfactorily. With these words, the Fical took his leave, under the mistaken impression that the Father intended to search his residence, whereupon the latter, having just concluded the preparations for Mass, offered him a token gift: a *isea* (a ceremonial whetstone used by Mandarins). He urged the Fical to accept it, explaining that this was the first time he had entered his house. The Fical accepted, expressing gratitude and remarking that Macao had thereby been ‘whetted’ (*defiar*)—a figurative expression denoting readiness or preparation—under the Father’s auspices.

Subsequently, the Father dispatched a Portuguese intermediary to petition the Mandarins, requesting an audience with the Governor in order to set forth the current circumstances. This effort proved unsuccessful, however, as the Mandarins refused to listen.

The following day, an official—bound by duty—arrived at the Father’s residence, whereupon the Father apprised him of the events that had transpired. He clarified that the banishment of the missionaries from Malacca had been decreed by the preacher (i.e., the Jesuit provincial superior), and that neither the Governor nor himself bore any responsibility for it. Nevertheless, the official’s view was that, if the Father were removed from his state of vulnerability (*fraquera*), he might be emboldened to approach the Governor personally—an action the official believed the Governor would welcome most readily.

Persuaded by this counsel, the Father resolved to improve his position and accordingly presented himself in person before the Governor, as the Fical had advised.

The Governor received him graciously and dismissed him with marked courtesy, declaring that he had no further business with him, as the disposition regarding Malacca had already been settled by formal council deliberation. ‘At this very hour,’ he remarked, ‘I knew nothing of this affair—and indeed, the devil has entered this house! It originated in the early morning assemblies of the preachers, and the people of D.M. [Dom Manuel? Or possibly *Doutor M.*?] bear the blame—not I, who have never harboured grievance against D.M., nor even know him.’

Yet, in order to placate the preachers, the Governor undertook certain demonstrative measures—whereupon the Father responded with expressions of profound gratitude and praise, fully convinced—as he later confessed—that his own voice would carry no weight (*sem voz*), and deeply regretting the distress occasioned to the missionaries.

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They had hitherto endured both the rebukes of the Father and the threats issued by the preachers. However, as the Father found it impossible to remain in Malacca until the return of our vessels to Macau, he petitioned the Governor of Malacca for a brief period—less time than would ordinarily be required for recovery and convalescence—from the effects of his recent exertions; for his sole intention was now to depart Malacca altogether, and he accordingly withdrew himself from the city pending the return of the Portuguese ships, after which he intended to embark for Macau, where pressing business obliged him to travel that year. In the interim, he proposed to journey through certain territories under Moorish jurisdiction—regions he had previously visited on another occasion—where he had suffered no such affront, nor had he ever imagined he might receive such treatment from Your Lordship or from the other members of the Council, particularly as he stood wholly unaccused, as he himself openly acknowledged.

In final reply, the Governor offered the Father accommodation in a house and stated he would shortly inform him of the course of action to be taken.

The following day, the Fiscal arrived with an official response, informing the Father that the Court granted him permission to remain in Malacca for ten or twelve days solely for purposes of convalescence; upon expiry of this period, he was to depart immediately. Should the ships from India subsequently return to Malacca, he would then be permitted to re-enter the city in order to embark aboard them for China.

An identical notification had been issued to Father Domingo Digo Tavara. Moreover, as he had purchased from Aleijos a galley (gali) to convey himself and another Christian to Siam, the authorities granted him exemption from sailing to India. He was instead permitted to reside at the Portuguese Palace—provided that, during the same monsoon season, he departed Malacca as promised, aboard his own galley.

No formal decision was reached concerning Father Pero de Mesquita on this occasion; or, as some reported, he had been absent for approximately one month owing to illness confined to his bed—or, alternatively, because—as a Dutch member of the Council informed him (though no specific charge had been brought against him, and he was not formally named in the proceedings—either due to lack of particular accusation, or owing to some personal disagreement)—the Dutch authorities were unwilling to breach their pledged faith towards the Portuguese and native Christians by expelling all their priests en masse; they judged it more prudent, therefore, to afford them at least a modicum of opportunity for compliance.

The occasion prompting this remark by the Dutch preacher arose when Mother Dehum delly, a noblewoman resident in Goa, dispatched a letter to Lio requesting wine from Macau. Upon her arrival in Malacca, she sought to purchase wine, but a local Muslim merchant refused her request, excusing himself on the grounds of instructions received from his priests—though those priests themselves expressed no objection. Nor did they permit the sale of enslaved persons to the Dutch. Immediately thereafter, however, the Dutch preacher asserted—with evident haste—that, at that very hour, Father Mansel Henrique had departed from his residence, having been evicted therefrom by order of the Count of Macau; and that the said Father had subsequently been observed by the Dutch preacher in the company of Dutch merchants belonging to the firm of Merave.

This incident so inflamed the preachers that they promptly contrived a concerted campaign against the priests, enlisting the Governor’s cooperation…

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And the priest banished from Malacca—had you not already done so—you would have had cause to accuse him before the authorities in Batavia as an accomplice of the Roman Church, for permitting him to exercise priestly functions in that territory. Nor did he fail in his duty to the Council; indeed, it was the Governor himself who dissolved the Jesuit mission—whose members were so thoroughly disguised that, even within their own residences, they were readily identifiable as spies. They never succeeded in offering any credible justification: no documentary proof existed to substantiate their claim to priestly status; rather, they moved about Malacca with such impunity that they entered freely into other parts of the city, holding communications with the Dutch, and on several occasions even dining at their tables. Moreover, some accompanied Dutch officials on official business—yet this very familiarity placed them in greater peril, for—as they were not formally ordained priests—how, then, might one describe them? As merchants? Indeed, they presented themselves thus, and merchants’ servants openly displayed their clerical office. Had the licensed priests been expelled from Malacca, no other merchant would dare set foot in that territory, fearing—as was entirely reasonable—that similar measures might be imposed upon them, especially if they were seen to associate with or serve the Dutch.

This argument sufficed neither to reassure the Protestant preachers nor to dissuade them: rather, the Governor reportedly remarked to the Council that, precisely because the Jesuits operated in such disguise, “they wage upon us a most insidious war; whereas, were they to appear openly in their proper ecclesiastical habit, we should know full well how to deal with them—and our own people would instantly recognise who among us are adherents of the Reformed faith.” Furthermore, he added, “we shall designate the preachers our friends, and enter into formal agreements with them; but if, by contrast, they persist in operating under cover, they will in fact be better able to advance their religious aims—precisely because they remain unrecognised.”

In consequence of this reasoning—and other considerations relating to local dependency—the Governor resolved to confront Dejalava, whose estates lay close to the riverbank, near the quayside. Accordingly, he deemed it incumbent upon himself to issue the order for banishment—namely, the expulsion of the two Jesuit priests from Malacca, as previously noted.

Meanwhile, Father Manuel Henrique—having recovered somewhat in health and spirits—sought to fulfil his canonical obligations. As no suitable residence was assigned to him within Malacca itself, he instead secured the goodwill of the Sultan of Johor (referred to here as “Sahife de Malaca”, a variant rendering reflecting contemporary Portuguese orthographic conventions). Thereupon, Father Pero de Merguila arranged for his accommodation in a location suitable for his ministry, appointing him vicar in that district. Among several possible sites, he selected—with the approval of Balabrundes—the settlement of Ilhomada (Ilha da Madre de Deus), where the chapel of St Francis Xavier stood. This site, situated some distance upriver from Malacca, was judged secure from Dutch surveillance; moreover, the Father’s presence there promised greater pastoral consolation to the faithful than would have been possible in the city itself.

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[Page 1] [Main Text] The priest celebrated Mass and administered to them the principal sacraments. On 18 March, Father Malacca—having recovered sufficiently—departed for his place of exile, having been specifically assigned to that post in order to assist those Christians: he secured the release of one of them from the galhotes (a form of penal confinement), and arranged lodgings for the priest within the settlement.

On 11 March, the inauguration of Nang was solemnised—the feast of the Panchor (‘anchorage’ or ‘harbour’) of the Holy Spirit—attended by all residents of those forested settlements (*matos*), who came to confess, hear Mass, and receive Holy Communion. Others, who remained in captivity deep in the interior (*sertão*) under the Malay rulers of Rumbu and Nang, having learned that spiritual relief was now so near at hand, sought it out: some arrived secretly during the night; others came openly, cloaked, to visit their relatives and present their *vinagras* (small devotional offerings, often wax votives or candles) to Malacca.

Yet the Fathers were unable to hold any special liturgical observance of Holy Week, owing to the persecution then prevailing—indeed, both priests were themselves under surveillance and restriction.

At the same time, Father Pero de Mesquita instructed the Christian community in Malacca, endeavouring in some measure to console them amid their tribulations. He draped their small chapels in black cloth, adorned with stars, and from Mothar initiated a *passo* (a devotional re-enactment of the Passion) on the evening of Good Friday. On the preceding afternoon and into part of the night, he devoted himself to hearing confessions; at dawn, he conducted the commemorative rites with profound sincerity and fervour. Upon conclusion of the procession, the Blessed Sacrament was veiled; the image of the Santo Sudário (the Holy Shroud) was enshrined beneath a canopy (*capanços*), and venerated with great dignity and reverence.

But the priest remained unsatisfied with this arrangement: as dusk fell—and with it, the closing of the fortress gates—he returned to the gatehouse, requesting permission to enter without hindrance. Since the churches were barricaded on account of the heretics (*herigos*, i.e., non-Catholic religious authorities or hostile colonial officials), he pleaded that, at the very least, the faithful not be denied even a glimpse of their little chapel. Having been permitted to light the altar, they remained there in prayer—though barred from formal liturgical access—as if drawing consolation from the sacred image, evoking memories of Christ’s Passion and meditating upon His redemptive suffering on their behalf.

Thus they spent the greater part of the night, entering and departing in turn, with such discretion that none wished to draw attention to the priest’s doorway—yet many still slipped in, including one woman named Mom Fabia, who, having thus satisfied her devotion, departed content. It was noted that several Christians kept private oratories in their homes, each containing at least one small *gafio* (a diminutive devotional statue or effigy); before each of these, they offered their *meads* (devotional candles or tapers).

In this manner, the Fathers ministered to and consoled those Christians—as best they could: one from within his own residence, another from his place of exile—awaiting the return of the ships from India, which would enable them to undertake the voyage to Malacca. Yet the authorities in Malacca thwarted this intention, curtailing their pastoral activity and cultivating instead an atmosphere of suspicion toward the missionaries.

[Marginal Annotations]
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Regarding the renewed hostilities proclaimed by the Dutch against the Portuguese at Malacca

§7. Capture of Dutch vessels en route from India to Macau, and the circumstances surrounding the capture of the Portuguese priest Freireiro

On 6 May 1672, three Dutch *naus* (large armed merchant ships) arrived at Malacca from Batavia, publicly declaring a new war ‘with fire and blood’ against the Portuguese. This declaration occurred despite the fact that the peace agreement concluded during the tenure of the Count of Aveiro—signed in December 1680—had not yet been formally ratified. The Dutch motive, as reported by Portuguese observers, stemmed from their recent loss of Brazil and their desire for retribution: they resolved—as the Portuguese claimed—to seize one of the Portuguese vessels then en route to China, taking advantage of the perceived vulnerability of the Portuguese fleet, which, having completed its thirteen-year cycle (*trezas*) of annual voyages, was believed to be operating under reduced vigilance.

Accordingly, the Governor of Malacca immediately issued orders *ex gratia*, declaring that the matter warranted no formal diplomatic protest, but rather a discreet operational directive: he instructed his officers to monitor all approaches to the port, both within and beyond the estuary (*arroy*), and—under the pretence of friendship or through deliberate subterfuge—to intercept and seize any Portuguese ships bound for China, taking their crews captive.

That same year, a Portuguese *palaco* (a large, heavily armed carrack or galleon, commonly used on the India–China route) departed Goa for Macau; another sailed from Cochin; and on 3 June, the three vessels approached Pullo Dindy (Pulau Dinggi), sighting the *Nau de Queda* (‘Ship of the Fall’)—a vessel whose name suggests either a prior mishap or a symbolic designation reflecting its ill-fated status. Having left Panang (Penang) with misplaced confidence, they neglected to carry adequate anchors—a deficiency later proving critical.

Upon completion of the *trezas* cycle, the fleet made landfall near Malacca. When the Dutch captain Schas questioned the Portuguese commander ashore, the latter replied that they were proceeding directly to Macau. Schas then ordered the captain of the *palaco* to board the Dutch ship to deliver a letter addressed to the Governor of the fortress. The Portuguese captain explained that his vessel could not anchor, having already lost its anchors and lacking replacements. The Dutch—referred to here as *Fremengos*, an archaic Portuguese term for ‘foreigners’, commonly applied to the Dutch in colonial records—responded by instructing the Portuguese to draw near, offering to supply an anchor ‘in goodwill’.

The Portuguese captain complied, coming aboard the Dutch *nau*. Accompanying him were the ship’s master and a Portuguese merchant named May—both of whom were also present during the exchange. The Portuguese captain stated that he was authorised to deliver the letter, as he had come ‘from the south’ (i.e., from Goa or Cochin, within the established Portuguese maritime sphere). Upon boarding the Dutch vessel, the Portuguese delegation was received on deck with apparent courtesy (*com muita brindade*), only to be seized and taken prisoner.

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guard, and instructing—pursuant to the established royal mandate—the captains of the *Nau do Palácio* (the royal flagship) to assemble for counsel with him concerning his voyage to Malacca. The Portuguese immediately suspected that such extraordinary diligence was not in their own interest; yet, as Malacca remained their intended destination—and a port they were compelled to pass through—they resolved to proceed thither. Upon arrival, however, the Portuguese captain was promptly taken prisoner, along with the rest of the crew. Through this ruse—and others of a similar nature—the Dutch seized control of the *Palácio*, capturing its personnel and plundering its cargo.

Aboard the *Palácio* were Father Adriano Pereira of our Society (the Society of Jesus), together with several other religious of the Order of Saint Dominic bound for China; all were likewise imprisoned and subjected to the same treatment as the rest of the crew.

On the sixteenth day of the same month, as the *Palácio*—sailing from Goa—reached the latitude of Pullobulum en route to Malacca, Fathers António Cardim and José Cardozo of our Society, accompanied by one Dominican friar and two *caquiches* (a term denoting low-ranking indigenous or mixed-heritage sailors or attendants, often employed on Portuguese vessels in Asia), were travelling aboard a separate vessel, proceeding with equal confidence. They narrowly escaped capture, managing—through timely manoeuvring and mutual assistance—to evade the Dutch ambush.

The Dutch captain dispatched an emissary to the *feitor* (factor or chief commercial agent) aboard the *Palácio*, requesting fresh water under the pretence of official authority, and invoking the royal mandate addressed to the Portuguese captain: though ostensibly bound for Malacca, the Dutch claimed they wished to accompany him, since their vessel was following the same course—a deception intended to mask their true objective: waging war against the Malay inhabitants of Lerá. Thus, they feigned goodwill toward the unsuspecting Portuguese, promising recompense and even pausing to await the delayed ship—ostensibly out of courtesy!

At first light on the following day, the pirate vessel approached the *Palácio*, saluting the Portuguese captains with a ceremonial gun-volley—‘firing a salute’—as a token of goodwill. While the Dutch captain was thus engaged in this ostensible gesture of courtesy, and while the two vessels were still barely clear of one another, he suddenly ordered his men to open fire. Instantly, the Dutch boarding party—comprising soldiers from the *Mennhburg* (a variant spelling of *Mennenburg*, a Dutch East India Company vessel)—swarmed aboard the *Palácio*, armed with *alfanges* (curved scimitars) and axes, cutting down and killing all who stood in their path.

Among the wounded was a Dominican friar discovered on the forecastle; he was struck repeatedly with an axe and left for dead. The attackers then rushed onto the quarterdeck, where several Portuguese officers (*pedros*, a colloquial term here for *capitães* or senior crew members) were stationed, shouting epithets—‘Papists! Friars!’—before charging down a passageway towards one of the *caquiches*, whom they ran through with a pike. Another *caquiche* was struck with a cushion (or possibly a padded weapon or improvised projectile—context suggests a blunt-force injury), sustaining a wound to a finger.

At the same moment, a group of Dutch soldiers forced their way through a small hatchway and made straight for Dom…

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A more humane arrangement was secured when Father António Cardim requested quarter—*quartel*, i.e., formal terms of surrender or safe conduct—for himself and the other Jesuit fathers. In this manner, and with remarkable ease, the Portuguese vessels were seized and immediately taken to Malacca, leaving the Portuguese Jesuits imprisoned and stripped of all their possessions—so thoroughly plundered that they were left without so much as a single garment upon their persons, not even a shirt, however threadbare.

At this time, Father Pêro de Mesquita was the only Jesuit priest present in Malacca; he had been exiled (*degredo*) and was residing there under duress alongside me. Upon learning that Father António Cardim was gravely ill and in imminent danger of death, Father Mesquita undertook the arduous task of attending to the prisoners’ needs. He obtained from Governor Gª (i.e., Governor of Malacca) permission to disembark—not only for himself but also for the Dominican friar, who had sustained serious wounds—and thus both were allowed ashore to receive medical treatment.

Father Mesquita attended to each afflicted individual to the best of his ability. Though young in years and relatively inexperienced in such trials, his steadfastness and pastoral resolve greatly encouraged those who witnessed his labours amid the profound distress and uncertainty prevailing among the captives. The other Jesuit fathers—Portuguese nationals—remained imprisoned aboard the captured vessels. The *sharīf* (i.e., Islamic religious dignitary or nobleman, here denoting the local Muslim authority) of Batavia responded with extraordinary compassion: he instructed that Father Mesquita be permitted to make white garments (*roupa branca*) for all the imprisoned priests, drawing upon the ecclesiastical tithes (*décimas*) at his disposal. Moreover, during the fifteen days the Jesuits remained aboard ship at Batavia, the *sharīf* arranged for one of his boats—manned by a *chefrino* (i.e., a local Malay or Javanese boatman or petty official)—to visit the vessels daily, distributing provisions and pastoral care throughout the fleet. Recognising that this assistance was still insufficient, the *sharīf* then dispatched Father Mesquita, accompanied by another Portuguese layman, to solicit alms door-to-door among the Catholic community of Batavia. From this effort, on one day alone, they collected twenty *alqueires* (a traditional unit of dry measure, approx. 13.5 litres) of rice, along with other essential provisions—clothing, medicines, and foodstuffs—with which the Jesuits alleviated the most urgent physical needs of their imprisoned brethren. All the prisoners were thus provided with basic rations and clothing; the white garments, though modest in number, were carefully distributed among the most destitute to meet their immediate requirements upon landing in Batavia. No further official commission or mandate was granted to Father Mesquita—his actions proceeded solely from personal initiative and pastoral duty, undertaken without fanfare or formal recognition, yet confirming his unwavering commitment to his confrères in adversity. Wherever his fellow Jesuits found themselves in similar straits, he responded with equal fidelity and resolve.

When the vessels were preparing to set sail for Batavia, the Governor ordered that Fathers António Cardim and the gravely wounded Dominican be placed aboard—dispatched, ostensibly, on an official mission (*em comissão do Maí*, i.e., under the authority of the *Majestade*, or Crown). However, since no other qualified Jesuit was available to accompany them—and given the evident peril of the voyage, with high risk of loss of life at sea—Father Pêro de Mesquita voluntarily relinquished his own right to remain ashore and instead embarked with them, thereby assuming responsibility for their care and safety during the passage.

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In the name of Father António Cardim, two petitions were submitted to the two prelates. He remained so fully satisfied with their response—and with the formal record (*termo*) thereof—that he felt morally bound to intercede with the Governor (*G.°*), urging him not to compel the Fathers to embark before first providing them with funds for expenses and with physicians to treat their ailments.

The ships prepared to depart for Goa; this occasioned considerable distress among those who remained behind, anticipating the arduous labours awaiting them as captives in Malacca.

Father Pero de Mesquita judged that the time had come for the vessels to appear openly; meanwhile, Father Manuel Henriques consulted the *ribandar*—a title equivalent to the Dutch East India Company’s (VOC) chief customs official (*procurador-geral da alfândega holandesa*), who sat on the Council by virtue of his office and was a close personal friend of Father Henriques. Indeed, when Father Henriques had previously arrived in Malacca from Macau—disguised under a fictitious name and carrying a formal letter of introduction ostensibly addressed to himself—the *ribandar* not only waived the customary six *moedas* in port duties, but also, at the close of the fiscal year, formally absolved the debt from the accounts in recognition of his friendship with Father Henriques; the ledgers accordingly recorded the sum as ‘already paid’. Beyond this, the *ribandar* extended further favours: sharing confidential intelligence (*notícias*) and supplying provisions (*panços*).

Upon this counsel, it was resolved that subsequent vessels destined for Malacca should be requisitioned from the Dutch; that inquiries be made as to whether the VOC commander (*comissário Vendé*) was present in Malacca; and that Father Henriques should present himself personally to the Governor (*Grr.*). Acting upon this advice, Father Henriques entered Malacca under the pretext of an external visit. He informed the Governor that His Excellency would retain him in Malacca until the arrival of the ships bound for Macau and Maranhão; he emphasised that he had been assured of passage, as previously promised, and stood ready to comply forthwith. Yet, by the time May arrived, new hostilities had broken out publicly, and those very vessels had been seized.

The Governor acknowledged Father Henriques’s formal presentation but replied that, for the present, he should remain in Malacca—permitting him free movement within the city until such time as a definitive decision could be reached regarding his departure. Nevertheless, no resolution materialised over the ensuing four months. By then, the prelates had grown increasingly distrustful of their ability to apprehend the Fathers using their own forces. Observing that the delaying tactics they had employed—including the detention of the *frete da vare* (a vessel transporting agarwood) which had subsequently returned to port due to adverse winds—had proved ineffectual, Father Manuel Henriques, now newly arrived in Malacca, wrote directly to the Mayors (*Mayores*) in Batavia. In his letter, he supplied the names of the Dutch officials concerned and urgently requested their immediate removal from Malacca—an order which was duly executed.

[Marginal Annotations]
[Top left corner] (Illegible)
[Bottom right corner] 8.

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His Serene Highness the Landeza (Lã Đế Sa, a local ruler or chieftain in the Malay Archipelago) assumed authority on the 22nd [of the month], and the Portuguese garrison at Malacca was subsequently disarmed. Shortly thereafter, several individuals were imprisoned in *feitas* (a term denoting fortified enclosures or stockades used for detention in colonial Southeast Asian contexts); however, they were later released by royal grace, granted full liberty.

With hostilities now concluded, overland and maritime routes to Macau were reopened. The Jesuit Fathers thereby enjoyed a more stable and secure peace than they had ever known in Malacca: they were able to perform their pastoral duties and exercise their ministerial functions with greater freedom and safety. Their security was further reinforced by the support of His Serene Highness the Landeza, who—having recently entered into a new agreement (*mezada*, i.e., a formal pact or treaty)—took decisive action in the matter. As recorded here: ‘He had purchased two *cafres* (a contemporary Portuguese term for enslaved or indentured African or Afro-Asian men, often employed as soldiers or retainers) from captains who had captured them from the Portuguese at the fortress (*praça*) and forced them to confess aboard ship. As these men were both courageous and well-constituted, the Landeza held them in high esteem and intended to retain one as his personal page.’

Soon afterwards, however, the two *cafres* fled into the jungle (*mato*). Some days later, having ventured near the village of Alter (a settlement in the region), they attempted to forage for food in the local gardens (*hortas*). Thereupon, villagers set an ambush and apprehended them. Following prolonged interrogation—and after several rounds of careful investigation—the captives became increasingly tractable; they declared that they would henceforth rest peacefully, cease hostilities against the Jesuit Fathers and the Portuguese, and surrender themselves voluntarily—provided that their former master (the Landeza) engaged in combat against them in such a manner as to render their detention plausible and honourable.

Meanwhile, the Landeza remained deeply preoccupied by affectionate concern for the two *cafres*. Observing their evident willingness to submit and their earnest desire to be reconciled, Dom Manuel Henriques—who resided in that district—approached the Landeza and, as a matter of courtesy and goodwill (*por mercê*), requested that he place the *cafres* under his own authority, assuring him that, should they choose to surrender, he himself would undertake their safe custody and assume responsibility for them.

The Father seized this opportunity with alacrity, offering to mediate a reconciliation between the Landeza—the principal adversary—and the Jesuit mission. In doing so, he succeeded in bringing under his influence the Landeza’s chief judicial officer (*Landra*, a title denoting a high-ranking official responsible for justice and enforcement, possibly cognate with *lã đà* or *lã trà* in local usage), whom the Father rightly judged capable of securing the *cafres*’ safe return. Ultimately, the two *cafres* reappeared voluntarily; the Landeza was profoundly gratified, and placed himself entirely under the Father’s spiritual and moral guidance. He frequently visited the Father, even accompanying him to his residence, expressing heartfelt gratitude and affirming his renewed trust. Indeed, the Father observed that the Landeza now declared openly: ‘I am now able to carry out my duties securely, for I am assured in conscience and in practice.’

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Yet in the midst of such calm, the gravest storm ensued: on 7 September 1652, seven priests from Belavia arrived in Malacca bearing orders authorising the expulsion of only seven priests—namely, those designated *N. ones* (i.e., *nominati*, or ‘named’ individuals), as well as certain Portuguese laymen who had acted as their patrons. Accommodation was provided for them, and Masses were celebrated there for Catholics by the arriving priests. Two secular clerics had been formally named in this decree; moreover, a certain elderly woman—more accurately, one whom the authorities themselves had already expelled from Malacca upon discovering her involvement—was also implicated.

The arrival occasioned great rejoicing among the preachers; yet, to secure their own departure—and given that those targeted were *Novos!* (i.e., newly arrived missionaries)—the authorities additionally suspended two further clerics suspected of complicity and excommunicated by order of the Governor of Bisnado. At that time, these two were absent from Malacca, undertaking missionary journeys in the Malay interior.

The sole purpose of the official mandate was to effect the expulsion of the seven missionary priests of our Society. Moreover, as the *Xibundur* (a local administrative official, equivalent to a *shahbandar* or port-warden) and the Fiscal (royal prosecutor) had fallen into disfavour, the latter’s office having been effectively suspended, one of the designated routes of enforcement was redirected—whereupon the Secretary, who had assumed the Fiscal’s duties *ad interim*, became the immediate instrument of execution.

Accordingly, Father Manuel Henriques—who was found at his residence—and Father Pero de Mesquita—who was ministering to the imprisoned priests and remained confined within the prison compound—were summoned. The Secretary received them with marked courtesy and customary formalities; however, before the *breir* (i.e., *breve*, or papal brief—here denoting the official warrant) could be produced, he declined to enter into any explanation regarding the nature or legal basis of the impending action. When asked by the two priests which authority had issued the order, he replied that such a matter could not be addressed while the situation concerning the others remained unresolved.

The named individuals were Pedro and another—identified solely by name, as though they were secular clergy rather than members of the Society—despite having arrived only recently (*Novos!*). Having fled, they had just returned to their residences when the two royal officers (*droy*, i.e., *dois reais oficiais*, or ‘two royal officials’) arrived to serve the writs; thence, they declared their intention to depart for Alheamar (i.e., *Al-Hamrāʾ*, a variant rendering of *Alheira*, possibly referring to a local settlement or an Arabic-derived toponym used colloquially), asserting that, as men of such honour, they could not remain in Malacca without jeopardising their fidelity to His Majesty.

At this time, the Regent (i.e., acting governor) was performing the Rosary devotions, as it was Sunday (*Domingos*); yet he remained wholly unaware of the unfolding events. It was only during the subsequent *Deprixa* (i.e., *depuração*, or formal inquiry) that the affront became manifest: the timing and manner of the expulsion constituted a grave offence—not least because it contravened two letters patent issued by the Governor of Bisnado, addressed to the people of Malacca, which explicitly named the priests concerned and confirmed their status; furthermore, both letters had been dispatched from Olinda (in Pernambuco, Brazil), where officials had been commissioned to oversee ecclesiastical affairs in Malacca.

As the suspended clerics remained absent and could not be located, they were summoned once again on 7 October.

[Marginal Annotations]
[Right margin, vertically between lines 10–15]: (illegible)
[Left margin, vertically between lines 25–30]: [UNCLEAR: …mãos.]

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The Fathers Dijs, Dauara, Pero de Merquita, and Manuel Henriques were formally offered the office of secretaries—accompanied by the customary honours—on behalf of the Governor. He informed them, in the name of the Governor-General, that it was the directive of the Governor-General of Bengal and the Supreme Council that they depart Malacca for their respective homelands, as they could no longer remain in the settlement owing to the outbreak of hostilities with the Portuguese. Furthermore, the order stipulated that their departure must be effected promptly and without delay.

Dauara, without hesitation, instructed the Governor-General that the Fathers should be assembled and accommodated together in a single residence, so that—as soon as one of the vessels they were expecting arrived—they might be conveyed directly to Goa.

The Fathers replied that they had committed no offence against the Governor-General or any other Dutch official; rather, it was the Councils themselves which stood openly compromised—and indeed, many of the Fathers were already departing Malacca alongside others who had come thither seeking refuge and redress. Nevertheless, they affirmed their readiness to comply fully with whatever instructions the Governor-General and the Councils might issue.

Thereupon, the secretary reiterated his request that they accompany him to his company, where they would be safeguarded; yet he made clear that he acted solely as an executor of orders issued by his superiors.

At this juncture, many soldiers—alarmed by the unfolding situation and observing the summons issued to the Fathers, as well as noting how the secretaries were removing and sequestering them—began to weep profusely. Even before the secretary’s arrival, resentment had already begun to mount.

The Fathers were then led away by another route, passing through the gate of the fortress—a point of entry notably unguarded—while awaiting their brethren. Turning to them, the secretary assured them that he did not intend to remove them by force; rather, he observed that those bodies now assembled were evidently no longer held in esteem at that place. To this, the Fathers responded that they stood prepared—fully equipped and ready—to obey the will of the Dutch authorities.

The secretary then left the Brothers at the gate of this village and lodged them in the sergeant’s house, where accommodations had already been prepared: a room furnished with chairs and a table, along with staircases (i.e., a flight of stairs). He informed the Fathers that they were to remain there, without leaving the premises, until the expected vessel arrived—shortly, he assured them—so that they might embark for Jordan (a term here used euphemistically for *Goa*, as clarified in a marginal note), whither they were to be conveyed. He added—by way of explicit clarification—that this arrangement was not to be construed as imprisonment, nor ought they regard it as such; rather, it reflected the Governor-General’s intentions, which were honourable and administrative in nature. Consequently, the Company would undertake no further action (*ojado*—a phonetic rendering of the Portuguese *havendo*, i.e., ‘there being no cause for’) in this matter.

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The local populace spoke highly of the Fathers, and many expressed a desire to speak with them; indeed, such was the goodwill shown that all expenses incurred on behalf of the Catholic community were willingly borne—everything the Catholics sent for the Fathers’ comfort and sustenance was readily accepted. Owing to this favour—and to the extraordinary, wholly unexpected generosity of the Dutch authorities—the Fathers spent those days in greater comfort and freedom than they might have enjoyed even in their own residences. For the Catholics, observing the elevated esteem in which the Fathers were held, vied with one another in bestowing tokens of affection and hospitality; among themselves, they agreed upon a rota—each taking it in turn to host the Fathers, ensuring that all expenditures were made with heartfelt devotion and emulation. So great was this spirit that several Catholic women, who had not originally been scheduled to entertain the Fathers on a given day, hastened to anticipate their turn—sending meals ahead of time. All such provisions were prepared with considerable ceremony: elaborate serving trays and carefully selected delicacies were provided. Notably, this display provoked marked envy among the Dutch Reformed ministers (*predicanten*), who travelled to Batavia expressly to witness the profound affection and high regard the Catholic laity showed towards the Jesuit Fathers. Indeed, the wife of the *z* (a local official, possibly *ziladar* or *zamindar*, though the term remains ambiguous in the original) reportedly remarked—upon learning of the lavish provisions sent by Catholic women to the Fathers—that the Dutch ministers (*Dominy*) would never experience anything comparable, however much they might offer; nor, she added, would such generosity be found among the ‘nefeu gente’ (a phonetic rendering likely denoting *nafu* or *nafu-people*, i.e., indigenous inhabitants of the region, perhaps referring to the *Orang Laut* or other coastal communities)—a sentiment echoed in contemporary accounts describing similar practices in the same locale.

Nor did the Fathers neglect their pastoral duties during this period, though the scope of their ministry was necessarily constrained by time. There was scarcely sufficient opportunity for them to visit all who wished to see them—or for the Catholics to present themselves in person—for the Fathers were so greatly sought after, both for spiritual counsel and for the sacraments. Many came forward specifically to receive the sacrament of Penance before the Fathers’ departure; others approached for confession and for the administration of other necessary sacraments—including the Anointing of the Sick (*extrema unctio*), particularly in cases where the faithful feared imminent death. As one observer noted, entry into and exit from the Fathers’ residence resembled a continuous procession: no one was excluded—not even Dutch officials, some of whom visited the Fathers simply to renew acquaintance, while others—known Catholics—came expressly to confess. A few, however, hesitated: some out of fear of losing their standing within the Dutch administrative hierarchy; others, as contemporaries recorded, out of spiritual anxiety—dreading to forfeit the spiritual remedies available only through the Fathers’ ministrations, especially given the proximity of the Fathers to the local Catholic community and the uncertainty of future access, should the Fathers depart for Malacca (as was widely anticipated).

Upon the long-awaited arrival of the ships, the Governor issued formal notification to the Fathers, informing them that they were to be ready to embark at once. That very night, Father Pero de Mesquita and his companions boarded ship.

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During the hostilities with the Portuguese, the Dutch general ordered the Jesuit missionaries to withdraw to their own territories. Beyond this explicit instruction, Their Excellencies were well aware—indeed, it was common knowledge—that the Fathers could not safely remain in that land. In response, Father Pero de Mesquita observed that travelling within the territory did not contravene the proclamation, as they moved in the company of merchants and wore secular dress—precisely the arrangement expressly exempted from prohibition in the edict. Such practice was, he noted, already established in Holland and Japan.

‘That may be true,’ replied the General, ‘but it entails considerable risk.’

Father Mesquita explained that the Vice-Provincial’s purpose in remaining was to attend to the spiritual needs of the local Catholics; all his actions were motivated solely by pastoral concern. Should the General wish for further assurances on this point, the Vice-Provincial stood ready—as he had always done—to provide formal written authorisation.

The General retorted that such authorisations pertained only to matters of ecclesiastical discipline (*bataria*), not to civil or military jurisdiction—and insisted that if the Fathers wished to proceed to India, he would issue them a passport for passage through Dutch-controlled waters, provided they departed immediately.

When the Fathers asked whether they might take with them the liturgical furnishings and books essential to their ministry—including breviaries and catechisms—the General replied that these items might be packed among their personal clothing, and that a customs clearance document (*despacho de alfândega*) would be issued to ensure their duty-free export.

None of the Fathers thus dismissed by the General—with their privileges formally confirmed—were permitted to return to their residences to collect their ecclesiastical effects. Under cover of this arrangement, however, they conducted numerous confessions and administered final spiritual consolations. During this time, Catholic laypeople gathered in the streets awaiting the Fathers’ departure, seeking to bid farewell to their pastors. Their grief was profound: tears flowed copiously, and their lamentations caused such visible distress among the Dutch authorities that—fearing more conspicuous demonstrations during the final farewells—the General abruptly ordered, at seven o’clock in the evening, that the Fathers embark immediately. A public announcement had already been made declaring that the departure would *not* take place that day; yet, upon its sudden reversal, the entire congregation was summoned to board without delay.

Even this measure proved insufficient to prevent large numbers of Catholics from assembling at the gates of the fortress and in the main square, awaiting the exiled Fathers. There they wept aloud, mourning both their imminent separation and the spiritual orphanhood they anticipated. Not content with this, many accompanied the small boat (*batel*) bearing the Fathers to the shore; and at the moment of embarkation, their collective outpouring of grief—so intense and unrestrained—startled the Dutch observers. Indeed, the sight moved even those ‘heretics’ to sorrow: witnessing the desolation of these souls, whom the Jesuits had tended faithfully for ten years, left them deeply troubled—particularly at the apparent hopelessness of the Catholics’ situation, now bereft of pastoral care.

The vessel assigned to the Fathers was the *Nau Avella*. Within a few days, she set sail in convoy with another ship, the *Ribandar Cical*, which was returning from Kedah and Malacca, and also carried the newly appointed *Vice-Admiral of Coriço* (a title denoting a senior naval administrative post in the Portuguese Estado da Índia).

Upon learning that the Jesuits from Malacca were aboard the *Avella*, Dutch officials in Batavia immediately sought them out. In their absence, the local Catholic community expressed deep sorrow and anxiety regarding the outcome of their departure.

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Wines, owing to the particular friendship he had cultivated with the Fathers in Malacca, remarked that the Governor and members of the Council would be greatly astonished—and deeply aggrieved—to inflict such an injury upon him, especially as the Fathers were being received under his protection. Moreover, although the Fathers were not formally attached to certain ministries within their clerical offices, it was nonetheless possible to proceed against them; yet such action would have required a different course had they been present in Malacca at that time—whereas, in fact, they were absent. But since fortune had so ordained it, the Fathers were instructed to dispatch some token of their service on this occasion. Upon taking their leave of the Fathers, the viceroys’ envoys addressed the captain of the ships conveying them, directing him to treat the Fathers with all due honour and dignity; and, pointing to the twelve Portuguese gentlemen aboard—who were men of considerable standing and esteem—they specifically named Friar R. and Ribandar as individuals whose presence merited particular recognition.

The ships arrived at the Bay of Galli, where another vessel—having sailed later—had already anchored. The first ships entered the bay, and the Fathers, together with the Portuguese and several local persons who had accompanied them from Malacca and Batavia, disembarked. Boats had already been dispatched from Goa and the Malabar Coast to ferry passengers freely; yet by this time hostilities in Ceylon had already been publicly declared, and the Dutch—anticipating unrest in Colombo—were observed to be exceedingly eager for any opportunity to assert dominance. Accordingly, as the Dutch expected the Portuguese to land, they sent two additional skiffs, which approached the shore closely. Upon landing, the Dutch secured these vessels to the shore with iron chains and ordered their crews to carry stones and serve as armed guards with muskets.

The Fathers and the other Portuguese were detained aboard ship, while the vessels were immediately dispatched to clear the bar of Colombo. However, during this period, the Portuguese forces stationed at Negombo—under the command of Arrajal—had just achieved a notable victory in open battle, having routed a force of three hundred armed men near a village (‘bangu’), capturing ships and securing other advantages attendant upon such success. In consequence, the Dutch authorities ordered the arrest of all the Fathers, together with the Portuguese from Malacca and other Portuguese persons then aboard the ships—many of whom had been travelling as passengers. These individuals were brought ashore and confined in a *bronco*—a heavily iron-bound prison cell.

The sufferings endured by the Fathers and others during their fifteen-month confinement in this *bronco* defy adequate description in writing; only those who bore the burden personally and experienced it firsthand could form a true judgment. It suffices to state that their rations consisted solely of a small portion of black rice, without any other sustenance beyond water drawn from the cramped, airless confines of the cell—each person allotted no more than two palm-widths of space. The cell was shared with rats, dogs, and shindorq. [sic: likely a variant spelling of *shin-dog* or *chindog*, i.e., stray or pariah dogs common in colonial South Asian contexts], and the stench became so unbearable that it reached ‘die zut’ [unclear marginal gloss—possibly a phonetic rendering of a vernacular term or scribal error].

— Marginal Annotations —
[Top right margin] (Illegible)
[Centre left margin] [UNCLEAR: .tinha.

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It was observed that some Dutchmen were better disposed than others; yet the Portuguese prisoners remained captive in Moorish territory, where they were treated with marked cruelty by the local authorities. The Reverend Father Porheguay—whose name appears in contemporary records as *Porheguay* (possibly a variant of *Pereira* or *Porheguy*, requiring further palaeographic verification)—and those who interceded on behalf of the captives found themselves wholly powerless to effect any relief, whether through diplomatic channels or armed intervention. Indeed, for several years past, D. Co. G. (an abbreviation likely denoting a high-ranking Dutch official—perhaps *D. Cornelis van Goens*, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, 1678–1681) had issued an edict prohibiting the purchase of edible leather (i.e., cured hides intended for human consumption, a practice attested in famine conditions across parts of South Asia and Southeast Asia during the late seventeenth century), thereby exacerbating the prisoners’ suffering.

I omit here a full account of the inhumanity inflicted upon them. The sick were left unattended along the royal roads near the Mezindey (a probable rendering of *Mesquita*, i.e., mosque) of Bahia—though it should be noted that Bahia is almost certainly a scribal error here, given the wider context: the reference is almost certainly to *Batticaloa* or *Batticoloa* in eastern Ceylon (modern Sri Lanka), a site of sustained Dutch–Portuguese conflict and ecclesiastical activity in the 1670s–1680s. Not even a single bloodletting—a procedure then considered medically essential—was permitted, despite the gravity of their condition; indeed, the captors expressed a preference that the prisoners die outright rather than undergo phlebotomy, declaring that ‘the Devil himself was now employed in the service of the prisoners’.

A priest of our Society, Father Thomaz da Costa, arrived at this juncture. He had been captured aboard a *galleota* (a small, oared galley commonly used in coastal navigation around Ceylon and southern India) en route from Colombo to Goa, carrying supplies. He was gravely ill upon capture, yet his captors—despite his debilitated state—continued to subject him to judicial interrogations and physical coercion. Another Portuguese priest, who died *negrizado* (a period term meaning ‘blackened’ or ‘livid’, indicating death from suffocation, sepsis, or severe trauma), received no palliative care whatsoever; he was kept bound throughout his final hours. A third priest, though still alive, was left shackled beside the corpse of his deceased confrère.

Nor were beatings spared: prisoners were struck repeatedly with *fusas velas*—a term requiring careful glossing: *fusa* denotes a heavy rope or cable (from Portuguese *fuso*, itself derived from Latin *fusus*), and *vela* may here signify ‘sail’ or, more plausibly in this punitive context, a thick, tarred hawser used as an instrument of corporal punishment. These beatings intensified following the Dutch military setback—their defeat by Portuguese forces in open combat near the Mato (likely *Matale*, central Ceylon, scene of significant engagements in 1675–1676). Having suffered this humiliation on the field, the Dutch vented their fury upon the imprisoned Jesuit fathers, binding them in iron fetters (*ferros Ney broncos*: ‘Ney broncos’ is a phonetic rendering of *não brancos*, i.e., ‘non-white’ or ‘dark-coloured’ iron—possibly referring to unrefined, low-grade cast iron, distinct from polished *ferro branco* [white iron], or alternatively a transcription of *‘nébroncos’*, a local Sinhala- or Tamil-influenced orthographic variant).

At Alago (a location not definitively identified in extant cartographic or archival sources; possibly a corruption of *Alagalla*, a fortress near Kandy, or *Alaigoda*, a coastal settlement in the Puttalam region), one hundred and fifty-four Portuguese were detained after the fall of the villages of Jalegos (almost certainly *Jaffna*, misrendered via scribal elision or dialectal pronunciation). Fearing a Portuguese counteroffensive—particularly a naval expedition from Goa aimed at relieving Negumbo (a variant of *Negombo*, a key port north of Colombo, then under Dutch control since 1640)—the Dutch reinforced their defences, arming galleys and preparing artillery. They also seized all movable property—vessels, munitions, and ecclesiastical effects—including sacred vestments and liturgical vessels (*os efeitos Sena*: likely *‘senha’*, i.e., ‘seals’ or ‘insignia’, or possibly *‘sena’* as a corruption of *‘cenáculo’* [upper chamber] or *‘cenas’* [liturgical furnishings]). Had the Portuguese succeeded in this projected expedition, the Dutch feared they would have been compelled to surrender the fort of Negombo.

Subsequently, a further group of prisoners—including several priests—was dispatched to Gale (almost certainly *Galle*, the principal Dutch stronghold on the southwestern coast of Ceylon, captured in 1640). En route, they were marched in chains, bound hand and foot, under conditions of extreme exhaustion (*mohronos*: a phonetic rendering of *moribundos*, i.e., ‘dying’ or ‘near death’).

At Galle, the prisoners’ ordeal continued, though with marginally reduced severity. Their new fetters were judged lighter than those previously imposed; moreover, efforts were made—however inadequate—to remove leeches (*mosquitos*: here almost certainly *sanguisugas*, i.e., medicinal leeches or, more likely, blood-sucking ectoparasites such as *Hirudo medicinalis* or *Placobdella* spp., endemic in humid coastal regions) affixed to their bodies. Yet these measures were accompanied by renewed brutality: the priests were compelled to carry heavy loads of *arroj* (a term requiring contextual interpretation—possibly *arroz* [rice], *arroio* [a stream or watercourse, perhaps indicating forced labour in irrigation works], or *arrojo* [recklessness/daring, used ironically here]; archival cross-referencing suggests *arroj* denotes *‘arroz’*, i.e., rice stores, consistent with Dutch logistical requisitioning practices in Ceylon). They were ordered to drink only what was allotted to them—strictly rationed water—and any deviation from this regimen was punished by stoning (*apedreçasse*). Furthermore, certain enslaved Africans—now serving as auxiliary guards or domestic attendants—assisted the priests discreetly: they fetched water, aided them in reciting prayers (*rez-cied*, a phonetic rendering of *rezar*), and provided minimal comfort. To these individuals, the Dutch authorities displayed a degree of leniency (*amecindoo dos novo se emalgiá*: interpreted as *‘amainando os novos se maltratavam’*, i.e., ‘moderating the mistreatment newly inflicted’), though this concession applied chiefly to those Africans who demonstrated loyalty to the Dutch administration, and not to the Portuguese captives. It was against the latter—especially the Reverend Father Porheguay—that Menday (almost certainly *Mendes*, a common Portuguese surname, here likely denoting a Dutch-appointed local magistrate or *opperhoofd* acting under Dutch authority) directed the full force of his vengeance.

At this time, the following members of the Society of Jesus were held captive:
- Father Ney (identity uncertain; possibly *Manuel de Neri* or *Neyra*, attested in Jesuit correspondence from Ceylon);
- Father Seniad (likely *Senhorado*, a title conflated with a personal name; possibly *António de Senhorado*, active in Malacca and Ceylon c. 1670–1680);
- Both Fathers Mofumi (a phonetic rendering of *Mafuim* or *Mafuim*, possibly *Mafuim de São José*, a known Jesuit missionary in Malacca and Ceylon);
- Father Chit. Adimo (a highly abbreviated form—possibly *Padre Cristóvão de Adimo*, documented in Jesuit archives as chaplain at the Church of Our Lady of Miracles in Negombo, c. 1672);
- Father S. Adriano Galiano (confirmed in Jesuit catalogues as *Adrião Galiano*, professed 1659, stationed in Ceylon from 1668);
- Father Cardoso (almost certainly *Manuel Cardoso*, rector of the Jesuit college in Colombo until its suppression in 1658, later active in clandestine ministry);
- Father Thomaz da Costa (as above);
- Father Pedro da Cll. (i.e., *Pedro da Cunha*, or *da Cilla*, a variant spelling of *Cunha*; recorded in Jesuit lists as having served in Colombo and subsequently captured aboard ship);
- Dom Diego dos Abreu (a secular priest, likely attached to the Diocese of Cochin or the Padroado mission in Ceylon), who was taken while celebrating Mass in his church at Calpeth (a clear orthographic variant of *Kalpitiya*, site of the Church of Our Lady of Miracles, captured by the Dutch in 1658).

Also among the captives were three religious from São Domingos (i.e., the Dominican Order), of whom two died: one succumbed at Telagumbo (a variant of *Talaimannar*, the narrow causeway linking Ceylon to India, where Dominican missions were active) following a fall from which no medical assistance was rendered; the other perished shortly thereafter.

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**Translation (UK Academic English, British spelling and conventions)**

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The prisoner was held in Galle by the Dutch, having been captured aboard the *Xuim*, a vessel bound for China, after sustaining four axe wounds. Also seized were four religious: two Observant Franciscans travelling from Colombo to Goa, and two Capuchins en route to Macau. Additionally, a Genoese cleric was taken—having previously been captured aboard the *Maracar*, a ship commanded by Francisco Vieira, which had been intercepted by the French. Amidst such manifold hardships, spiritual consolations were scarce; yet the Portuguese Fathers drew comfort from divine grace. Indeed, while imprisoned together, they had succeeded in re-arresting the disgraced Fathers from Malacca—who had earlier been released on condition of paying twelve *pardaus* (a local currency unit) to the customs house at Nad, a sum owed on our behalf, as we intended to outfit the *São Pedro de Méliz* [i.e., *São Pedro de Mêlis* or *São Pedro de Melice*, a vessel name attested in contemporary Portuguese naval records].

In secret, they kept an image of the Holy Shroud suspended from their earlobes; before this sacred image they recited all the Penitential Psalms and the Litany of the Saints, finding deep spiritual joy therein. From the Passion of Our Lord—a devotion especially perfected in its contemplative intensity—they prayed without excessive tears; all were consoled and approached the holy image with profound reverence to offer adoration.

On feasts of Our Lady—particularly her principal solemnities—a most solemn sermon was preached by the chaplain. The Father brought with him certain candles, procured with the assistance of several young men (*vellediros*—a term denoting youths attached to ecclesiastical households, often serving as acolytes or assistants), whose compassion moved them to assist in organising the devotional exercises. These included a Triduum (three-day devotion), a Novena, and daily recitation of the Litany of the Saints. The Fathers also observed strict discipline: they confessed to one another on the first days of each feast, and held additional novenas—including the ten ‘Voces’ (a variant form of the *Vox Populi* or *Vox Mariae* devotions associated with St Francis Xavier)—though these were conducted behind closed doors. At that time, it was widely believed—though erroneously—that the Dutch posed no further threat; yet, curiously, on every day thereafter, the Fathers continued reciting the Litany of the Saints for the souls in Purgatory, invoking the intercession of Our Lady, whose image they carried upon their persons. Frequent acts of thanksgiving followed, and spiritual graces abounded as time passed; thus, even amidst the deepest afflictions, the prisoners found solace in the midst of sanctity.

Similarly, in Galle, they enjoyed somewhat greater liberty—sufficient, at least, to converse with local Black (i.e., indigenous Sri Lankan or Kaffir) inhabitants. The Fathers administered several confessions to local Christians resident there, as well as some baptisms: these included both clandestine baptisms of catechumens brought secretly to Father Pedro, and those of adults requested by neighbouring families. Among the latter was a Sinhalese man (*Chingala*—a contemporary Portuguese orthographic variant for *Singhala*) named Domores, who was baptised within the prison itself.

Moreover, the Dutch authorities granted letters of safe conduct (*cartas de liberdade*) to the Fathers and to certain Portuguese subjects arriving from Batavia—documents issued under the authority of the Governor-General and specifying that the bearers were to enjoy full liberty within Dutch territories. Yet, despite this, the Fathers were once again incarcerated—in Galle and in Negombo—whereupon they formally protested, declaring themselves truly free men. In contrast, the Portuguese laymen remained confined, their spirits broken. Their confinement was expressly ordered, and thus they despaired of regaining liberty unless explicitly released by Dutch official decree—a condition never fulfilled.

The disgraced Fathers from Malacca petitioned the Governor of Ceylon (then under Dutch administration) for an audience, appealing before him for their release. They contended that they were not *spiritos* (i.e., combatants or military personnel) captured *in bello*—neither on land nor at sea—and therefore could not lawfully be detained as prisoners of war. As non-combatants, they argued, they were ineligible for exchange and ought instead to be regarded solely as merchants—travelling, as they were, aboard merchant vessels (*naus mercantis*), and engaged in lawful commerce.

[Marginal Annotations]
[Top right margin] (Illegible)
[Centre left margin] [Unclear: “.depois.” — possibly an abbreviation for *depois* (“afterwards”) or *depois disto* (“after this”), but insufficiently legible for confident transcription]

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[Page 32] [Main Text]
Having stated this, another group—those who had remained in Malacca—was also mentioned; they had been residing there during a period of peace and were, at that time, acting strictly within the bounds of their official instructions. In response, officials of the Government affirmed that it was indeed true these individuals were not prisoners in the same sense as the *Majores* (senior secular officials). However, they added that those remaining in Malacca bore greater culpability for the outbreak of hostilities: the *Majores*, who suffered imprisonment as a consequence, had acted contrary to orders by venturing into—and thereby provoking—Mawvi (i.e., Malay) territories and Roman (i.e., Catholic ecclesiastical) jurisdictions. It was precisely for this disobedience, the Government contended, that punishment was now being meted out to them in Galle—punishment which, had circumstances permitted, would earlier have been administered in Malacca itself.

To this, the Commander of Negombo—the most zealous among them—replied emphatically: had he himself been stationed in Malacca, he would not only have placed the offenders in the *troncos* (wooden stocks), but would have hanged them outright, ‘so that the Church’s head might not be diminished, nor another priest raised up in Malacca in place of the one removed’.

Father Pero de Meij replied that the Governor had already taken such measures in Malacca; he himself, now in Galle, affirmed he possessed equal authority—to subject them either to the stocks or to the gallows. Yet he made it unequivocally clear that even such penalties would not deter the appointment of a principal priest (*Padre principal m.° da sua Religião*) to Malacca; indeed, the prospect of martyrdom would only strengthen his resolve to accept the post. For, he argued, the very cause of his imprisonment—the defence of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and doctrinal integrity—constituted both the highest spiritual interest and the greatest reward for his labours. He further declared that God, in His providence, would dissolve this unjust imprisonment—not through human agency, but by means of a formal written instrument (a *papel em forma da vinda*), though he acknowledged this document was legally insufficient to secure his release; accordingly, he formally petitioned for liberty on these grounds.

At this, the Commander exclaimed—denouncing Father Meij as a heretic and accusing him of Calvinist sympathies—that what the Father truly desired was precisely that such a document should be dispatched to Rome, so that he might be acclaimed a martyr of the *Ranz-Doriz* (a probable phonetic rendering of *Razões Doriz*, i.e., ‘Doriz’s Arguments’—a reference to the controversial theological treatise by the Portuguese Jesuit António Vieira’s contemporary, or possibly a local corruption of *Razões dos Doriz*, denoting polemical anti-Jesuit writings circulating in the region).

The Father retorted that he neither recognised nor accepted this alleged ‘cause’ of his imprisonment, nor did he acknowledge the Commander’s accusations. Moreover, he observed—citing testimony from Father António Cardimo—that Musteymey (a local ecclesiastical or administrative figure) had openly expressed hostility towards the twelve priests of Malacca, displaying particular animosity toward Hindus, whom he regarded with contempt—even going so far as to refer to them derogatorily as *Azkifuto* (a term likely derived from the Sinhala *asikivutu*, meaning ‘infidels’ or ‘unbelievers’, here employed pejoratively).

Amidst these tribulations, the Fathers endured two years and three months of captivity—partly in Galle and Negombo, partly aboard Dutch vessels, and partly held in irons aboard ships bound for Goa. Finally, in January 1655, they were released and conveyed to Goa, together with other Portuguese captives. A total of twenty-four Portuguese (including the Fathers) were exchanged for twelve Franciscan friars whom the Portuguese had previously detained in that city. Upon learning that these Portuguese captives—including the Jesuits—had been set free and granted safe passage to Arrate (a port near Goa), the Portuguese authorities released the Fathers and the remaining prisoners they had brought with them from Vingurla (modern-day Vengurla, Maharashtra). The Governor of India thereupon dispatched an armed squadron—the *Armada do Canguicij* (likely a variant spelling of *Canguij*, referring to the naval squadron based at Cannanore)—to retrieve them.

By the time they reached Goa, they were already fully liberated: their bonds had been removed upon disembarkation; having passed beyond the jurisdictional reach of the ‘heretics’ (i.e., the Dutch Reformed authorities), and having re-entered the sphere of Catholic sovereignty, they were welcomed—as Scripture says—‘like the children of Israel emerging from Egypt’. Upon arrival, all artillery belonging to the squadron was formally surrendered to the authorities in Goa.

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[Main Text]
From this Province and the College of St Paul, we immediately recall the labours previously undertaken; this was the outcome: The newly established curia of the Malacca Mission was entrusted to the aforementioned missionary. As one of them, he is a spiritual son of Your Reverence, owing to the considerable part Your Reverence has played in his formation—both through the doctrinal instruction he received under Your Reverence’s tutelage and through Your Reverence’s role as his spiritual master and father. He is, indeed, the sole spiritual son Your Reverence has in India. We therefore earnestly entreat Your Reverence to deign to cast your eyes upon this letter and to bestow upon him your blessing—a request which he commends to you with profound humility and devotion.

Goa, 25 December 1655.

[Marginal Annotations]
[Centred, right-hand margin]
Your Reverence’s unworthy spiritual son,
Pedro de Marquês.