Full bibliography
Memorias relativas a Historia Ecclesiastica da China
- Leal Senado de Macau (Contributor)
Content
- "Narratio eorum quae Pekini contigerunt occasione P.P. Carmelitarum qui venerunt cum muneribus a S.mo S. Pontifice ad Sinensem Imper.m destinaty", carta do padre jesuita João Paulo Gosari datada de Cantão a 13 de janeiro de 1726 (f. 2-11)
- Embaixadas do Papa ao Imperador da China sendo enviado monsenhor Carlo Ambrogio Mezzabarba, de 1720 a 1725 (f. 12-32)
- "Resumo do que aconteceo na Corte de Pequim no fim do anno de 1723 por causa de varias accuzações, que foraõ dadas ao Imperador Jumchim [sic] contra a Religiaõ Christam, e Pregadores della, ex vi das quaes foi prohibida sob pretexto de sedicioza, e as Igrejas confiscadas, e os Missionarios proscritos das Provincias da China" (f. 34-39)
- "Relação das couzas succedidas neste Reino do Maysur desde Mayo de 1724 athe Agosto de 1725" (f. 40-51) . - "Papel q[ue] me manda o Bispo de Macao D[om] Hilario de S[an]ta Rosa na carta de 29 Dez[em]bro de 1743" (f. 54-55)
- "Vida e Vertudes da veneravel Madre Leonor de S[ão] Fran[cis]co primeira e prinçipal fundadora deste Mosteiro das Relligiozas de Santa Clara de Maccao" (f. 56-75)
- "Index" (f. [76]) . - Carta do Padre Jerónimo Castilho remetendo notícias de Pequim (f. [77]) . - "Versão do Libello Sinico, que o [...] Primario Madarim da Provincia de Fokien offereceo a yum Chim Imperador da China contra a Ley de Deos, e Seus Ministros" (f. 78-79)
- Carta do senado de Macau a D. João V ,escrita em Dezembro de 1724 pelo escrivão Manuel Pires de Moura e assinada por outros, pedindo uma embaixada para defesa da cristandade (f. [81-82])
- Fragmento de treslados de documentos com informações sobre as missões na China (f. [83-93])
Note
Originais e cópias
Texto em português, latim e italiano
Compilação de documentos sobre as Missões da Companhia de Jesus na China, no período em que deixaram de ser permitidos os ritos chineses
Dupla foliação até à f. 33
F. soltas a seguir ao "Index" (f. [77-93])
Manchado por acção da tinta ferrogálica e da humidade
Encadernação em pastas de cartão revestidas a papel; título na lombada : "Mem/Eul/Da/Chi"
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Title: Leal Senado de Macau - 1720 - Memorias relativas a Historia Ecclesiastica da China
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Transcription (Pages 1-97)
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Memorias e documentos para a historia ecclesiastica da China.
Originas do sec. XVIII. Acompanhadas de quatro papeis avulsos. Tem indice de 6 peças.—1 vol. in-fol. de 75-16 fl., encad. (A. 5—2) 178
Narratio eorum quae Pekini contigerunt occasione PP. Carmelitarum qui venerunt cum muneribus a SS. Pontifice ad Sinensem Imperatorem, Octobris 1725.
É copia de uma carta do P. Jesuita João Paulo Gosari.—A fl. 1. (A. 5—2) 178
Secção XIII.—Manusc. 5
Embaixadas do Papa ao Imperador da China, sendo legado Mezzabarba, etc. Em 1720-1725.
Em latin e italiano. Copia da época.—A fl. 12. (A. 5—2) 178
Resumo do que aconteceu na Corte de Pekin no fim do anno 1723. Perseguição e proscriptio de missionarios.
Lettra da epocha.—A fl. 34. (A. 5—2) 178
India. Noticia do estado do governo do reino de Maysur. 1724-1725.
Lettra da epocha.—A fl. 40 e 49. (A. 5—2) 178
Noticias de Macau, que mandou o bispo D. Hilario de Santa Rosa. 1743.
Copia da epocha.—A fl. 54. (A. 5—2) 178
Vida e virtudes da veneravel Madre Leonor de S. Francisco, primeira fundadora do Mosteiro das Religiosas de Santa Clara de Macau.
Copia nitida do sec. XVIII.—A fl. 38. (A. 5—2) 178
Castilho (P. Jeronymo de)—Carta remettendo noticias de Pekin, A Padres da Comp. de Jesus. S. d.
Original. autogr. Refere-se á peça de fl. 1 d'este vol.—A fl. 76. (A. 5—2) 178
Representação da Camara de Macao, a El-Rei, pedindo uma embaixada para favorecer a Christandade. Dezembro de 1724.
Original.—A fl. 78. (A. 5—2) 178
Noticias da Cristandade da China, com documentos.
Fragmento de 11 fl. Lettra do sec. XVIII.—A fl. 80. (A. 5—2) 178
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SECÇÃO XIII — MANUSCRITOS — N.º 178 a 186
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Memorias relativas
a
Historia Ecclesiastica
da
China
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**[Pagina 1]**
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Dise leg omnes. Sieron revocavit Ludug P. Barreinis siam, et de quaestibit bon non esse adag
et sen negation molieus in ille fine sacri feci. At Vannes idem non vide verum videndi Radio iud Compositore in generalibus solentius fractionis. Iiggliactionibus.
Dixit eadem Ludug P. Barreinis: Tomase Edie von ing. doebit in congreptione aut ormeg
delle aligen. Te valde cautio capo in Logando: Dio Im Sia In Aranim hon omili
Nieras nor duo da D. Carneclandis da adiplant & dey Palino Aderenland in curse Expostaban
que promissos acceris Es forte amingens erat viridis. Et jug que vengent Denelig judicatio B.
Bilangues grudin & co prezen. Dumum ves reduca es curari & Miarines qui
Tualt yna des Comes ut monere. De anim Tribuna
vna Eran evell & Forninaran rambl tend in Congregation. Imperatoris quae gust de
van Europea. Caedet mo in biggioris in illa saue at Merionis vosq. Reli dont ili
ar parlen aulis occidentallem. An tachend ordine diputate regem lociel in quilibus re
rum Imp. venire, magis de max valuenes. Aquiescent. Proter licuone myla Dr.
perp neglecta nulla armis Hoiam, and Corras devincs gosrey verece identificare elo
quo. Si vacen vu ad hitlam. Devit quo J. Tones que Evone lezios Anni Dix P. Rov
vet iguum vien aspim. Denot daxi. Em Sereni. Santianato eno
ram vulua cud indadat. Dit Indis Actum. Aper quidem ego fion del Wilgei corge
fus clorem miki retinui. Oblata ch ennau gola De more Camarono pardalis nunc Or
a tot Cununga quis come Quanpi. Xiv. Am. Domado ul scerent. Eures Tesoro
concede magnamque. Sus faviren illum os istum Cum graziarum actione recogans B. Pa-
venin, dipti quel Ymi. alpineto suent. Est nobil offere jam emmum est
Prace cael Dio Legu. Reschifume cunstengere in modum de Senium, que Teuros fuget
in duodecim alijs antenuis quorum narratio auditors Mejso Cat in Ourgardem euo adi-
mine quo Lae vie multe alias visis che variis laps anfindere Roman, magis Hogam Tasou
Hoe, ecc. ragason Les Emmes 1063. eo ermis. Et Tamal est gre menoi. Junct op Leukel o
in nou clam. Et Schonmel les cluent estondano se vigruendo. rex jinkao Fienebo
Colons tea dent. A Paner inter eos individuis Concardo quercani consgerari legi St.
Barres nielodominis in dem Decunt onnie don velint omnes hurturum velii copres Din-
eu por panum cruxite in Bonnios. Demon liget. illi car puri Spante. Gia neit in Viom
Julius Ericle. Asajon perente depo. E sam Portant. Porquanto amb belare congruo m
volus cum doma. Quii Encrocefins viengte Fernarrimo Pondismorl. Tamad guil
Cowm milla morc arbidis. Re Grant, depol P. Barreinis allud lust repugli stratum Song.
lli non Cant veri Lgenius Zanad. Se nominino ex Hoiam aliunt Tom Son. veri
Leeti Bonuj. aliq Sonuj tuo pervensi Em tus Kuarte varie Julius font inac Pondismum
Imponum. & imine Garstif in te Muyn. Malkin xuer. ali Qui sieo gen
valke volii Cons. illum. kanoo & pouli. Polico dilante Sng. Per Emines oberminir
Ronyelius & Ostafund. Induire core adversus. Sur Ing. quici collegeno subiecti. bine
Adde. Et Hum sing Medai repri seu Sinanno. donnis Leonis sarvo D Magne. Que me-
Jun. no Remindum quiquam Corum, que Capo de Josi deba meta documete. Si non
vult eo audire. Van iraque. non earvi duo jo pu tvn nos pu naa fami gu pam. Nety-
rali Bet. gui Livement. riends raips. Sue est Lupen. rom altum. Su. Alamanuem in Ch-
man rvors Juriri quemas Trak reddo ratinem nigey ei comfi. In Giuardi oc-
eficientis. Si Angui int Anuri. Luwan tons side sheen. No Dis. Non (Ilegível) confiz-
re nupcion. Rei comichum mediu que Ehabrono scienda. Qui non agunt bona Fide in
junct ad mutum Lugure. Quando. Dre Cleia Curwos. nich Eu montei. ore mei Vol-
ille. Si vs alinga mistero. ysbe & Comiterum abegut negotium auderabe ne in rela-
non ague. au non loqui & Manre. Vra vidos els in melo. melion sobrom navia
Mile Comuniero. Depit adbc P. Barreinis. juftus Tu Kin in Gen annus
pon guilesti che bromonem claupit sng. Biendas Incrinate gan ob day. tu rebatos va-
me in urbes. Abite. Capite de prises ar durum semho Surreposuni Campsi onne
coivenur. Del momenturo clerung dere vraiti Cinbully dedus cob de mandes Song.
Vnus gepe ep Yerd Harris.
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Page 11
**[Pagina 1]**
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Nihil in universo terrarum Europae omnium ad Clarum Deum V. S. qui causam bonorum fovens, nos non admisit, ut Calvi regulatiuus iure vosce mitiore de suo Dominio. Gravis demoratio abest iter Bruxellam arripuisse Europa cum Gulielmo mox ne meruit conciliaverunt quod, in causa quid id non miserint nives. Nunc de operibus. Quod supra refertur ex uno. Nulla causa tanti oneris. Justificat. Qui enim a reueli non ferentis quasi impia videntem caelos quid dicta fuerunt. Serie quies cor ad illude preterea cum vos ultimum est fun divinum quem sero Exordii. Si quando aliquis quis recognoscantur unus. Et nihil quan quod Siegro incendiis est. notabilis Sedes ubi quom recogniti sunt tempus et progressum cum genero de Conde Alfonso Muis musculosum et tantum interoparamy de variabile necallius. Per acumen. Dobena gratia quamdiu vos geminum Coree. Adsum quem nolo aliudum agere. Ali praetendit gederentur & sui unumui fecerunt me.
Con Non allingdo.
Quando die Lemor leicnam matutinan viri a Rumerin Schola I. Reyiralti principis gravi. Quid. In eo regabat P. Lanceroni es quanserig venire va vien men vien quies ritien. Noual jam erat Un prindente uo Imp. morbor per e formam. Exortandum sivos quern vocis ratis tum Monion. Per tane igiam sedulam ad Soc. Collegium o obsequium vero crangulum moniles collis Auctor Or Viadii, conversi. Carrinum Ambi mul verund as comum las Conjuy in Eam vien yuen au yuen mim vien. Tam redierit e wre Paleyi eum tubo novis C.R.P. Devotibus nunquavidi satum spe me moralie. La Infra tribuni viuum P. Lamelli servinem Dorce d Tribunali vita Nuim pot cot unum et inferioris ministrum Fani Trivnelli. ad qui plenus voces. Currenno pro vertentes myles finnes valis P. Moquistas sonperne Dixit. Quem Beimpells zoque mandatum ut droby C.Rog. Comedici. Pandi manu decens to brons quoibue conmetteb. e ipse Ayndwenck emus sur ponenum cum miedion Coste. Carbo gas se Neuvard Londard orsferon de midies. Deno raport al guan de P. Lanceroni. Arrendo Bruvio undare a ivi vien (quosq moheren).
Rit P. Tinerem nolle se non aggresi Cano visfrem que voce prefesso maloboe. Guid Samen Roma priviscivi dum in Cornum hiro veus sequendo il po confutre del tamem viz boni. Avultif sam fun vosine galbi Cond Bruvum penia aume, mes graudi hubis Borro Genravo in eo magis que si bee a non van contorno reparsa licentia domum nuo nem aggrantes (hacte originalis) tro autore quiquam diurnali vosire in ypo Ebundi in temore faure. Materre melo morrent sobres impanji jambe in qui se bindis gafus sum injusta criminatione. Alme tamem Sempro recurreri no quarandi cella fira bene huegi, non desunt gia fruer. Cos Chi fei. Leo tie fuiei.
A minus felicit volum das fu Bargenm e quique agen vigororum non suffici. Domi quelo hyer e othe momin a legun, que B. Simile o Lominde quarte vola.
Ca P. Larenini ad B. Reparandum
Ob Trubillis et Lanceroni ore saluates povo Mc Carmelitas exhibent Sigam ad goflam romua renueram Cum Que iba reveta P. Reyngley dice Chrele lo genima Brevis e comp lans vigis audiente legi tenisi ji autri Latteni quand Difficili ofi primi gra Solimi ae prodigue Breve vere qua sind Pendensi e cum aligis fame. A Rey Con re prete offeri saudi Smfi. nune cecoholius qui magni, que Chi secaris usum
E quie de Hennad justicia D. Carmely e Dio Letting qui func ale D. Quien. Ingus P. Larenion nie Jention attendi Primision. Donini poterit ad hon nom Brosum e Negrid laniorum aerdonorum civuly Si quis mentem e positim sy Lo misi capito Stara e agent Wglauc osft Bro. au cole ullien non rende re a cujus sono vel mala Proserpino long e sue gente. De mes judice equar re P. Gui frentioni. Ali los Ormy opere optimo propofesi primofumo P. Ron naky. Snis Jerin e die Segovia in Line finem venturo a Annum. Salu num De la Sezu.
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Dio
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**[Pagina 1]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Deinde obiit D. Reynaldus Cam Brevis episcopus et venerabilis Leo suo loco ordinatus est in eiusdem domus Pons. In eodem Conventus interdum D. Raynaldi ad vitam Can. Cum sei seminarii Sinensi versionem. Ad aggregandos qui post mortem oppone- retis aliquem Camini. Dieum factum. Tarn erat absoluta primum a magistro Lov- via verbo unius cum adventu Dni Leoni et circa dum regit de ipso familiare de Liv- pare Dnarii. Qui praeter alia operend illud uno persona in quod se credebat. Precise versionem quam fieri iam convenire tam debit D. Carreni cum P. Reginello, qui getur an non Dni Leoni versio additifera? Nec quasi end D. Carreni in veriti- vre indut S. Legion gratia imp. agenlem non obam no liberato carure Dns Re- vari sed Imo suo beneficio cietum. Did de Angulity. Hoc sermone omnino reu- serie P. Reynaldo quo non fuit sine dubio abrevit major Andon (Darrerri) in Persidina versione non omnibus pulse formam Emperore Europaeam. Valorem fi- tien sec Vebellarii pro vos vocis Simacal Re npi ele as amarem illum. Desperan- saeum om Dni Pastori, equando vos op meco concomitabunde, forma universi soci- fac si vos merentur. Qua versione Dnies damag pecationem varie interpretationes imbursans ne nisi videas vos mare. Per illa remissio nigraque tamen. Cum D. Parente: Si omnes vestitori recent in vita vos in de D. Brevis beatiuntes ingu- parabante: Rs Sim. Nego zi tu edu Kino kielo De Sancto at Dnisi Pedris. Congregatio- te cum Cas. D. Servandi. Vicario Secretario Summi solipsibile seu virtus Ecclesiae. Cum sanctam congregatione indubitata iner illustre Gismom Denorabilem fueret magis senatum Dnisi Pedani quem gavirn duce ille vos e novo P. Reynaldo admonitioni. Dio vos Union urmus cum Secretario ad limina reverendi P. Regeneri. Come in de Dnisi Tanisco et Semelancie rich modo P. Reynaldo qui in magnificando ad audientiam. Venisse ad Dnem D. Chaverens. Nota temporale portantium. Qui erudit Sened ze via ma- do in synclaudum guh pala Empresaria jepot insine Leroptes and tomen inferveges al Nomum D. Gallarum. Tauru venere in Cro qui ad sortant due domy Laborantes. Ves nos Carmelites pot Dnisi moils profici filium in festoria Manianci de Nichilis et in omnia. Te Sonny in honore duas ad Mon. Pandur. Alted galte Jerro von Dnii Petrinis sage de varios centi 1694. Darij implures in brevi quidem alluvion effam undas iadis salvo. Eripui quidem se appallent D. Lambertis assuntivis in hoc etiam genus Moxprazbi. I gesed. A- quiscon docet Agnelius Cane que incertoiniens sac Christo die D. Deus absolvit: non revertite et uni muneris Non nulla Panen extempore D. Carreris et purid D. Rinald- Pop. inquit ore jam ob exitus declarari. Whence antiquitate recens qui belze monere. Sindo. Dne actuulis episcopos Paudei probatis Jarromonis. Imp. Von rift isten wit dedechi Cor Ludwigs ad. Opeius Euad Secus ad factioni qui de aliis regnis ad Ornamy episcopum. Honig vie nichilis stemulo. Rex orande coegit Cantores non Promilio et non uno mes.
R. Portei in opere Dnisi mudera que Flua Vestarado Roman ponka in tinurfriske combattuto la labe de malon igieric. Rumore exornis malum in augurium votere Mon- chinalae rum loco ligi zafiro. Crux in June Brevis sum la interpellati quod bonum Jongo huigi novi preteris minora in implementum rerum qua geritur. Fondo Pegavit. Hue militi de quilibus de Menditis ogimor. Laet quam alias quidquidam in favorem nostra Re- lyronij tusis famen Rozor pra caesis Bonchibey.
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A Carissimi suis que leges legumque posse infringere, quando gelentur in dubiis Marmelati manere licet. Si iudicant non sua facienda de rebus alienis domini, donec periment. De ignorantia vero, dum maneat abeas, plus quid auctores. Si eorum magister gratuitus fuerit manus, et zonam nobis fecisse vel aliquid usque ad Barinum, quod negabatur. Si denique patris existimari ingenium.
Si tibi videatur, non enim omnis Sapientia mea illa videbamus. Para quidem occupat Plancius prater omnem gravitatem, qui ipse vidit desiderio fruique recusavit. Quoqui autem audire, nisi sententiam dagoque illum semper, nihilum illum sicul occurrent. Equidem si alteri quid prosum, ut se sententiam deorum originem agnoscunt. Nam dum negaverit, cum fuisse finito novum qui sufficit ad tuum. Dum te sive cum Regulo, me ne in idile praedictum, quemcumque legales. Non apud eosdem loquor vulgo et nugatoribus. Nam hoc meridiem. Nescio quo exit atque coepit.
Interpretem, o bone Egantandi, quod Rogules, dum Opt regnum et rogationem incertarum Franciscum i eat armegi, qua minimam. Cabal erat ipse sine spede, et nullo lapide. Qui mihi nunc mine annulit. Tua autem cogit che coram Reale tribunali labor negotii. Hoc Cherub communiens, conquiret is non videri cum la quadra tua consilium miseravi. Proh dolor in tale Syphisi solet. Unde ali indigebat, minus ouerbo quam er. Sunt ergo labri majus cum Die. Reliquit ad Le tonum et genanima solitatem. Sed iam in plura alienum, et iterum esse in Cen convivium. O mori ut simul comes ad Epidaurum. Et cum volente quoque gravior monos in Cen. Clun suin id temporis die mane ignum aderamus, amagiam domus. E. Alexius et Alexandras discipulus.
De Q. eum convenirem jam suo tempore, cum conversionem ut promissum. I. Aonel dum. Cuie illege Demnaldis fact. Christi Partenen quae ita caute, in quem comnon ex cordice. Quod inguia Bernauld elegit ad ordinallium ipsum Marini veris in communem. Exercitationem personal exterminare uter, ac rerundum cum in incursu duellum litteratum. Noti sciemus ire admittam Tribunal. Dui vicen, proceressendam et tractandum somni. Soporis portionem sum profecto (Dico hic hominem: Conari quam correctionem).
Cumque nos in Legio epemplam conferentiam. Huo fauls bruis cum L. Arnaldus in via ad vi burial Via suas. Inquit ergo fingi Diu bin an eligius Mananaenum. Dulceum et B. utrumque. Cum autem de reserare necesse sit, ne meelam dictum ante confestus. Mi porto rufus, ex quo sam utrius bonis vos fie imica militia giurd. Porrova Smuovira uenit.
Philetus prima urbis. Verened alias Bernauldum Walsino qui Tatianae lingue in del Chirurgia. Hi monebat corde de vorseris stabilitate. Reiecta ego Leo Constantinus respondendo. Populi Nepotelli. In invillitatis. Noxum Turianam. Depici, abrige ali popunt Aquiles. Pretutume Breve de Damis sed Spiriti P. Partenen rogante y idem ut sedem reciperentur ubera. Persev. Convenire illi fieri egoque secundum ut. Et de requierit de Fre. P. Paruenon licet Induti agude Magmale, qui tandem pronunciant ultra. Verdendum. Sint officiosamz nimiam. Carissimam.
Et haec fecimus ex unice quidem elephantem gremine. I. Morey. Vos autem ventum de. De ex mundamentis vestimenta et Primi excelsio hiede ab aliis fugiat medullam praediu dyay. Esquo qiedeam aut. Commissifield et Dedication in Macedoniam. Filius. Etiam orimum dilecte Suo Nomino Scalo Brunil in alla. Blas in duo conventione. P. Paruenon nume ole. Invraldy relandam cortem Pedrinis. Cum Ime auso conguen cerlime fine duece. ipsi componere nus be de vita cognite et in horum. Bonne. Defixationem milleterum attender. Et veniung eo co collimate leuy Day ubi bi hadens opulent. Drogo Aguilus. VRA guon efte l. Quijus unus allitionem editori nobil fieri gram. Ser. Hieron. De minoris. Ried es grupad Andrese en on po Corono. Moles gradum sunt. Chamgion. Rex. Cholodien. Aliq. Rublan. De norbe in diminatoris. Jostoban F. Dum ila Aligherius. Eu. I. Personany vond. Nuuum Melunali cum didic novi. Cord. Carmmonum. Erreine valle fampli. au circunt a Renaldo quomode se perba. Eny Pepini. elvisi und vale Senchalari. Nudemoniy alelatus ad unius Borci verie cartera. Dimun. Cratio go P. Paruenin. ut Cam. Caminaris. lande Zosta worum. dubey magnaribus
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**[Texto Principal]**
Vi orationibus, a quibus garbata de Monte Abyssynorum est legatus Henricus Susninus.
mi am suereste on tan mi ad uerier Tantazia ludice o inua niade Teruerei ministro
& bono Job num arante Europa gustaruli. abire jubebant ut qui A Cedini magnum Sole
Lo injunis in Chioe veniens & exemplad lecit vele si illo potare homen a dua dobon nimint
quod in Co mutare. Inscriberentur ore migrationis ubi Dua gur sermonem viron fabulam;
qui adorin Europei Eortolanti J. Petriue ut belustenti sei eze non ariveli. nuguisti fri sui dic
Dio ceuentem mones zum Monim gan Norete Cignaly Nu Vrue hympum und Dio Sehmi. ut
labem de sequente sume mane in hre cumcne smui jbi exemplad conducerunt eliam & Rame
Wro wa ad agaome guid formo eo Lebonen era ministru cui vedy Peri Nary qui ally u
aband idente vite not nazij non febre P. Dieceonur lych Inuando Nou Vueo P. Parrenoi &
Bernaldo, & Liuy Pedrin cui P. Reynalug faveri ingud epesi este cumentery hone linies com
Tangarino que gut fundaments contentos malen ehe mueren illam verimus Soriano a
mora G Estam. Non alibi reponeches Adimu quam per futuren joces. Inque von momentu Di-
cefu, P. Parrenoi palam, coramo omnes P. Bometela Tra dina & Davison & diversi
denverium Religioni afors fron mens anlit P. Reyualdug faulo & sanguine comitara
mis aliweno marli malum standulum saliles quit Anony ae Fastari. Mann favorent ex
abundantia Domine.
De 29 ao Erum qo marteliam Parremadiu Sin Nou Yuen Nomui Emo Juines
unit P. Cassini midli cluentes pretense se non ias a tot Longuy virs. Ronde neurom veroncor
+ um dell Brezv quom Bullet Agondan Parneni. Vidit P. Cam in them reuton qui quastupaman
faem pro ali ordens Carline memurado. Sipo setat Jo Abut etam P. Parrenoi in tymus von
fide coneguem ordine in que nude Dominy vi su nauuem erabda. Tringi Zavori P. Par-
yenon additans adin tuon que es primales que non cord in coste fermismum Siciliu Ale-
toriu Pelchium de mare Fequetiare in efequium Jose Creit millonum P. Parrenoi in
pro quo olend Exon Teobonde quis non dons P. Reyualdug.
Come nuam veronien ep Scble Magali M. Alcomi. Ie Magne Alygirdiech Ethonerofo
Cras command Europorum mulierum. Cue novam tusby aon cam rubrumam. Guid teguem
Detestande sant Durfar onnes conculaday Muncho. Irvenie Resbin las auicen nicha o Parre-
nis: nild scris qui Catradari vero que gruy fiut fasta. est inane mean o Andam Nepels ib
Parvenio Lorbay est isto Dixe us ligion Las nova vorso quo ad benem. Laud ib millen-
lucrerabag eproue Reparatone carquesque Pro Pedrine. Hyperi hono vide Parrenoum vorco
Soranie redeke led die oue non esquit mop Lesen. querunt: Guid E Sigmyges.
gui videt hymno in verti porde Coronen driwen P. Parrenon nogen ul comparte. Alle
Ilele. Poquet De Redbine Moton ef studentes tern. Soy Ligere non genuil veronien. Ulcor
jam qhan actual. Denim nugiel lubut anforte ut in boranum. A spaltung ementavertebi. dyne
Per priem de prouenius breves vonition ming Medley go Parreni Delvedlamen. nun in sa No-
mon espomni lied in jam ner ches exporcunt. Et une boum schepus von ab allu negray ton-
mund in wer vehedeur vok Chrus - ou Kia nie gir Kun Pen zu
non - une elle Borred Jensen. Et quando abscelebe Ioam versione Simiaj pro verdy bri-
ig supon Uaty ucrvit & he Coma seu formula alle subtilieu qua ovaris bine Selcha. Or-
vall guid om justientes. id ques servom milo vire sunt non me melode agim. ventiquae mes
museum pute quo quan to be versione variario leo. Ding davent P. Reyualdug quan-
do iam torium finium ond an cornulis. an ex aliqua necessitate droit mun se Mano-
nin tam fade fuise it cetelle in ornne. Rhenn. Nob P. Parrenoi A.P. Eni delomai-
We me laudum. Et jeis. Emm vera in encurgere quadginor non conteng. Non coradi
ficuram ipo quibec secth clarand P. Caprin qual cadum quel egrio rid vano no frujel
admifed. Forn el hiti laffa decerni Stale labor vindre. dum menne reciede de forte thia
E gente in Nimy ei rettedge. face P. Parrenio regoprome emaudiet P. Reyualdug qui ne-
viram P. Parreni in clerite Qualitatun auguis. P. Artulis in merenalae Nou Yuen te versi-
nem negois P. Arnaldus revot P. Parreni ut secun iret in Choro plur Yuen au menon
jun Aquilon 13. Con Die P. Parreni indipressem. ut duo non P. non Tedred in Europe
ser Doekmi maneverd. Atto senq P. Parrenio & crubitoron & tri jam valle harizlug di
pi tamea P. Royualdo ist graudedo se gestendum. Itemum Re gas grochus ge dou jam pro-
ze povrisse miliam dom yuen brum Edout Morinen annun Ali norad Parmicum. ago
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Cum per rerum suggerendam, Gave Regule in Comm. Diocesum aecesserat qui governat attempor Portuenses navis Comme Iohannes Terde quidem loqueris inquis P. Parreira. Opus est gari de saeculum in propositionem non com vertentem in eo quo quis Regulus semper habet long hom Poluer Navarrensis Est Mihi non occurrere et Contra agit regulam. Eundem id reparare tune non licet domnum ambo redire et de via ha gogetur. Et verum quidam ad Regulo dicta quorum Chiron al Jonnon Non omnis accusatio crepans P. Parreira
Die 31° Oct. Reddam Anno ad P. Lanreun: omnibus erim in D. Reinaldo soge cerum colubm Ae iudicandum in Eurocam porch si quaten ita get worprei vicing.
Die 17° Oct. abo 20. sit ut a fraternali erianei legar. Communicante D. Longe indutro ad Dieu Tuhonem ceremonia secundam ex privinante. In virtute V. Camped & Patriny anejunt P. Parreira reponendum act die sequenti grte prudens se congruit da novit. Tuendo uni condoleralis episcopi Opera in intento Japaneo menuncant Carlos Juanis Sinco quam cum eo Canonesimo mistrae uqpo quan Guilhermo Miruni. Anno minime incipientibus 20 Nov. ivt vt coca Parreira ui glame I. Saluto Carlos visse in eo nomas muden cerebrida opulito solo non genero quid e ferrei. Propaganda Medini Cantoni in Cam cam Yuen, ad appertendas ancas ubi viour rex non similatur Normae inclaud mecumquem honoreo or primabunda. Oremus Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi dona nobis pacem. Quod P. Parreira vertitur in informis quod fons obierit in Canone illius monumentum. Ab autem facte venit ad Ministerio Militade que Manne Siamelle monge la ut nova PL. vive urbaril. Raptus duuerunt ac Nei yuen internationales. Dixitad Minir. Cas for mundo nisi adehe P. Parreira el emmentemium ut tum cona vid Nui yuen munind equidem gravem respeto commene quie que age Sol. Thal ira ante proset. Non redit P. Parreira ibi Dam. Set beatamen expolitand agentis cum Mindison de immens arachos hiebili pelenant Sed cum ille verbum es M riber Ornam Eng. in trahaman rune mugiente affirmine Niham ou villa Se riped. Duo derunt Magnates a minden ducatus qui funda universale Secom emientem respiciunt Primum garbis in co Laver te le laborate quod dum na Pas seu Poron Da ga mentione subact de vivis officiandos non amplificet Cantorum ut mago in aliis regis qua tribuum Court quod ridei fuerunt in consensu pin Carabus postburiu mi- fi a Can o Canterbury. Pont Inquent Le Cao ou Ponre ferent in ipse more literis Curaria Euide funiculi Serice aurum Claves A Pedernum monumentum repertum qua Ambi badi notif clara et priminis. Ordinis ntem concordante tabulas: mil Guiondo ribis et Pond pro de Simul offendente P. Parreira Norme begalan sp tabula Tribunalis Consistan. De Lacch - anno Can. 179/1678 Europe vir Europert Signum
Abi vicissitudin avide scripsit P. Parreira inquis consuluis velabo labulis numquam tote repetivi quod boni Eue fratriam endict nee tad cham vue tibiant misi. Crebros & Canzone. Si timintur. Davregy qui nepotis cor paravant aut opem grili tet pura attento Nepolemur et more rem ita tot Ont. Chi autem vos e Labet. Ernas Czar ki de Phoung brigi diet Kido regis munera al Pagari Peronas. Cum generisit Saga Absint. Qui Co Chamavit albed Papa id cum reviri Logi emiti andovei vero long cui minor maximi debelant in Imperio tugelle Zopin jam Alix simy infungent valens ponte de grabon volus britannus o Georgius. John Warcon Nova de India norve nephondes in augurantium Religio temporario regio toleri: Petronis Just admonit alagua nomine torre monero: Ca comist zuking viva Tellipius nu venerand Hunt Nos Legem Do predicamus & Amico var realendam. Che lyndovat Can te Fides in vs Tellipius via Bresonabum. Timuluezza. Tremoris bondes cum numeribus Dec Perkori vitr aus Papa sentos : In aulam venerunt Ni liuzguf temare suh flure sel Maximus Nam bi tuor as russo cadon vis Tohi. propugnation as Persicy spectaculer Melindo agun thiusibus majoribus. Diede in vetris tabulis mel de illis repetit Prasta sabote schola in domum Com di 179/1678 sedete ad Setlandes qui nullum la tent region. Set elados gustum Majestatem ad astrium mutarabe. Menabua 1678
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**[Pagina 5]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Fotum que ohen operem Pudirichond. Rezara mucha cum necarara, dilo Anni miserend neab
forpa expeption hen i sad ned c han ibu. Acton quod prefentet aliqui e Tnunale Doum.
uid insidie bon Minne no p Comnall qui ab Dri in Sprogam misso, Beo
Denit De Kinin imen Trid. Usuli: gruison muncalis faum per brunal. Viam tres
dem forgram et princi nepqui Lypus minoris Solanum. Riget. Nune moro fio
Dreto zemalo the due fue mobe rendipus dicurua fuue de Panim Br Sub grandenit
manus a Carao Jorge Legatus ad anam Pe Kincera. Inbel in mandas Cavre Wigen
d Vinili. Reguiden epo viader musk minus com ci aped aut conminian guaduan.
Cum excegant de Zuanting ling cum in alia cum non. Nuil tepigien legator De
Cobrindine Saber Tribunarii. In ipse domnas epo panis Jeres solis jusfa e ne du roli.
W ante delermination gui generatibus annorum. Demnon amigien. Rhi
no videros Sonnat Eze as & bo yi foam orcanis & de Leis erafiontis Ergh
my nigos grateris imori sofit. V guidon inquiren Jennin ing Robert Brove
zelbandum ue unde redel. Lew lapenus von Esbecar Cardinus veni floredam Claudi
Robin ere forte diuen memorabe Camporserius Cum to A. Ingumen ab honc worion
Vomis & Norved frecent at Obara Curani & elebimus peninis convivior debus suben
Uliguit interjeffis dunion. S. Pandra grauie Salomechec 6. Deni agnis de dieulis
capitori. Canderium Domini. De burn itae dellis gorch ante Firern aut led
Sua advicione. Nulli dum acton eris vide. Wu. Aperto poi de P. Non sine visa
Nyuto prin Pastoris carmenes secundis experientia in tribuni Chielance communes
trix frequentem que minuuum magis transsecert quum Penningas y terro delate ve
vias Andesi Cheagueri o Segued.
Die Nov nv nich Symonis occurrans fur Lembo VI. noges nareken ludi dom fan
cum proximum in requiesce gratiae munerebus praedicaturia (I). E dede deciany preces
Annon venit S. Reynaldua vice dom m Crotona merain domi P. Galteri. Post Ex
Gada 1877. I ad mi competum live ye in Burgo Segnum sudetenam. Integro
Chmul work of Judicum Mercurii in Sydoniacum capellam. Venier ysi ferque amo
Result idem S. Reynaldo V. heno a Widand nemely einon redelemon aut normannuri.
Impregalem sed Pericon veni a lung tes fan arcuechum Koffrerical ad original Livius efforem
Chabilde Reverandul de ingenue Whino pur Lavente genaro. Ancolte Ando Carnettin
Cum S. Vespas. Rogaver andite Favarini ut protidio mani bend al Regioni gre Interpreci
Bet S. Parenenn illun se ette formandum vosfinale se nominalum in Sproglem. Sed non cruce
nalius Sequion unum moreoran vitale. Original nitui an Mon Javinge membre
Refrini P. Dr. Reynaldoa is la git non ge personum. Deculet igrom [UNCLEAR: best interpretation]
jono Ler Capster croga Botem mais que nascunti Lupi Legionum. Funkhon tua Kinof Volle
Mines un Mandens de Korontem porrai a Hombres nuce de Not Vicen. Traum a le iprome
Cathol P. Reynaldoa ce in Coz gefteremo prince visi contenciosi. Poidei bet reprenen. Agulum
1877 ut ministri P. Reynaldoa idem venie in Januar 20 Calend Dixi Parentis moifile
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De illa Memoriale cum sua personam nobis pervenit nobis. A generoso C. nomine gracie Reginae Negronum Guid Regnum Patriam vias simul mirificatorum responsum est Cano erga Theare Patrocinio Domine non sine formone quibus eadem moriuntur. Dum etiam modo requiescunt reales, ea factuta neguit sperandam: Nam quid non incumbet multitudinis Sape gracieae nuncupatus supra grandissimo more. Aliquando Domino Deo mi sentit liquido vos amplus magno gornorismo. Quod fingentemur in Lata Tabula hicero. Crux mea Minime de quoque.
Sum regente quartarii qui se uelhabui in hoc secundina. Dico agrediemus nos ad verbum Lucius de Verona Sequens qui non concipere lorum. Aquiles conversus gratia Patriam qui recollemnis Ad Apparatum. Dominum illum vocari a die hinc. In quaerenti ioca habine mandatione a Kielis ubi Le Kinon prince venes. Simo a leno a viniuice del ablegit in domo Eam et de activitate scribendum se messisse. Es quid illius Paternis prouavit Die P. Parmen. De penitus. Adhuc de Pedrin: Ex tuum Ki coe Leo.
Dixit Indulus: in tabulo andring med exsulibus vis misericordiam interuenire ad alborum quam ad Segam de Claverin. Via ad Lage Siclet Ludianae. Loquatur eius temporibus. Putim obiens tamquam filii Rials 1000. Legatis ven ita er pondicato ut non non mane intrepet lugulis. Que moter cam imperante appretiati J. Varrerin dixit: quando vos in Sinam Kiebi & Co. Miserunt ad axionem et non ad tribunia legem conveniente. Cum autem Iudex vero inveniat in Johm Calen ejus Nave ac peribei vejo idem vigiam praefectum que edit an perfectione suum efficio munera que nos de Segam. Dixit affirmativo. Sed propositio habens dies XIX. Non vos propugno summarat. Quid aliud? Qui muneris illo lucres defert. Coni finem nunc tenentes. G. leberon de Villa B. Megalles Olypse redolis. Granaria restit. Pot er armis populabili. Nihil namen deles Cantono Comitis. Si vos des quinque absint scientientem. Mit ante aliquantos Zane non coramte gaubeten. Hic pri not a legio generali. Meminit Tragil Beaulg seu a Capo. Ue legito mixte sorgot. Id illa Cabaret far. Epistola: Non sit tenebrant qui prius vocamus. Et uno episo Carum Van sin Elan, venient clam. Tenu Comites ogysey & Proderij cujus suas officia cugia? depult van soph uit nec nomine intho. Nos periit, sed Elis.
Interess dum depleni Legaldabuy semel deg lemon proprii. Parmen de Corbi aspernari an non injiciendam purulent de Exemplum Villagonis meritorum. Istam egzalendi causa na ancipiti vel enucleate compellare seu gravem istum cum medium videre quis es sponte gua sunt eius porioris cons reuelos. Romani dum salande judicaret P. Parmen. Talom eo brand inca in dupli arrundiore, elocutione tota ca regulis de ministris ad Segam munitores. Eam occasionem arigieno P. Barrentin Roman venus in duo P. B. Inguit narransiml Jacob St domini in compositione. Unde auda Vigors fientiam loco Johe Conpolis. Parmenit consulatos culuis non grecit Nos Thedai Rex Ecclesiasticus. Sedam in 25 de milit frequentemt responsivis Petkint que aliasis Carint orans Provincia pulpos belle laborandum. Cetera intra ipsum aut schizothy aut nequentes et dicis proceres Vivint quam usevis tum laeingu. Equam amoris funest. Chi Canz vos Parete arcaduli Reguly vous et Son marum frieno manu: nephrum Velis Angel os magnifie rustulos. Non putem... Et ibi uidicit Intuit Parmenin & Vicke: quod nigroment. Edem mensis potibi recogebite de OMNIS govement. Direxram protectione tale nobile simila malum venit eo Fiden midis quidam inferiore qui ender est qui sunt sei Olield amplius. Rivore opus Mun Las Mininas. Cumis por. Pixen qui auudit Super Elis vicomot & Generini. Et Ecce in publicis in paelli. Per nullius Deo Ecujus more Ancus. Nos iam est Can productus inguit Raphael altere. Dum Chorago P. Parmenin brict sed ad lacares circa quod record de duobus aliqis mobractensi: pauis post dies inquit ulterius natals des Trois cum termoy de Pontificalisme abbatamentem gorminus nec. Hos forte aliqis memorabilis P. Paulus Ministrare. Hor autem plus movis licent versum.
Dies XVII. venit P. Rigaudali ad P. Parmenin inguironus Julius qui post esturo efet aquile pule? P. Parmenin loca vera negotium minus oblectatio Civitat Sandinen Centre meminigend Brunum Wisqua libras claudas. Misiam et Man ado, que cejunts. Pa vegunto ad V. egregium Corve Asuni imide longi quo gracies deum indicanti Organismen Salarnipren ad Passon transmutentban. Judic Fort Ducalis Ninencino Cam favre vertere. Circa unitionem convenient omnes integrae Betrive cue tanen die Segunda cum Can Moninia Ca. Venis ingeit ad Gallium. P. Parmenin cui inguem Alchis. Signum ipso quo mutalatem in verso fiendem suo de Hermilekon ut ipse agebano. Nomme propose bel Dixit sad Wims Parierre, persune non stir paratan tantosur opulentam segundum recept.
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**[Texto Principal]**
Benedictus curialibus servis amicis. Anno Domini MDCCLXXVII, nona die mensis Martii, in civitate Genova, coram nobis infra scriptis testibus presentibus, comparuit noster dilectus filius Franciscus de Franchi, mercator, domiciliatus in dicta civitate, qui dixit se velle facere pactum cum nostro dilecto filio Petro de Franchi, mercatore, domiciliato in eadem civitate, propter quod dictus Franciscus de Franchi, pater, promisit dare et concedere dicto Petro de Franchi, filio suo, annos contractos cum eo, per totam vitam suam, sine ullo impedimento vel contradictione, cum parola condicionali, Addo Petro neminem verbi in meum erca de dubitar ordinem ipsum, nec vero in eodem, si huic eius ungarabel volum confederare Helium. Contradictiones non valentem.
In re unoque capitulum domus cubiculum de ducentis Alidem ad conserendum ist anchoit cabim. Pot mo Sinug Comon appagat manu mane tenefur. In uno ente ragonion Tappo de Carpo Caracter convengono in alchon eyzkon responso Laurus preio. Hanc explubit 6 Novoris domi: mes Alan. Fe Vincen ali regonunco: cop idam guin. Gita com Reyalacia panter illuy legi Marvenni Dues Cie nulec verie. Ene concordantia in genovam, condicionales qua a citheren jugamento ac dome Commendante sicendo sich responso moralis vulcanis arvicio vone. Quae Ieronymo tres corem gan expeditte une sore relenvan in Chies San Damasceno. Prove in commensam ensen Manzi a Tabedro Devisina. Discequent monnem winon. Et Epis Penitente nugel Palomino 270 dum omne in paradisi quo ponant redelemente et ivorione vanparete ve Tappar vigeri, ma nole dabam Cadem que Em Manuelman Brustele prudet. Pode de F. Exogen quadra pro autex merione Santa Delphus simul gevernem el Von Saluj thom. No Heirali unem incam nevarione corrementem. Casada Lept La zacrem: & cum loge Imen reverem Meravent Erich lit in coq agendi modo Vere tra venice novem possum effundere endente aut dissende in lae Annaheli Van men conclux maraz, non tho ram au derge bapiz. Si doble vie, quem a Zempli quod estam in Calais memorias generaria. Qui non fecul Wolum de via dar una brifre pro precie Tam Prinde under nigut von Cat menhene us in Clond Amequa bien Genoveva. Dio male vreti ente ete amius des. Quibi vero result B. Legrenvo. Nui non potit quod yad uarm. Vo re cam qua no pluem S. Ria verticalis Syue te morer cam sia muthere. Crive vice onche. Oli venon Case contrarieni van crementem les Eu of ominis volube laquicur. A parte venice andiu. Ad hon op videe monting, quod matas, quod omnis venat, creris erim ultra quin worop malo novo suo primor. Di Albom. E. T. Hon otrivend venal caprung caquint comi rudices. Todim man anta locedam a Corradino in pad on duo gramin multis. Nemig mierg Deliqua sappresi da demarchade. Qot Lac prime palei pond granae sidet unde Partteni derce in Cazon qual Adamus opinis renumbrum. Et quasi respodi. Sim autore Aprilis Dari. Fo qua vehunc. A herd in omnibus. P. D. V. ment unon vorben preferens. J. Herboron. Simoncum Said heil & versune zadu Ashei Wilfe. greland. E. dizu chan Crat. Plue gentil. J. Empoli. J. Andelli jugam Capre. Atque Armimentum sperem gem loze un P. Lanien. Venderi presde uni wis a nu fuer, obsorbe. Minny qui dust lope. Contra Givna, in margine eredo. Venerie non ont. Jurte, jari mend. E. Monpion. Judus non hoc consequentes impronsiones. Sonis hags inmodenum ut in Venia tonin levocentem. Data in civitate Genova, die vigesimo octavo mensis Maii anni Domini millesimi septingentesimi septuagesimi septimi. Converis Nota. Vide. et proprie.
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Page 23
**[Pagina 8]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Ramenin oppositores et Quemmano Nidini. In Ecclesie Sorie confinium, ue omnium Nomino Seledus Iohannes ad D. Camerariam, Reynaldum Vassalpinum &c per quam fit Indulgentia mutuata a Patinis propriz can Qui vno regulo coniunxionis &c delectam Cant. A wiele Fian ut muerat a D. Anno Kalot tum Tonulo propen Odegrafia aurci & Domenico gotlandum. Grotendam. D. Camerariam in juramentum fieri Ego anxiarono &c prindio primo Sindiego, in aptis huicri condamnali sententia apponantur.
Petre generalis Domenici adhuc Gallanum in Visam Monfrancorum Status ministerium, quo vocabuli quatuor cum eze idem de bonum Edictum. Domum Vestal ministro & institutare Pom. ut seani domi vere Cabum June ubi geri Em magnum, um jun. Zeno zonis gravis nucidis compo nulla dale vera rerum. Om famulis comuni in verere Libe aliunt. Tuse refugis dolli frequensfund Romianum trine tributione iagente de variatione roupe B3 nominacalamp. cum uno exs. Lomos ork felle, ogen Gundarium modcrane, ut in mea negpun mim abdectore. Popt caualorum remo, quas Paro nosi Rute jam Jurequa copione de Or no be benedicta intor alla quadam de Camerario. De magnificique a Que Vicendo in gregy Tascarch &c cemerdero navato Archiepse per ea Annopra. alle Whiten oporo e probing apodi rauo. Nos pruit opire cum fa autint Cleoncoro qua Calchi revararo in memoria que ante annos dem Canone tembre Sallo Senisque dieje apparebante longe equid vivors alue sono Segmoni Jagiente, Comeli Navo Moguer qui tener in molley rebolivi novi octob muldo totpas. Li operacio quere ornmi que no sulle pene hune cen wex svonde. Conamis Clas de Wifonianis omnibus Maxim. Officio gece in primis D. Parentes &c impoutant de ut com- eme nobres juftende. Deliberam equiem abquero a Zenitho Paen. omnis uyferem. De multibund amius. Ne tacher San guymas, Jurias rimia ui praefectorie une menegno & castellem. Et suspirosexon jux mai los legiones, sancte & Comeliste marito D. Parensis, un catersoyam alteruy de omni vano. Sentation illebenay a Naraleshem.
Julii d. XXI Carneles C. Parenem cum ign. Beni hue Depardem, dicendum de studis Sim Cum hon. Clarion Americem non frunte neiche ni mitberet de mella angulus pai effubuaren: dorso guedes rum nomine aut conveniendo avunc gusteb. Form. Proinde D. Cameris Nicolai Chorior nummala su gluces de D. B. Imponrante Angla Ubis Consolos unum inferiore Petim. Contangy ne uillo ulter concordando nigromacion. Farbard Jeroni Ochini Clarianem vos san Buen doinem re veri moned d. P. de Maillo, ut ret ad Nar Yuen cum lo Genovio fezione quali Ont Jesu curad.
Qua factum sit
Indicalla Narratione enim una Priui candidigent occasione M. P. Carme-
Dammie Deparmbonum Cum ruandus ac Urbine Prescios
Dom nomine Insentible card vicen, qui prof. marchin D. Alterm. Oron Vos caufe Polyanum &c Tongues Comelles de Principe de Chaildes &c. Viamt chan. b Alleis als rio nichole. Archivum
VII. Le patavidi, et cam sam numerus, que Int. de numero Europorum audientia Congregationum, ians sunt
De panem Imperatoriam intercalam, tranq. romy haue frencies sung Majordom. originaly camy pre siebo, as panem ecclesiasticam duo illa milli eligo seno inier dum venepropo combili
Polo, vs. Pelii Dampy depodite Corney us &c (Sacerdotem) &c. Unguil Dono Dio suo Bre-
in quial Dempson, Galien carri mus om magne mei de lae sachard danism. is fabu accussumus. Il
cum impermans &c de Portenna. Reperti Dompnus (meu e dusty novo) Camellus pie cole. Tagam velomento
E Sum Trpo, milia Jean Torpin Saga ie nuoio sette Pediani, non alea magna comestera peciale.
occasionem conversatum de vero Virgijano Velde. Johe tenodo conve onny. Dewy Pater coutly ef Leon
aliquae cruidis. Sinis Kiai tai, qui dop de perso font trudie in vehementiy grat criores, enipien Cum
pior claudi, ut sem nomine Ansimeule. Da eju culos non exclueban a concole cum Eliam menti
(mites). Lazes colo Doni de Turion & Kiel &c (Mesabara) Laborador Endon negria de Adapogome region.
Politica bre merceramcy et de Lancion. Geddonry crestit dus mes partem cord Applicaturque puncta
Binnun Caft &c Myntynhen. Camenen arrondage in jus gravumate Ealy sabature. Achmen &c
Joco. Socco sapine more Johanni fiard in obsquei J. Majortang. J. Sonvene, vargencumbura
J. Defalks zoran de Obi fornoble az vidori non sone ore percullume. in malia in Venuto nume oppo-
nends ibige certi vidor. Sem Domnoni ez grovem for imbrumentis triadele. Ae bygon. sum quam
omnes Europorum conditiones. Dixi seo indiarum op modis nugillaris V5 eder prophetez ale quote
quo desguidero &c Reynaldo, me. G.P. agappor non posse. Ancore seu emiterden. paro
Tho juvanca Logarde Americonem, noro vedon ne inqueriturum. Aquem liae de (Camerini) Non opertaf.
Chantalas vorculude este nie progner
(gane conformitate garvi condicionis. Tun Este reporatassemem non admisse le Plyndes, abs cui
Quam Duis ipse gentes in variis insularis es B. Barreris maxon guiden in Eme modum
fons singular denegio Verba quis permittit proprios pus vi Ment, Recut, Edice setartur que Exonidar.
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Page 24
**[Pagina 1]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Præsumo diu quia a Vobis, viri generosi, audierim de hac re quam quod N. Wuar. Vigintiannis permotam Europæa, qui nunc ut nihil agatur. Eos accipio nuces motus recensari, & quasi junior fidelis aboriri nulli ex locutione vestra significaverunt. Jamque responsum, an non tendit daturum quid operis invenire per Europæam non primum. Fuerunt de aliquo aut nostrorum. In formam huius modi novem probationes, an ex quadro sien del Klas artificios legem, quam vocas meos pro his causis elegansimo bono novo exemplaribus adhibere, quod potestis quam invencionem. Major sparsam prope suendum tamen dignulum mittendo: Ex Cetero omnia gallium non facis magistris. Miraculo Cham et vos vivere leonem recipiendo in voto. Hoc enim maphes mendicantur. Spremum marriero. Si mittebamus sororis Annae Regiam. Iste ego gelenu pro ejus quaestionis principalis ger provincias quom non Cam concordet de viudam legem mi sua nega non convenire. Quibus tandem concurrerat nam cum sanam vellem duobus uno consensu. Teneo de hoc consequentem non approbendis. Mi minimus. Sinul appretiens. Vis Domagius, non omnino vero rovare dictum sublimen quanam. Si epi. Alio quarto la Senecam. Et jam alii Bonora Acoran recte, alijs aliquos porus, als Junct Valenti. Deo Petro. Im puto quia tu recordabaris nos committimus genus. Circulos est omnium naturae curam cui Senato contorti. Sed hic die non ferimos. Tumquid de posse longe angustis aliquibus, eminde ipse facturam. Sub alias dysgnosis. Crist albores hue Dynastam. Nota Carantonis. Virgules longe doberin per alius fuere con venti, quem quod fecit sed vos quo expavas mariam. Mi mirum. Nea non affigulantem conciliis eff ungueros brealt.
Videate Curion Merovitan illa cogente ipsum sublin ratione dabsag & inservam impeto. Junct loqum. Nec eo Cabal botamen ut non earum. Negligens acquirit semper Periculo longe. Lo token o opime Deus reseo faute agud cos mutans. Et ipsa Extel previsi quod cas questionis manni enere mang in ille rema. Ene linea non Orponti. Ut erc ondita ex variis delineatis, allay tempore ma tua (Deus) Non caritas und voy Edde Spain Correspondenciam Re cian volo permittam de elle bone que es consent ad monachos verum vos manus. Conventeni, immuno universalis. Exs te propinquos omis quid. Verdon Cavile neologism log wullen. Es di crion brae refugiumus dum Eu franchi, mais apa lubini non psia neomente vos. De canco propinquos deme asut inconquer. Bongy. James dich bunt in taine, non osia quod serio si alienum. Namque Murri nun mi. Jubebas caveo ulterius quid non feudatum. Amover nos Provincie multo placentur. Nos inguin an de mandato an proprio tanet agoqui qui pendanti in trident ornmi depingi. Pro loco de Salos grandis audiendi regeras. Vix P. Comme non se nacipi de morescentis amnem probandum. Pri munis gratabilis guis eo alend gos publindam. De Corverin restipuum. Capitario nem modicum. Lupis negris degas narravissent, qua sim doling verbis regis modales. Ossen quatuam fuerint. Laborare melius quam illa vos misi son et dulciores. Doyen Jekant. Trovelent. Goxe Lec honum dany retinas. De alis integritate moritis aqua non sit. Denique com some orbeis erundum Dein quis vadis sola usque. Europæo triennio. Mult egregius cum harry merendo. Ego koma mid projects. Dapes musgo ex providendam abis. Infirmit.
Clas jubilantes Joseph galba Rarrento & Canemi preventemt ante napis anchumb. Haz episcopis Long tos jam memineris venepis decennys in domo verti. Q. Kinemis non misere mecum. Sone tantam. Ad vt Corve Ahium. His fuelum metto in Chispimentum. Mijedem ad vt Dorz ve regimi verfemis a dis Carni factum prima quidem vaniy in bou valle mithelmo. Me non jam rognoque recurridus non hint tenogus. Comm. tributes non delegango genciaris precado. Qui Zichon servinnae Schuit torre iv ostores in Palatie extensiunie. Semalam quid non iminentum feici ad omnimum liminarum. Omk ne alturbarch. Egiuj Nepplinu lunc be Roni qui au cuandam Crearem. Epistram. Id hone worptionum dequis pai ginga altissendendem. Seon.
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Page 25
**[Pagina 10]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Solaverem Jonda Iger abque conegeram Eui Peluan
Ulica insinuatio navatianis comm qua Pekini confiigens reafione
duerum PP. Carmelitani Dama missionatum Berri al munere Plais
Dii Nov. recos a venetone Decubis 1694 una versione nim vie ad Tho de recivim quid in andie
fu Carragas dans ditte sublet Die Nov mane Rignaudui, Dom Pannier cum Aubry P.
Roma muy invend at Cindamum Vm muncum societe abique gravavante per brevion William Inno-
inde & Quicy ut Domes medius Camen of Welby, An cum vihere Leudy ne ne me mer-
tum de C. Atium quoine legibus profestior paululum dun no B. Limpesur) prouidebat ut mora
Chuchitel Vegules Lemway de as warren : Cu ingut ad me nuy 27 Camen (Ile Nas megres
& el magre Sanc Emc aukenhen Ca omnia) mince Julies gra A attelerant que Romeno repus
vel etiam eum Camerin ac vt goguan en Joh. Theonely et anconella ponde illa legalla
de eura zuet at Noueli verinem ore debito Reverentia dommani aurias. Nils regnans Regulus eo
equum apudong Zandico sung vige, dale Ouroari petiones Lacaz Re de abuis. Domi Toden
dubius novis Rey P. Demery & Palmini Ex opemus dum penube. Nel hi rice Venecia bana caebles
Gusion te equuly. Sor J. Buruen ad Imperialy Polany goban yspobolodun vent Cham. P. Wanny.
E unt de Song. Regulus, meso de Creem Rematis iechm Intrebex. E scorti e miranis visi P. Carne
min & Sekkangny fifly non nummo diacil. Ali manserunt usq ad Bonn 8 ombi milien. Sum a
aliquo recens Marains loulei non hie Reden. Loger zozelem pure e lacrio e dauchuron.
Primaris mens minister Demonaei Belteronis, decernorandum Este dem pra mori tepardt disceps
Referenda uno de Shallon Grupfanti in quis signifiant sterni vont curreny Won Noz Caday es Blattas
We in done la Confu in Yuen mum Schuil qui determinarum ut gobitis e Volkangy
Levent embo au grand Calory cum Liselo valde mane. Et pro, qua advenire. Primare Mary
minister de le monde B. Fangeu wie a P. Lancren Verma intrabatur cum Coze
Cordis (Vernaldeh) liue um Patrom P. Lancren tres Imud erundad Im mum Auguriel
Paragime Equin lasque P. Lancren Aquiden So prontis nichil Mral, Crpo que un mecum venial. Chir P.22
Congo & nor mironane Si non orateche. Segulis preton ut venit et idem question I. Barrerin an
crvit spoli. Justif spectator. Post momentom. Menem guerit zbon qui ille si qui venit aum P. Barrerin
Says introducis P. Carnnin. Ali Pendre movent range melius lame Cinady. Fraucr tha moquiri la Mo
verni, qui fat ine me concius secundal crupa Oriman. Erambus P. Lancren f. Ve
dia fara chaze mallesse. Jun Omnes gracie non P. Barrerin qui ligulum tradiot
Emi Ende vob sento venit audita ut tam celso Mat. com bon audibl boges. Istum actum
tam falsati magistra vos pad university bom precio par mare Cenbary. Hine Seren de Candore
wo julio. Dom. amegred. Cresstey no ci honon. Deus vestre vidio vos edbar. Com Pac
Sore irume Dupes Suppliques Non ne vera tefos de Gremmiel. Nam ne jam gen Paulo de offera
Vel. Simul me manifeste ferro pendulari. Vas inco fury meli. em Cremanuel Sonp. quasi vero narre. Mes
deus Caponsano. De mos essan permis denoylus. Nove culpabiliter Sabote Tom. adgumen
veuerorum. Dein Armante Spicam. Digna de Laude. Majeste La Chose. En mege gleby
mui Arny e in amidy fus Ce vali amiche in lobye privata in publico amicum necis in altero
vidit maries. Quomo to qui velom. dispisitione Chris. Esse quippe lan de fieri crimilibs. Meda-
de forsan injecibili tone maxima. Et Les Nay ve frgo
Qua majis vitellah. Neguli Cas enday responde P. Barrerin. Dom human Jno. Seminoratum maiores parte
leyes judice Epi realisny. Da missum vs. sane. Suns Job de Curruva ondebv in tungubit admity
Correndofoe Itzhigi. In interno de rivis moner quod præsentation Tabastet & gun autem judicare quas,
ingue Zambes quando égonon emtor Tot cam crunk mein meun Dreun. & amen elle Sempars
sum jule in ucto Cleese. Brasi ne votum giada & union jugo de junco di efente alle Misadell menis
major minus geffe de Pine les raectom. Aquellenis mugeraterat. & und Leonnes rovarari. Kom i
Er probis feenum unde vere valde sunt homines. Non bancnonum aber coheti vin von deal
jun amydy actori Luc E. Porcoursus P. Velkony. ubre viridi rompim manso outrum grida lo
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Page 26
**[Pagina 1]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Cornum namos &c. apud Lucianum Com autem omnino Eserd de Panterne prope Tenuly ait: Guenado res
in vestra cura ubi non provenit Glandura di Erminy cogitant proficisci. De Panterne: Cate Brovca
bolbun quern dirigens Indus ministro in suo epistola paratus. Van illam Ingulas novas videni dyzom
Mares jam fusifuge ut per aman mergam. Canones mandend des Rho novo euribus. Ne prato
vius ad gentes visu dies Julius. Iactum et nuagrupium Navi lego dilutit alchandeg Ann mariis. Quis perio def
ea vidis Europam Jonon omnis in sua fundamentos. Quiny fdon Calten Cave Lea
vie ne qui dedit Simile The con Vida Procurandum Legar Vide mecum Dom Norbe
Chor dele doye venti Dignuli, Convente Pagnini A Mungy cum Ex Pauluelna regresse personae ac mondes
Vix aliud que provecto cum Lontey in auta rui. In rebus ex cla clasigia gironis
Cot tamens Per homo in rangiq. Sertty creto post vice praecipiente: Est Lo dicierdem ote
id multe spogiat non hec Orc oris merce egiumus. In tyri a Muruntiam O Panente A quem
sors pro Dio hos audis cave Ministris pluvius eo capitibus demonstrare si non cephie negabilis nimium qua
tes misterias non dem erant onnes espetalques duele millenas Imperialis repugno non uno Ord agostinho
Epuvis tribundi Vivum non hed ante. Nam abuyus honen Jaque Tomy Confessione no midelinas
frugat mane dom in tholle gruis asmy my bris. Generamusque dum Sieget folly adrem. Triequique torvi
Episcopandi O Panente A Et Episcopo, ad hac fran phi minentis. Cuo rerum secientis sine equi. Como
non in quod insubstante illus ve cententes non tre frimine anphe lando
correctionis quam bore per se franc Volleb. fieri pos frahen generales unde ominnatae Camerini
Rom Mellemius hic confiantion. In truculenty incognati Novy Pam syt in Priner. Sed templo deinceps
valdeure de quadam No cruentorum Negocii Ch de dominice de fonte de Ding. audi endo plus
mushupis Hispani te embryly propensiones
qui tamen abs top hauy Minister Idolene. Eis opvalus videor de 22
une cupientes. O ramam dolore atem. Sam perfectissi e figurantes. Te viguit ad Regulum Zion de istoma
vive quoque grao la voide vellos villas. Addit Plantatio retre de alwdo sequum.Cokan exquirendi
Ar Benning Compay que Jeveluy ips pebien. Vid Sue per Curulete Cupely: Ce de Las in mille
ep.
Die 24. Nov. Panterne condit Ungulis Coarmundum Bellum. que duum kntuum nomus Spenderus
Com Imb in vulgari actione. Appirans à Jupils endyq idum Trinidely cargo quos publicò Mendendo. Dixit tune
+ Aquilus Panterne qual in aquarius mixtale haudem sin obet Geuifes pre peritus fructa in audies pro
Quindi. I pus com Ombe davent. esti zubi. Hoc louys des mendiate. Mas de Tou. Tan de Ep. Li
yli vive contenti Cantores quot iam cont certis regprosentant guan luco su ponoming à liquihante de ipso
fuchio generalan.
Die 25. Nov. panu Leon nadus de Dona Melchiora audientiam. ofent armisti die questione de Igulos
Panterne ad aliquis ex angios. Eugenio angel Conversili. In igneo dapulis, avocaute Bichmalario
Je Bon ruiter. en 3 menedos chufu ex operadore. Monre uid il Romanor pro suo ipone
Ingresante furature antigue. Ex primo quidem ille (si retroverunt sua Impergris) in atione
2 Agrippa ues veroni. Copose manitation admittendi lencon gustus antiguos minimi dos. Incarvity
die hori. Manuil das stany Minister Marcini immortales effe quales ei faciam. Et Conquiere
novy mundete Placa leaus une pratels mistravent les Durcia plena autem us apportei sony e consis
mens pro grandis. Ex avoro una mundo + sedebant medis Wmiller. Anchi sonny grafalles. petiavon
novy tant cum audemia tempey vanche profit Emanuel Nomme. Trofe non pen qui un tieve lincie
Ius misples d Imperiali venes pro geelig audencia excepte. Togay ministrament. Any che ut de bivorgo
nu fufoi. Suprions ad hormen ad mingeten. de ingaje. Bis ut con governent de papam niguaris mes
Nomine Regius valenciano zen Bruument me sic valer. Abac megis precari sam ipon ober
regit E Korroni Franz. Soni pono ina preuing et Hang chin. aurivid Tarra Paton respon
joris. ua Graore zo gofale. Clapuo vos wal. Offauce regputtis. Sonc Sollel Papa onzi
quo vindrent. Et transverses. alio annops Voit virde ne els faneres veg parandei de lyomi co
gor. A Charveni: a pigre gui in contention ques Ville. in octave benedicti tar officie. Lorris
Dyvin vi sam clef abruicle. undres join ez connot porto feais sacre dub but
Capulae ungis pleno ornamine. de tu opputates Ion vernere Thonard on grp. Si Aliu depuranda
gis advech sit manention quis jubilato caden munire. Refirma Douce in istam a copis recisienda
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Page 27
**[Pagina 1]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Die ijmo 27. Nov. ivimus ad Neija Pechinensis paroem cui Nomen de Nam in eien Dio ex-
ista surre imo, ut Ipad isquar, extraordinaria vien vai i id qua Iong dedie ultim, id quod ordinario gravi-
vist Crante aucht ubi manom egpio 27 indus, inde iuem de ab huen dictum, ne muen ub jus-
go il grao cruxa a mellendo, praecipi per G. Decretione Zeal oro numerai ordinaris di Pa-
pam deferendas varini fumi sendo volurand minio Cennon & B argenti unids. Ad genero
capel inve comanice Zrisfang & A. Panenm se brucante au Congregum oirevinerelel uia obi-
eripces ad minimun tom fonte canendafiue. Nero jam ineepid dneti Leonenod in yuen nim yen-
g Pavatam invenonem mesiam magnificam, auris omuente Cairn, & honde queunt Selutaciones, quiuy
mauiplastas ux erdi greil quan operte chigale. Aliquantu audius avuda tune oriblande Venu Corne
ta corovir bencies Victorise mehara.
Die 28 Nov. Summo mane D. Vanenm wit in yuen nim yuera pro exigendier Lequi seu duibus &
Roma nibij. In pananda, duricau dies Sent inspo Sartos forte melus nova Olechrig tadeo Antonio
so via se redenture. Alex Callie Jerindeo Parveriem: lie abspersum A. ingens tumboosi Ee
Negrioum in qua non uno milii quis noblesos non uno Labor gioris qui ben Lemeneres se gropendi
Quatuor Carmelitae. Ta calam. Eie profineuer & quasi furant An tus Nomd Sie ipra capider,
guanon alter & parmitte aliter Romi Hen nos exigendier decursit - Saltem à Deo certavances.
Precera in N Bogina annuunguan carundo cum autenticco Cremonian in Borgam a M. Callo per Syng
transmisfe
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[No final do texto principal]: Casparis Coys J. Socia D. Japaniae
**[Texto adicional]**
Mord cum exemplari ad me transmisso a R. D. Anne Paulo Cesani S. I. 2. Provi.
Provinciae Japoniae. Fra editor Macai 6 Mayi 1726
Page 28
**[Texto Principal]**
Nos dias de la semana que corren en el mes de Julio del año de mil setecientos cuarenta y nueve, estando en la ciudad de Buenos Aires, en la casa de don Juan Bautista de Segura, vecino desta dicha ciudad, ante mí, el infrascrito escribano, compareció el dicho don Juan Bautista de Segura, quien dijo: que por cuanto ha sido nombrado para que vaya a la provincia de Tucumán a hacer las diligencias que se le han mandado, y como desea que su mujer doña María Josefa de Salazar pueda disponer de los bienes que posee en esta ciudad durante su ausencia, me pide que le haga una procuración general para que pueda ella disponer de dichos bienes. Y así lo hago, en virtud de la cual doña María Josefa de Salazar queda con plena facultad para disponer de todos los bienes muebles e inmuebles que poseen en común o por separado, sin necesidad de dar cuenta ni razón alguna a su marido, hasta tanto que él regrese de su viaje. Dada en Buenos Aires a veintiuno de Julio de mil setecientos cuarenta y nueve.
Yo, el dicho don Juan Bautista de Segura, reconozco haber firmado este instrumento en señal de conformidad.
**[Assinaturas]**
Juan Bautista de Segura
María Josefa de Salazar
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Anno Domini 1725. Die Tertii Idus Maias Sinicu X° Merzabari
Retulit ad Imperatorem Kialo (nomen Sinicum) X° Merzabari
Legati Summi Pontificis die postridie pentecostes ad Io
cum nomine Testem. Imperator misit mandandum Duli,
Chasedam Legatum Sinicum dicere: Vos vesti plus, er De
minutate Kialo Decimum mandatum. Tu Luc Venish ex no
vem millibus Leutarum, tu te dies Summi Pontificis Legatum
negio an verum sit, vest fatum, quare de ea interrogari Eu
dopta, qui fuerit in Aula, et omnes affirmant, Te esse Vere
Summi Pontificis Legatum. Ego Imperator Vire Companions
qui de Tonginquis ferri Luc venit non Registra fu es exten Sa
qui Legatus, quare Ego Imperator debito modo melius adluc te
Vraiture Vto us omnibus apparet onea erga exterog benevo
Sentia. In sente, et iniunseme dixisti. Ego Legatus Summi
Pontifex Kialo venie ad inquirendum de Salute Maiestatis
Iue. Ad quaeris agendo polo maguis Beneficiis Collati in Cuo
pop. miel Tabo Releica negoti. Vesbe simel solata mag-
nam Zabent Corde grientiam cum amore di centbi. Patria Cum
posterioribus in nulle debet esse diversa, Querita cum Legatu
Moscowitae et duorum Regnorum Rominy oune temporis
Pekini Deparentus. Si diverse Loguaris, er deme foran mead
mies fures, Verba mutes, trum magnam Donny jus patre
ram faies. Europai, qui sunt in Aula debuent ve hbi in
conventum Ped negotiis qui non dum aliud atig mon ileg diam
So Ego mandatum ibsu dedi, omnibus Europay framm me
audiendibus diligentes observetur.
Utih Zacham figurum Symbolem que vi a
crunt ad Poem Publico nomine, in predictum mandatum
Kialo ienunitarant. Kialo petibit de Salute Maiestatisque
Oradmandatum respondit. Ego vere Sum Legatus sumus a
Summo Pontifice. Ego Summi Pontificis Legatus pero da la
Sure Maiestatis Veloro, er Lumbak per Bro mili Concedar
magna beneficia. I° est permittar habili regere, exquilibinare
Missionario qui sunt in Sinis. V° un dignetur permitter, ut
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Sinense, qui Comprehendam amplexi sunt. Conformare, Se
ipsa posse, que Superioribus amis Gloria Summa Summo
Pontifice Decretis Sua Dogo Nos, Mandarini, deferatis ad Suam
Maiestatem duo ista puncta.
Libertas Supplex Exori Legati
Porentissimo Imperatm
Duo Eunucis: Via Mra Supplante in nome del Sommo
Pontefice di permetter che li opperti liberalmente, da Dio
sionarij, Edà christiani Cineu La Chia Constituzione de
Comincia X Ma die: Eccio possa esercutare la parte di
Superiore della Mission; & De Posegga La nostra S Ra
Sigione: Facio an V Alta Santitam Reverenza
M V Ma
Lis5 Decr 1720
Vmtt8
Carlo Ambrosio Patr Athl Legato Cop.
Nubi e Dao Sam, liguum stipendiem die 23. Septembrius
ad Imperatorem. Imperator mandatos deposit dian. Vos
iste Lo Kialo, edicite illi: Tuas Summus Pontifex sumbili
ser petri, ur ego velim Concedere duo ista puncta. Sed deere
Hum Summi Pontificas omnino opposivum est doctrina Sinica,
idcirco lex Christiana non potest subiungere in Sinis: Ea
divinie prohibitus. Simet probita, qui in Sinis legem pu
blicant, Europaei sunc erunt inutilis. Coe, quibus in ambig
Expertis, Stat Proveci, ex infinitabilig detenti, qui non potuer
Redire, relinquam in Sinis, Cesero vero, qui legem in Sinis pu
blicant, in teum aupe, et deduc in Europam. Tuas Sum
mus Pontifex Decretis suas preest regere barbaram Europara,
man vero negue Sinenset. Europars, quos religuo in Si
rig, permittit observent Decretum suorum Patriquey, ex Vi
dam Religiosam domi agant: non vero permitiam, ut Le
gem publicent; or meo permittit Summo Pontifici duo punc
ta, qua are postulat. Hoc oneum mandatum cum se
met audieris, non Comenit, ur importuns preibys semere
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**[Assinaturas]**
de
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De loc adme referas. Si non Sabery dijum modi negotium, Cray
admitterum se in sequentiam, cum anum invexbi parum mura
versi; de uno suai, ne permanere in loco Kun Kie din (vulgo
Lo kokiva) Hac probo negatio originem ducunt ab Nestangi d.
(continuus) quae illam tecum non admissi. Arc mandatu
diligenti observetur.
Ca ipaamet die deatum est Doc mandatum Kialo
ad Seum Kun Kie din Sumit lum libis degius kialo dixit,
quod Super Deens Summi Pontificy, non fuit interrogatus
Cantone, addens. Rego Clementidom Rey Maiestatis digneta Loc
Summi Pontificy Brue ware: interea oreditane, rogabo Domi
cum aperat mi li Cos, me despondeam Sue Maiestati Linca Ma
duo funera. Has mon nomine Regi refert.
Die 28 deatum ost adimperatorionm. Ad Epe Impe
gatos Dependir: Voire ad kialo, et dicite ili: Priora, et poterio
sa melia ondata Sant Vrum, ex dom. Denra Senoni Bon
fikius Sum omnino, erabunde Contra dictoria doctrina Simico.
Ego Imperator neguidem volo videre Brue quod adme misizi
Europai non possum publicare Logen Xianam in Siny de
verbumine qubibebo. Role bam ju box, ut adman regencia
venirey, sed quia sua doctrina non convenit, est me excitar tus
boy, tu statin sedi. Crap mittam ad te omnes qui sunt in Anlo
Euroao ad Loum Kun Kie din va Pedicindi gratia. Omes eu
copros autem buos, qui con sunt in artibuy experti bu omneg
Deum veduc. Poterea vos Mandarini, petis ab illy novem cu
opins, quos Senon adduxit Kialo qui lupiunt milhi in navi
ke, Ego Operatos velingnam ist Siny, us Aly war, qui volumo
Vernanore in Siny Armilz Aleam: ago invitro por Detrico
Mandatum etc diligentis observetur.
Edem die Mandarini ivurunt ad Locum Kun
Kie din ad venuntiandum Kialo mandatum Rex Imperato
ry. Kialo dixit: Ego anovem millibus Lencamm mandato
Summi Pontificy Luc adveni: Red in fortunatus ego faciem
Maistatis Vestra non videbo, ei Bone Summo Pontifice ad
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Autos Regias noque transmittere non possum? Unum tamen non possum non rogare. Ego Indutus maritimo itinere due adve tus, Corpus Sentio debilitatum, quiaque viri regis precari mihi expetare usque ad annum venturum, un solam plane fluntas inimice nostrum Cantonem usque redire cum vero ne ciam an fieri possit rogo ut Lac ad Imperatorem referaty.
Nos Mandarini & de quintes mandato Imperatoris sunt Lac petivimus a novem in artibus perityt Lomini by Orines, qui fuer Marcinus (subtrito) P. Casiny Respon Coir Se Cole cum Kialo ordine, a bij vos octo dixeruns, se bi bimus Romanuros in Sinu ad invriendum Imperatoris.
28. Dec.
Die 29. Lac retata Imperatori. Imperatoris siclus
Sir Vos curru int ad Kialo, et mecum loca se fecer mandatum.
Primo Ventam Telelle (D. Pedini) et Eujuicemedi ignari vi les Comines, falsaymuntant e pitteleg, quibuy negota da hauxe sunt Itabon arque Pontifex Legatus pervent Cantonem Zumto, er Fryvon Sirint Cum Mandarinu Tipinduma me miso, ad me remanent Legati Verba ore prima, er mul Qaterca La bore dicendum. Unde ego Imperatoris dixi fom omnibus Europesi. Ego Imperatoris nunc non queram am plius de yentam Ormine, et Condono Petille Telelle sane temporis gratiosnih egit. Ceteri chiam Euroasi taitos De amgla omni simul gratias da denuer. Ego non existi mavbram te tales intervocum, ex fallum excitaturum digni fationes uoque ad negotia movida. Nunc ego secundum Le ges mer Imperii volo cum illam jusicare: ab ibue volo ut Pontifex mittat Yentam, ut eum omnis Roadam in sonam fallaiy. Quo ad Crimen Petille, ego volo, ut omnialle ab omni bus cognoscantur, crine determinabo penam Pro perea tu es Ex Congregatione Sancti Petri. Negotium Locini gium duxit ab ejusdem Congregationis Yentam, et Telelle qui cum Semery, et Ceteri omnibus decertarum, ad uniucho usque inter se disputarum, et negotia cuventurum. Tuism Emus Pontifex in perturbandi negotia a quoque dubio debebat
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quod patitur est Sequi. Videtur & quidam Consonum, ex non Voto Regis, et ex omnibus Congregationibus unum exigere, et eos in lingua ad pertinaciam a negotio mitiore, et hoc quiver bene: Sed de legit se Commun ex Congregatione S. Petri, qui Eae veritati dignitatebus, et negotia Suscitaturus, ex loc ordine est Alinea ac Cessionem pertinacium utrum justitia ubram & quaras? Ha bes ne a Siguid, quod regnas? Vos Europai nihil scitis de Literatu ra Sinica, non arsely inha Pietat Zarachnes Sinenses: quomo do falto, er mediantes de doctrina licita disputaty? Erranda sum Eoc diligented plaveret.
Mandarini ca ipsame die ivserunt ad Luxkidin er mandatum predictum de milium Kialo. Kialo dixit: Ego subitus mihi Zabo, quod vicam. Sollemno Decos Maies Satyversa Clementiam, dignatus Vere Breve Summum Pon- ficis et permissiones Cinco Decretum Eac missum. sper- foe, ubi hac provim placare Maiestatis vestra animun in bonum nostra Religionis. Ego Kialo non gravum un poter Lo gatis Summi Pontificy, derogredi chamarata mei Domini; que potero permittor, ips Statim me conformato mandaris Maiestatis Vestro: qua vero permittor non potero, Statim Scri- bam ad Summum Pontificem, ad illi nota facienda manda ta Maiestatis Vestra. Pro fusiy lapinis rogo Vos, Mandari ni, referatis hoc meum depositum Maiestati Me.
Ca epa methe Depositum detulerunt Mandari- ni ad Imperatorem. Imperator respondit. Tu lignum dem ito ad Kialo, et abeo setas exemplas Brevis Pontificy, et exemplas permissionum Linca Decretum, et utunque adme definy, ut Videam: abigue dubio me Legatus Sit, quod Contines Breve Pontificy, et que Sim permissiones Linca Decretum Si apud Se nulium Zabet exemplar, Scribat ea quo retinuit memoria, er adme leferoy. Mandatum Eoc de Sigintes obse vere.
Cadem die Crundus ex Persentia, nomine Chinfu, li gnificavit Imperatoris mandatum, quod tale est: Legatus Europaeus Kialo, et omny Ex ego comitata, veniant, habitent in
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in domo Mandarini utro. Mandatum loc de Legentes observetur.
I die Lune 12 Mandariny Liponum un ad
Kiao, es Redux Seum detulit Pontifich Brevis compendus
infilio, et permissione licia ducuntur in folio altero, uno
que Characteribus Europois scripto. Dita omnibus Europei
per Sinut in idioma Sinicum vertentem, tamlike quod impera
form.
Compendium Brevis Pontificii
Dice il Sommo Ponti fee nel suo Breve, che per la somma
Stima che fa della Mia Vira, è gia molto tempo da desidera
di spedire un Suo Legato, per rendergli Le dovute grazie per
tante beneficij fatti alle Chiese e Missionarij, e le somma
mente gli dispiace per il non fraggio succeduto de'N Barri
e Beauvollers, e per la morte del S P Raymond di non
Laver posito mandare prima la risposta alla Mia Vira,
quale anche mandata per il P Burnana, Severo Cavalle
femmo, De per Le sue infermita non potse arrivare in
questo fortissimo Impero: quale risposta manda presente
mente per me suo Legato accompagnato da molti Sigri
quali spero ne Sarano alcuni, di Con le loro Virtu, so han
tro incontrare La fortuna di servire la Mia Vira. La rispost
sa, che doveva portare il P Provana, della ferme ame suole
gato, er à che non ha creduto S Santita di dispiacere alla Mia
Vira, non Lavendo potuto approvare, che Si Compagnano Con
La Religione Catholica alcun riti expressi nell suo decreto,
Lavendo permeno queisiri dell inclita nazione Cinese quali
La trovato non opporsi agli instituti della nostra Religione
Si aguelli, che sono per Giuderla, Come a quelli de l'anno
Pico
Di più dice, che il P Provana, arrivando infina, sie
glera diffarami Con quanta attenz mativra diligenza, e
sagiduta, Zabbia Staminato, operato vno quelle Cos, ch dal
P Provana à nome di V Mia Le furono proposte, e longual
giusto, ematuo giudizio Zabbia Pero quelle Congrue deliber
Zioni, quali Ancor dall detto P Provana furono dell Santo Con
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Commendate
Srega di più Vt Sommo Pontifice a V Ma de Si
degli miei Tutte quelle cose dal suo Legato, che il P. Provano
durebbe dovute esorgli in sua Prezenza.
Dice di più, che siccome si è degnata la Ma Via
permettere a Cattolici del suo Imperio di Conformarsi à Costu-
mi longui al nostro istituto, così pregava ancora permetter
gli, che si astenessero da quelli, che sono Contrarij allo stesso
instituto.
Prega pure di permettere, che Christianiquietarzi
Viviano secondo le loro leggi, che mai mandierano agli me
qui, e vivianora douuta alla Olta Via.
Dice pin, che non vi è cosa da temere dalla Catholica
Religione che comanda farsi obiecarioni postularioni Un
dimini di grane per i Re e per tutti quelli, che sono in Sublivita
ta Comandarba ossiare loro idouiti offizi di obedienza fede
deuoz
Di pini, che non Solo detta Religione Catholica con bon
Dama, che i Suri Segnaci mostrono grato, e vicendevole anima
verso de suoi genitori, a quali hanno dover molto, anvi de
riguarzari Commanda a figli che Prestino ogni Lontà, cri
venerza a genitori, accio da Dio, che cio comanda venga bene
a figli, Divano molto ina la terra
Di più espone, che sarebbi Di devotios Condire La nos
tra Religione culminata della Ma Ma Via di tante grane, alleal
tre, quale pure si degna tollerare nell suo imperio.
Tanto Presentem mi Survene alla memoria, ri
mehendomi di altro all Breve originale, Siccome nel resto
di quelle altre e premoni di rispono, che verso la Ma Via
breno si Contengeno Claro lo So scrito per ubbedire à
superiori cenni della Ma Via e go fondam m'inchino
Vno devoto obbe Servo
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Permissione Lucra Decretum Summi Pontifici
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Si tolera nelle private Case de' Fideli Lineei L'uso delle Tabelle
Col Solo nome del defunto, appostavi al lato La dichiaraz
Donata, et ommessa ogni fu postiz nella di Lei Construzz
e solto ogni Scandalo.
Si tolerano tutte Le Cerimonie della Nazione circa
Li defunti che non Siano, o Superstitiose, o Suspette, ma tuis
ni
Si permette fare a suo Lucio quel culto, ch è civile
ò alla di lui Tabella purgata, dalle Lettere, dalla Superti
zione inscrizz, et aggiunsavi La dichiaraz Donata Sicco
me anche si permette avanti La di lui Tabella Con la forze
da inscrizz accendere Candelle, e odori, appone comestibi
LA 89.
Si permettono riverenze di genuflessione, e nostra
ve verso la Tabella Corretta, enerso il feretro, ò defunto.
Si permite per Loro, e Spese di funeralli, Presento
re Candelle, e dobbi apposta brella Seduta La Gloresta de
vita.
Si permette Deporar mense con dolci, frutti Canne
cibi vrnali circa d'avanti il feozro dove sia La tabella cor
retta Con La dichiaraz donuta, ommesse Le Cose Supersti
Gion, ma peruna certa pietà, et Comesta verso i defunti.
Si permette alla Quinza delle Tabelle si forma
de fare La Venuraz Kolau nell'anno nuovo Sinco, e
negli altri tempi dell'anno.
Si permite abbaggiare Dorri, auendere Candelle
avanti le Tabelle ri formate Con Le dette Canze Le Come
povim avanti i Simili, done pure si puono Collocare G
bi, Come Sopra Con la Protesta à Candele domite &
Carlo Ambrosio Pari Aleph no Leg Ap
Imperator respondit: Vos ae forte Kialo: Di human responsum
Shus Summus Pontifex dedit sibi duglins generis Brune da
ghrey geneig permittine, sibi mandans, ut adme mund
venum licum Santias se furo. Tu quando quiden instan
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Instantissimis Precibus benignitatem meam rogas, ego Imperatoris sum quon inquisio de pecatis Non tam et Peti Le Fe Do Ania Sinica est mi ex laurabilis, Eametecum Linicum bon sus Pro fundimentus: Euorisi non de bent temere de Mis degu fale. Ego Imperator postera die Admittam in mea Domura Legatum Sarmi Ponchici: Coaa ex mea Physiotra Ego bos mittam, qui ones vicem petent de una Salute: eo qui sunt in Asia, Europa, Simuliam Salutatami. Mandatum Ese dili genen obreveris.
2. die 12 Luna Imperatoris juxta explorata Bode milia poste biensinmun Chabum, Lexelen, et ex Quan dia sua Grabo fu cum es Lai pao ur omonial Maios Satys Sus brevi inquisitori de Salute Kialo es Ynub clao clam Aquiepim Lijsim dum Ducerunt, qui sunt in Asia Europe os, ut mte Europa Saluantant Kialo. Cosam Og La biste xy qeribos Legatus inquisivit de Salute Majestatis sua fras agit de Bene heits Collatis, Adixir Sumoni Pontifexmm dat Veni ad Sinas esquia misne Summo Pontifice, pede vus sit adme ex familia Imperatoria magnatem, ex Calvino, qui nomine Majestati sua de Salute ora inquirant. Ego ex longoquo Subditis Enjuncendi fuerum verbis exprimere non possum, anini mei gratiado ex Laurius. Ego subdity cum euen in Europa, qua Sen sam, es Fehke Quin facation andiesam, modo Ex mandato Marstatio veltra audio, et une Certo suo Gratiae quo ego Subditis in Consequium Maiesta sy vestro admira, Semmpore gandeo. Als Ex Subito milit Superat, quam o bremperando Maiestati verbe dogare, urin decipiendis Sy Suo fantibus Indistene one non dignesur. Aboluo Tuptio bo Imperatoriz, Veriri Se Legama ad Euro pros, qui sunt in Asia, dexir que Aly. Vos omnes debe dy Es Concordes intra vos, Von minus amare, Removere avo bis omnes divisiony, observare Decrum Summi Pontificis er for amorum eximiq Imperatoris beneficis respondere.
Die Sequenti 3. 12. Luna. Imperatoris ad fontvi 31 dec Vium admiti Kialo in Aula Kien kim Sanxi dicta Kialo
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Proprii Regni Vestibulis imbunos, in fra aule gradus Brue hon
du Portuense ferebat. Impuratos Suiri in defontillid ad
tronum vague, er immedie orexit illud de amambu Legati
ot interrogavis que de Salute Summi Pontificis. Perait
Ceremonia litica justi Imperatoris, ut Legatus federer in
pate oludentos Gremis & primi odioris Magnatibus.
Imperator misit ad illum de Propriis Cibi Regii, propriamque
mi debit poculum vini, quo Educo just imperabat, ut Lega
nos ex soner. Siguid Zaberet gerendum. Kiallo primo non
ne Nummi Potifeci percontatur est de Clalute sua Marcy
fatis, granas ejus de Beneficiis, sum enixe rogavit, ut Si
nent Sanctam Legem obtinere in Syri ornam Cham purita
tem, ideoque permittaret à Christianis observari Summi Po
tificis Verba Circa Simenes Divos Edita. Audita petitione
Imperatoris respondit: de loc aliay. Voum Zabeo quocundem
rune. Cos Imperatores videns vestras Europorum mag
nas geograficas, in eis Imperi Comines depictos atos zaben
ses, quod Eos Significat. Kiallo Respondit vicem mumanum
vad est similium, quo denotatus spiritualitas, et Delectos
Angelorum. Voluit Zabeom alta, non ea, quae vos Zabeant
sap. Imperatoris respondit: Sinenses oboe novant explicare
Suum litteratum Europæorum, orido non Convenit Nij
Curia Serenissim literarium Europæorum diguatire. Vos Eu
ropai non asequimini verum sensum Sinicorum Coac
Serum, quomodo vero disputatis de vero, aut falso Seruo de
Divina Trinita? Disputat est, quod vollebamicire. Hanc si
militandum Nimul Curatisa fuse Imperatoris pertenta
vir: milonimus Kiallo Sentpet fractus in sua petione
manit. Tune Imperator suivi Itubi, et alios Manu
vinis, ur in limine Aula enim poculum (Vini Singularis) ex
Comitatu Legati offerunt. Cum tamen Imperator videor
temps esse foriguum, et vestes quibus erat indutus Lega
tis, qui seminisima, donavit illius una ex Tibetinis pelli
bus exteriori vesti ad usum Ira Maiestati facta. Abes
Iuro Convivio, Imperator ingressus est Palatium. Kiallo gra
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Gratias agit, et Necesir.
5. Die 12. Luna Legatus Kialo obtulit Imperatori
vi muneribus Summo Pontifice Missa, et Imperatoris unam tabacariam, numismata ex civitatium quatuor com-
mensas duas uncias Laboratos stutello inam cucurbi faciam amplam Kialo dedit; Simulque petit Tuy-
Summus Pontifex mittet ad Eay longinquos populos, cum ar-
gimento amico ex Longinquo venientes, vestibi invitaros
Sandres fuit. Expediet enim, ut missione aliquae in En-
gipan, qui referuntur ad Summum Pontificem, et hoc bene es
Ite Kialo Respondit: Ex quo ad Sinas perveni Maiestatis vestrae
Simple anger beneficia. Ego Nobilitas Immogen Capio mit
The Lomines in Europam, qui de his certiori me facient Sum-
num Pontificem. Gratissimum Cui erit Summo Pontifici:
Postea gratias egit et Necesir.
Die 6. Luna 12. Imperator donavit Kialo ex 3 Jan.
Zibellinis pelibus Syretum unum, ex vulspiny ali sy pelli-
bus ventim unam, duos interioris vestes, o crasp Catony que
Conpile vestes.
7. die Luna Kialo obtulit munera sua Gloria 4 Ian.
Imperatori. Imperator misit ad illum libros Regios.
12. a die Luna 12. Imperator misit Itali chaodam q Ian.
dicens: Vos refertote meum hoc mandatum ad Kialo. Si
in Dino vis emittere Lomines in Europam, necesse est un-
quamtium Argento vicepapria. Homines hitheri ci
Satisfecquis se Conforant Cantonem, na Secunda Luna post-
Int Glopecisi ex Ning per Naves Indicar. Si paululum
Tardent, non asequentes. Mandatum Eoe diligentex ob-
servetur.
Cadem die Watum est ad Kialo Superior man
datum, ad quod Kialo respondit: Ego Subditus Glorie Di
xi Maiestati Verda mestelle mitte Lomones in Europam
Ped Cum clare non in intellectum sensum mandatum Ma
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Maiestatis Vestrae, Supplicibus gero, ut Locat orili in inlmy
pertam Maiestatis Vestrae, ui deuementia Cha in Epistola
Rad Summum Pontificem omitam
Spero die desposum Legati relatum est ad Idm
peratorcm, adquod Imperator dixit: Cras Veniat Kiaio.
Mandatum Padiligentis observetur.
Die 13. Luna 12.° Imperator aduocavit Legatum Ki
olo in Aulam. Tunc ki xu dictam, et Coram Mi dixit; innot
eos, quos tecum adduxisti Domines meche est duo Argaj,
qui de Beneficijs sibi Collatis suntia referant. Notidabo te
bi multa mandata. Primo Summus Pontifex se due misit
ad gratias agendas pro beneficis. Ego Imperator Summe
re gaudeo. B. Summus Pontifex oruit te Eue ad dirigui
vindumi de mea Salute. Ego Imperator, Jam Dobuyes,
et bene vales, uripse met clare Vides. B. Summus Ponti
fex quiut ad me munera. Ego Imperator omnia Reipi,
igura amo x Longinquus Terris Etmines. Ego Ista Via
jubeo tibi Seripto dari, ut Versione fardo, mittendi in Eu
ropam Lombres Seum deferant. Mandatum Eoc diligent
Ser observetur.
14 Jan.
17 Die 12.° Luna Imperator aduocavit ad Se Kiaio
Legatum cum omnibus Europay, tam Senim ad duety-
quam ipsi qui Pekini resident in Aulam Yuen Kien elai.
Praceedebius diebus Kia to Sapiny, et mixte Uagaverat
Imperatorum, ut digmarhis pleritiere christianis Sinen
Abis Conformare Se Debitis Summi Pontificis Circa
ritus Sinicos. Itaque Imperator Coram Dixit. Tu es Ma
gnas Summi Pontificis, Si Zabes aliquid disserendum
Olica doctrinam, adne refenas. In Sinio Verba sunt
Clara, et vera: non suntus Similes Europois, qui per
ambages, er decorditos circuitus. Mea Rodie herba Laud
Dubre dura Vide buntas. Si vis disserere de doctrina Si
nica, ommino necese est, ut perfecti Scias Characterum
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Sinicorum sensum verum: qui bene studuit libris Sinici, potest de illo discere. Ego Imperatoris von novi literas Euro paop, Marco ego non vidi ro de bono Europae si à tempore Lima seu (P. Matthæi Rivi) in Propaganda fe ge in Sinis Statu aliquid non Conforme lud legi, et chin Ser Europæos, qui legem publicant, sint alibi qui con bastardam legem faciant; sed ducit illos in Europam subi juris panam a Summo Pontifice determinandam. Ad Eal singillatim ad me respondit. Kiallo respondit. Om doctrina, quam publicavit P. Matthæus Rivi in promienda fabella mormorum non Concela, es vi nominibus Tien Xam di innocenter erravit. Imperator ad Lac Upondir Kia Lo. Honos Tabella mormorum originem non traxit à Confucio, qui illas honorare Co generunt, sunt posteriorum statum Domine. Sed in My ou Est est suspensibili. Vocare Deum Vert Tien, N St Xambi nominibus, est vetiti vocare me Im peratorem Yuan Suei et Hoan xam, licet diversa sint in ter se nomina, unum est idem honorandi Regem intentium. Certum est ut quod o bonabitare elundi Lucisque fan dum clopsi Suter >600. ann paulo amplius anni, es non sum ad 10000 governesimus; anne ignita Nhitum eris vo care me ulan Suei (10000 annorum)? Negotia ejus modi sunt Lewia; de brives de form illa ad Tribunalia ex mandarinos, qui sunt in Provincijs, ut illa dicuntur, non autem tibi ad me referre. Kiallo Monua internam inclinando Caput respondit. Amard [UNCLEAR: possibly "De"] ego Maiesta fem Vram! Ego missus Sum Legatus a Summo Ponti fice, non ad Tribunalia Ped tantum, urgebend de salute Maiestatis Vestra, ergatios agendo de vos beneficio, rogare Maiestatem Vestram, ne permitiat observantiam Pere di Summi Pontificis; et nullò modo permittitus mihi dis putare de doctrina Sinica, necipse auderent disputare. Ego sanctum Corpus Europæos, inter Le bene Vivant, unity que
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Viribus Comitis se gratias ex libere in obsequis suis pro tanto
a Maiestate vestra statutis beneficijs, rogant que Deum pro
segat Maiestatem; deque in aeternum vivere. Imperator
Respondit: Veste dictati. Si volis ad luc disputare, Ego om
piratos Castiliae ad fundum usque disseram veuem. Dabi
la ratione com hantum, qua modo dixiuti, negoqui fuer
mo facile elucidabitur. Ios posterum yen tam, et altero
sub Wilum Lominum Glemas falsitatibus Literas, qui
nos falsum do vero, et bonum pro fasto supponerentur, et
Calumnias. Sunt Lima su (P Matthaeum Anri) Tang-
souvan | P Adamm Nedal Nao doi gin (P Fernanan
Dum Verbiac) Li Lucion (P Ludovicum Buglio). Ngan
men su P Gabrielem Magallains) Lo Lixau (Mmd
D Alexandrum Licen) Singexin (P Roman Pereira) et
Catores antiquos Europæos docuisse punire Contra deli
quorum Judam, falses unguam Calumniosas Epistolas quis
Latenus oportet allicinos asevare. Illi Calumnias passi
sunt, et egoillis Companion Kialo Respondit. Ego audien
verba Lac Maiestati vestra, Scio Maiestatem vestram
Companionum Labore animum ega antiquos Europeos,
quo beneficio nullum maney, et deo licet mili rogare
Maiestatem Vestram dignetur parcare Europais, nobili
visci vos Potentes. Ego de tali Beneficio Semper gra
fissimus ero quibus vici, amigui, et novi Europæi ge
omigratio.
In Ea audientia Cum omni efficacia renova
vir Legatus Kialo petitionem suam circa Placeptum
Summi Pontificis de Simicis viribus, et institit totius Viri
boni, ut obtineret, quod petebat Significavit Imperatori
Nomina Contrah Societatys oblatum olim fuisse Sum
mo Pontificio Libellum quo nomine totius Societatys Pro
stebatur Plomtam, et exaltam obedientiam summi
Placepti. Sumnum Pontifcem determinare omnia
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Cum omnimoda maturitate, & consideratione, et quod Caput est
Cum Sancti Spiritus assistentia. Ipsum S. Romanum Laudavisse
Aurimum tales determinationes, et Sua dujusmodi. Regon
sa Imperatoris, ut por fere omnia historica mandari agitari
by Europaeis intellectis fuerunt, et cum Legatus instantibus
me viribus petitionem suam fuerunt ex Europaeis, qui pro
Domum, omniisam, qua perabantur, Imperatoris permissione,
Dont inquiris declaratis.
Eadem die Imperatoris lii mandavit: Viva Man
Darini ire ad Kialo, et ibiite illi, ut de liberatione sua detes
quiver circa negotium de sententijs in Europam remittendy.
Mandatum hoc diligenter observetur:
18. Die 12. Luna Novi chas dam clemda Li 15 Jan.
quorum legationem, consequentes amandato Imperatoris
Cursa Viciam liberationem, retulerunt ad Imperatoris
vert Kialo respondens: Ego Indubius Simoni Porris
et Legatus, non meum in Sonq in quem sollicitatem La
but Videorbi Maiestatem Vestram, qua me quando cancellar
beneficiis Ego Summo per ipsum hom ille facen Samno Pen
fiei, et D illum vitice qui mecum venerunt. A Jose
(F Raynaudum Carmelitam) Lopento (D. Noueda) et que
ro eujusmodi Verba (d) Nume, quas Kialo ad summum
Pontificem scribit Epistola habimur antiquos Europaej, et pu
Warum versione facta dentur Legato Maiestati vestra, et
postea mittenturi. qui deducant Cantonem Li Jose Lopento
Mandatarium Cantonesium Zunto, et Fuyuen Domine
Eic ad Luc sunt: quare Li Jose Lopento dentus Cormumbus
Mandatorum Junto et Fuyuen, ut absum curamagam
et perviam publicam nos deducant, et Scribaturad Zunto
St Fuyuenl, ut Statim us Li Jose Lopento pervenerunt Canto
nem, Sequenti anni Secunda Luna Current Li Jose Lopento
Navim ad Indiam profecturam Batam consciendant Circa
quo petimus Mandatum Maiestatis Vue. PD Libellum
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Sume Tartarice Scriptum Imperatoris Responsum: Fiat. Mandatum Loc Digressus observetur.
La die (Scil. 14 Jan.) Europaeorum intere Questiones in Camera Imperatoria multum errore et confusione fuerunt, quique Plurim afflicebatur interpretabatur. Hinc Imperatoris mandata non posse omni integre referri ad Kialo, mea Verba Kialo clare se ferri ad Imperatorem Pelike Os Magne Eien (D. Alipa) gratulati sunt Kialo, quod Imperator Principesque petitionem Susciperent Pontifices, et permittantur ab ignari Sinasibus Conformare de Summo Pontifice Decerni. Kialo ipse penitus in verba Pelike et Maquedien, in Corde suo monit. Primo Imperatoris Coram dixit Kialo. Inter Europaeos qui sunt in Sinis Regite, ex Sancti Petri Congregationi Domine non concordant, indunas factiones divisos non se mutuo amant. Non tenebis in unam partem populeus verbi gratia illius ad Exorare Sed Consiliis rectius, a firmis glibi spumere debuimus nihil habere Redem. Nunc Kialo in certus animo pendet, cor Miny in duas partes divisum est.
19 die Imperator misit Yuh, et chao eam refere ad Kialo mandatum quod tale est, cum tu Indie Pares Coram me cum omnibus Europois, Verba Europaeorum valde erronea et confusa fuerunt. Imperatoris non potuerunt ad te niti di reforme mandata mea, et in sua adhuc Uspont inseniorum Stras ideos. Unde orta est diversitas in Serky, et negotium non potuit Accidari. Quid modo facto est om? Tu Coram me ad Sacra inquirenda venias. Mandatum Loc digentes observetur.
Eadem ipsa met die Mandatum predictum Rela sum est ad Kialo. Kialo respondit dicere Europaei intere Que non possunt integre se ferre ad me mandata Maiestatis Bra. Respondit mea non posunt illi integre se ferre ad Maiesta tem Vestram. Loc mihi Certe gravissimum! Sed mihi attendo, quam conformare me mandati Maiestatis vestrae.
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Tum Mandarini Kas Dram à Legato petit exemplares Legei Borbonis: at quoniam non petivit ex mandato Imperatoris, negavit dominus Legatus Pedatum Hecce adem die actata Sum Imparatori: adque Imperatoris Deponid Vos. Mandarini, obsumne orme de ab ipso, deducite ad Locum, ubi manet Kiaio, et ibi digepo Summi Pontifices ines Presentia, eradoue de gente... alunda Paro loc diligentes observatis.
Die Septembris 20. Luni 12.° Mandarini deduce 17 Ian.
Eun prope ad Locum, ubi manet Kiaio; getierum sunt yà Kiaio Ascepti exemplar ex Mandato Imperatoris. Kia Io no prutit am glay negare Datum et Europay Mic pe Sentibus qui idem cadem die in linguam Latinam verterunt.
VII Die Luna 12.° obana est Versio temporatarizii 18 Ian.
Denda Imperatoris Legit os principillo subro manus copia de dicta versioni Lac Submissit. Legendum Asceptum istud fan summodo diu potest. Euro pai Vide Domine quando dice vere posunt deijs, qua spectant ad magnam dominandi vicam? a fortiori, cum Europa postremo multas sit, qui novie aut Literas Sinicas, or in suis disputationibus multa deperi antu Vin digna. Nune Asceptum allatum a Legato se vera magnam Labor son formatatem Cum Plavy Setij Hox ang, et Taossi (dua Nozaratrum Sete). His, quar Lakem intesse ferminariis altercationibus, nulla majorese preat.
In postremum non expediat a Lenqua Europeos in Sinicad Propagandum Sedem Legem, debet prohibiri, et Simolesta regona Virabuntur.
Responsum Loc allatum est ad Locum, ubi ma net Kiailo. Traditum ab Curredo ex Regentia Imperatoris chin fu, quo Lecto Coram Kiailo, et omnibus Europais, que simum est ex Legato, quad eset Respondendum Imperatori?
Legatus Scripsi unum libellum Fugelium, ad Corporarium, quo turnus urgebar petitionem tandem. Tune tony, qui
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adorant, Missionarij antiqui Vide emptah libella aruy exarpe
tandam Imperatorum, Capuant illium tulit Logan, ne oju
modi Librum mitteret, et Slinimpatations adduxerunt. Ni
Sioniny Legaty à sua determinatione recedendum non ju
vicavit. Onterea missos est ab Imperatore Quinque Patri
fas, qui post unam, aut alteram Gram veniens, absidem man
datum Imperatoris actulut, quod Sic Labor. Post die dixit cui
disurando de doctrina, Latio dubie Verba duo videbuntur. In
posterum de non admittam in viccam dyscentiam. Si Labor
a Siguid adme defensandum, in Scriptis de feris. Ego Impera
tor eriam monuit te, de bore Conciilium Retum, et fironum
efunere, es non de bore vacillare. Nunc in unam partem
proponus, Adem Vilium Cominium negria perbutentiam
verby ad Abes. Sivis publican Receptum ilud omnino
nation Contrarium, vis Sinis fieri omnino non posset. Si
vidisse meces est ad fundum uique displicare, & fortissi
cum Legatur Moscoviy si nure in Lac ebula. Ego Impera
toro Certo in unum Colligam omnia amica mandata, hincob
cum disquisitionibus, ac Deus jam fecit Imperius Saraceni
bus ritro di Glomate, or suo Medecuitas, ac per Nave Canto
ne Prosechay, mittam in Europam publicanda por omnia
Circa de Regna, ut de ip exequo judicem. Mandatum loc
divisum eburneo
Kialo audirem mandatum istud, Summoti
more Corregens est A Sacra ca jam non pose vidonier
amp tus conti ad Imperatoriem Quis Scriptura sbehum,
ub ibit ergo situm, qui Sic Labor.
Carolus Embrosinus Patriarcha Alexandri
uis Lunanter Dogat Maiestatem Vram, ut dignetur par
cere omnibus Empais et nostra Sanct Religioni, et Suspen
dere di Gloma mittendum per Monoviam, et alias mundi
portes. Ego omni Selbstindine 50 ad Summum Pont.
frem de foram Clare Senus wrote Neutos a Marestate Vrain
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interim nem ullam innovabo, nullam autem faciamus
Dei voluntatem Dei Dominum, spero quod omnia, tum quae adha
vestate visa fuerunt ab Exortis Mandarini ordine Monis
tanti vos qui mihi indicata fuerant, fideliter representabo. De
vigo Summillimas in Super Reges Marcati vestra, un esigna
Dominy, qui mecum videram, exaudiunt qua de Strake om
via de Quattabao Sanctitati Summi Pontificis, ut de locupio
positi Consequari Moxie via vieti Certiorum suo Ma
gestaran vetram, quod quantum in me eait, quamam zono
eam, arrectum rebus proin me ante Compeitionem Saum
Sistere
Carlo Ambrosius Patri Alex. ovs m leg. Ep. D.
Item demissa forte unanimiteit suberius idem a Remen
via Maiestatis Via lum Sartiny sujlicamus: Josepugua
re, Joachima Benet, Franciscus Ludoro Ioanni Meruram,
Joschino Pinina, Accoratus Ferrari, Phigura Cesah, Bene
dicus Novela, Fr. Raymundo Maria a S. Joseph, Fr. Joan
uis Dominicus Fabrii, Fr. Vol sangue Maria a Nativitate
Fr. M.V., Mathias Riga
Postea Krasle. Alexis genibus dixit: quando
Ego Roma De fecins Sum, Summos Pontifex debit mihi
aliquas formaturas circa Receptum, quas jam misi ad
Maiestatem Vestram: erdie Pogo Maiestatem vestram dig
detur Parisus integras Legere.
Exden die Versio Sinica Abelli Sugghoi Euro
pais litteray Jesu in Ganta est, et bisunt cum jam dies facta
Versime permissionum Luca de ceptum Apostolicum, 22. 19 Jan.
Die oblata est A Imperatorii, ad quas Imperatoris penicillo
rubro sic respondit.
Promisa a Summo Pontifice Locadity Simcorium
ta et Responso Imperatoris omnia Propriapeni
cillo rubro Scriptas.
Si Permittit Christiania Sinenskno in Suo Clamat domi
buz uri tabella montorum inscripio Blo nomine Defuncti,
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- apposua ad Satas debita declaratione, otonmisua qualcum
- fuc Suppositione, in ejus Constructione, nec non Seduso om
- oni Schandalo.
Imperatoris Nepotum Diemidicunt Polatre Abcam
co enin modo Sun tabella vi Temply Dolanarum, quare
caulium est bijormen inter tabellas christianorum, ex Dola
Varum &xam.
2. Permititur Confuix Cultus Me, qui est Civilij
Tamquam Magistro, aut Eriamejud em Tabella Dummo
purgata de libris, adjeta ad Satas Conguna declaratione, ut
placiter Coram ejudem Tabella, ut Supla permittitux acco
Di Candetaj, uti Rons, apponi Comessibilia ds.
Responsum Imperatoris non affer fundamenta
Satis expertiony.
3. Permittur acventura genus Sexionum et Portatio
num erga Tabellam Societam, er erga fierorum, aud de fine
Sum. Otom pernittitur Domu er expensis fuerera Affin
candettay, bodocle apposita tamien in Sedula debita decla
ratione.
4. Permittitur Ole pajari venireos cum duscharis
fruchibus, carne, er Libri tranalbus circa am Coram ferura ubi
Dir Tabella Ped Zane opporet esse forcecatam, et omnitti la
portitionis poquidant fan tum Eonestate, es pietate erga
de funere Curis quibus Limitabimus permitinde etiam Co
ram Tabella Reverentia dicta Ko ten
Responsum Imperatoris ur Suspa ad 2°
Coram Padiety Tabella re formatoy, sicuri paritus Co
oram burnely, odoris Combui podum, er Ceris decardi, Ded
Eibenda caute lo, et Pretationes plor in Superiorsuy.
Responsum Imperatoris. In isto articulo non
clara apparet Vato petitionis.
Ego Imperator amubrijami negestia traut, quo
ad quod moner, quod Verum, quod factum perfure Cognira
a De Oledenduis Capionsly Cho olun per multo diez cam
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Nen tang diuersi, et lare ostendi qualemmodo fieri posse. Alle
Como mequidem nouo so characteres Sinicos, Sinistaueriusque
gravitate onmenti, illosum sensum non vidis. Dixerendo per
fue convictus, magnopere iratus, non auay est amplius
buri desine. Finunt me deuondam legem Sinicam onitis
fraderetia, des questiones illas agitare non est amuy. De an
figura in Europa, ut ille Magis, et magirnegotia excita
ur, ex multitudinis corda perturbaret. Vide vere gravitates
cum est Religione Christiana, et Imperio Sinicum rebellis.
Ex illy omnibus Do libitum num quisquis quillam estoquo
adone non remibit, ne in uno quidem Charactere depuri
fur Dyumen. Si ventam alle Dyuy Como, quan non venit
Euc ad Sinic qui vero exip, quorco orion Quorum
cum mey Decretys, me Syllabari quem Verponi labia, eroni
si ante Comines clamculi tant ouisi! et Lacornia ve
nient ox ignorantia Ventam qui requidem Scribere duos
Characteres absone entre Seinr: Vedder frigidum magno
rum, et parvulorum Sinicum animo. Ex hoc nonon
apparert, quod ille sit Sancti Alexam Tarsu alique de
plumi di glave decimo Dominy?
Cademi die Relatum est ad Riallo Imperato
vi mandatum, quad Sic Eabet: Om precepto Monni Sin
Ficus Legatio: Homnae Calum/Kintion, fuere carumo
rius orga Confinium, Lac omniuo Superstitionem ado
Lar. Tu nesay sensum characterum Sinicorum, tu
nyas Scianum Foe et Tao dicta: Ego sum nomens Kia
fo a ex littere seta Bonnum Asahi: Priy inc mis
Si Legati Solo nomem dedutum est expelita Sac Polono
Solo vocare Deum Dominum verummmum factorem
Zao nam un in ibud de ductum est ex S. In chion cao hi
bai hoan kin. Sects Tao Canonice. Nullay est liber quem
Ego Temporali non revolverim, quare de illy prudum dy
putabe. Nos, Eurodai, neunum quidem caracterem dei
ty, neunius quidem Graicy sensum penetratij. Satim
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Ac loquimini, ineditis in vaba Seta Tao, Simom incidunt
inversa Seu Foo e Contrario vero quorum o judicatis docti
nom Confici Suppositiviam om, es Repugnare Rationi?
Cum Sinenses dicunt Tien, et xambi, unum et idem in-
de Niguni; non est alia explicatio de uno quam de alio Vo
Chro sai Vocaty Tien chi (Deum) Teusa, et est Verbum
ex Italia: taura signa diversimo de nominant, a fortio
si cum Genun Conveniat cum Loquela Menca. Proes
illas appellationes, qua spectant ad negetium Kin hen, qu
vigilus ea, qua Levis, qua gravis: vites omnes Europay
qui sunt in Sinis, nillius est, qui Sciat Verum Senum cla
Bacterum. Solus Perin (P. Perer) pervicit sanctillum
libros Synica Sed non dum penetravit illorum senums:
quando quidem Lex Christiana prohibet Superstitiones, quo
Perin Bander libos Sinice. Loc ipsum Superstitiosum est,
ut ex hoc Violat Legem suam. Dam ergo Legatus dimissio
sifici, qui venit in Sinas ad virimenda negra, accipat Re
zol, deducat ad culenam, et Congreget omne Manuscrita
Sinos que Suitatis a Primo ad Ultimum Coram illiqu
beat Telite, et Magrue Hen, ad quos inclinat, cui pore
zin, es Concernae ad mortem, ut vide apparat illum
Legem Nam Violate et simul destruat, et curvant &c
Cleiam. Insuper im olim antiquis Europey Tanq
nuang bene Schivise Patri meo Imperatori, Imperatos
dede Mi unam inscriptinem, ego quoque didt Unam, er
quandoquidem non Congruis Christi Leges sua, oppoter, in ais
pias Las inscriptions, es furgas in finita . Hoc Vocabulo
peragere, et derinne negria. Ecce Tibi Telite or Cle Ma
quelin, ad quos inclinas, et quorum verbi omnimodam
Fiden Sabes. Telite tamem in Sinis periga negoria con
tra man Legem; anno enim 54. decussarit Blacham, et
Quantao Eva: libelus accusatoriy osten manus bus vestry
Mandarini Placide, et cum omnibro Chapeij use ad
Kialo, ipse Gehike Vertat cro stondas Kialo. Ego Impe
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Imperator accipiam Certissime negotium integrum, jubeo
Vos qui unum Dubium de Toma, & Via e Motu visitatum datur
ottimam ad omnia Europa Legna. Mandatum hoc diligenter
observetur.
Statim accipimus mandatum penicillo rubro
Scriptum cum mandato ore remediato, utrum quinonum
fuerimus Kiato. Kiato gratias terris respondit: Lex ejus
gimbus: Scientia Majestatis Vestra est profundissima
non ex Libro, quem non permuturit, id circa potest diue
dare; Europaei vero omnes quidem edatascerent mo
dum, vim multij errant. Milioi est Superst. nisi cum
Laetimy rogare Imperatoris exitium benignitatem. Hic
Dicty, Kiato Salutare Europae Eure Libellum Jugi
Cum Scriptit ad Imperatorem.
Potentissime Imperator
Humillime, et fronte demissa daterram Legi Garack
dej Deducta ab My Maiestatis Vta penicillo rubro des
criptis: Ego Veni Dogaturus furo omni maiori Absque
Maioratum Vestram es Credidi, quod abique permittio
ne, quas Eabui a Summo Pontifice posent mitigare
ex faile Peddere negodium meum, quas Eabui Eonoent
mittendi. Ego viii. et vind posum facere, nisi Capik indi
nato, petere Verianz; gravem patro do Sbem, quod oni di
non parcat ab injurioduo, quo posvim mean demonstra
re Sinceram, et Precipuam Venerationem erga Maiesta
tem Vestram: Citius Clementiam in terram Donatury
Imploso.
Carolus Ambrosius Patriarcha Allop ot Leg Ap Du
Et Si Maiestas Vta jubeat, ego ibo ad Pedes Pontificis et cla
re Adolives, ac Sincere exponam mentem Maiestatis
Vestra.
Eadem die Insi sunt Europaei Vertere, et 23. Die
Octata sunt ad Imperatorem. Imperator advocavit
Kiato Cum omnibus Europais ad Culum Tim Ki
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Ego, et in Argentena significavit illy Eos mandatum. Ego Imperator Pluridixi in deliberendo de doctrina: Verba and Dubie Sunt parum dicta. Vos Europae ex vobismet ipsis inceditis in Superstitione, et peccatis; e contrario judicabudectam sintcam ome Superstitionem, et ubi Veritut ad dignitatem, ouibil potestis Vero pondere. Sententia Vocare Deum Xam ti, - mihius est, qui ignotet; nullius A, qui illum non venere int, illum non dinetat. Ego qui Constituus sum in Summa Dignitate, in omnibus negotijs Caelum inspicio; non au Dierum gantilium in co ele oedigens; a bo anny singu lis diebus mane illum Venere, Vesper eum pertinuesco. Cum Summa Veneratione mandata Xam ti Decipio. Et sic est indugno Sinensy Celim Venenantis. Vos Eu ropai sanctum modo Seij Dominum, et fecatrem Deum, Iunici petentes felicitatem, et Tranquillitatem, non nego beij an sain dubitandi? Quosvim unice petens felicita tem, et tranquilitatem, quod nam in edigerimen inter vos, et Doctaticas Setar Fec, et Tao! Quando guidem so gabi one Impostume cum Lauriniy, permits sibi quiescy Diobuo, aut tribut diebu; postea clare Respondeby. Man Datum Eos diligentee observend.
Europano Lique ngan (P Ioanny Laureati), qui ping motabanui in ecclesia in Provincia Fokien, or iphi anno 58. ox Provincia Fo Kien Eue Venit, et Admissy fuit in Argentiam Imperatoriy; Ate Lique ngan aldiens De adventu Legati, Cantorem Se fortubir ad exitanda Dubia in mente Legati, et futim Veniens, Re Kimum Delibuit in loco Sepultura Europeorum Imperatoringui mens, Scivit Eos de Certissimum, quare die 21° Tuna 12. Inuit Gubernatori De Kimensi; Zum Koto nomine aggre Eorderet Lignengan, et 22° die agpelenso Lique ngan, de eo monuit Imperatorem; Imperator dixit: Vos Ynbi? DeDneite Liguigan, ad Locum ubi manes Kiabo, or debi gentes inquirete de causa, cui detimesir. Atcipire otiam
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Abellum accusatorum Redimi, et factam illius vestis
post dant Kialo Legendam. Mandatum Eudeligerer obir
verit.
22. Die Luna 12. Decembris Figuengan, ad Louis
in quo manus Kialo deductus fuit diligenter examinata.
Lanca, aut delimeris? Scripta sunt Figuengan de posi-
tione, et die 23. oblata Imperatori libella felix acusa
tionis datur est Europay, vir verionem facient, eamque
Kialo Legit. Kialo legit, et flexis genibus dixit: annua
de Sic Proximum, Eos non concordat cum lege christiana,
et etiam si vera est accusatio, paries non expedit; multo
magis non licet calumniose accusare. Me Subditum kia
lo beneficis communiti Maiestas Vestra, novaque benefi-
cio concedit dux, ant does dieg ad quinetem. Verum cum Ego
Subdity demillam anime Duvilvo, existimavi non differen-
dum, idea eadem ipsa met die Scripsi omnum responsum, ut
grad deferant ad Maiestatem Vestram. Eadem die Scrip-
si et littery Europois Responsum suum quod dat nunc est Euro
pois littere respondivit, et sic Eabet.
Promissime et fidelissime Imperator.
Ex quo in hoc Florentissimum Maiestas Vestra Imperii
servire, adeo insignes percepit favores, ut minquam maio-
res viderim, aut conceperim Exequorum. Vtim est quod
me adeo affigit, ut dolore opprimat, quod Maiestati Ves-
tra dignificerim, et Velementes doleo, quod in manibus
onej non sit, quo possim omnino Maiestati Vestra tali
fucere. Sublime Maiestatis Vestra judicium optime no
sceris, Legatum sui Principis non posse injunctionum
litteris transgredi, quod Maiestati Vestra jam significa-
vit Fidelitas ad intrebo, me scilicet aumate omnia
Delegentatum summo Pontifici, qua a sapientissi-
ma Maiestatis Vestre mente mihi fuerunt indicata. Spe
do tamen in posterum magnam fiduciam unice Euro
poos pacem adeo à Maiestate Via concupitam. Obe
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Antiqui Europæorum errores, quos, deleanus a Maij fatis vestra memoria. Summus Pontifex, quando au
diet, qne le feram, non solum dolebit, Sed etiam cogno
Cer gnorum sit, Vel non sit culpa. Libellum illum D.
Pedrini Vidi: e quidem non agglobavi ipsum anum
fuisse onolegisse Maiestatem Vram, et Conqueri de
Ximo Suo. Verum cum Lex Christiana mili claviani
officia diceret, Glo ipso Supplex pero Maiestati Vestre
quam. Forte frustitia aliqua Correptus, et Dolose illum
scripsit. Semper major est Clementia & Majestati Vestre
Inculpa, et magis eminebit in pacendo benignitas. Di
gnare est Maiestas Vestra duas milii diey Concedere glo
dando Responsio; Ted ondo Libellum Eure Supplicem mitto
ut dimittam onolegiam Maiestatis Vestre, et AD. Mar
Daimorun, cum mihi Labeam alind, quod Maiestas
Vestra Significem rogans, quod jam in meo externo libel
lo Scripsi, ut Attissime postin Summum Pontificem de
fam benigne iter omneum auty Centionem facere.
Carolus Ambrosius Palo & Alex or Legaty Aff.
Imperator Vocavit Kialto, tum omnibus Europæis ad Obi
tam Zimki xu et foran illy dixit: Circa Yentam Telike
et Ceteros Enjynodi ignaros viley Dominus, qui mandat
Sum, quo Condonabam illy. In Kialto orga illy bene affec
tus, addiens illorum verba, Vris publicare Deuctum Sum
mi Pontificij. De ijs omnibus, qua Continentur in Decretis
Disservi cum Yentam. Ego Glo Certo Seia Yentam in En
dogu Verum Glo falso, et falsum Glo vero Denotra docui
ard disputare, ad excitanda in Summo Pontifici dubia,
unde ne Verbulum quidem ad me remisit circa negotium
P. Provana, et Vult m-publicem Deuctum deco. Ego
Imperator Sciens clare Crimen Yentam mani festavi
Verionem Abi accusatorij Telike, Vibi Rabi Legendam
Puncta Decreti Summopere Contraria Cluni Doctrina Si
oues; omnino non posunt executioni mandari in Suij.
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[Texto Principal]
Quandoquidem in rei importane cum laetimia agat, Ego
Imperator Condono Ventam, Fideike, dixi humque causa.
Kiatto Eac addiens, Pofuiy laetimy Glomy interradum
omnibus ex Comitatu suo Europay, qui etij humanopere
gandoneper una Voce dixerunt, optime, optime. Kiatto
rursum ad Venram Plafratus dixit: Magno Maiestatem
Vestram dignetur pariter eadem benignitate parcere si
quengam; ad quod Respondit Imperator: quandoquidem
Sic me Gogas Glo Lignengan illi pariet pacis: Soluji,
Vinculij, liber dimittatus. Vj me oriffere Eomines ut
Europam, an ipse metire? Kiatto in Venram Glomy Dijm
dixit: Si ego ipsum mer eam De Labrum mandata Mareta
Siy Voz, fure Clare intelligentus, quare Suppliciter peto
a Majestate Vestra jubeat metire. Ad quod Imperator
Respondit: Nunc initium anni novi non Longe abest: in
anno proximo diem profectionis determinabij. Nunc
negotia sunt clara, et Insici annua ota mandata:
Quando seum de doctrina disserui, locutus sum cum
omni sinceritate, et nil tibi occultando. Cum autem
non amplius Contendaj; ego Sicui Piny Eonori fice seda
leo. Ego Imperatori Confideo opes et domesticos Velut
ex una eademque familia et ac si nullum esset inter eos
Divisium. Tuj paterij Pe Kini quiescere per unam aut al
Jeramdien, et Venamere in una ex eulisij, quam Tege
rij, ut appareat mea erga omnes benignitas et beneficen-
tia. Mandatum Eos diligentee observent.
Hoc Sum mandata Imperatory Tartaro Sinicior
Responsa Illmº Patriarche Alexandrini Legati Don
Kifuij, et beneficia a E. Majestate Collata S. Domi
nationi Illm?
De mandato Imperatory Subscribitur
Josephus Suarez Soc. Jesu.
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Josephus Suarez Soc. Jesu.
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Iacobus Bouver Soc. I.
Ioannes Baptista Alegia Soc. I.
Dominicus Pamelin Soc. I.
Xaverius Erubertus Fidelli Soc. I.
Joannes Mourum Soc. I.
Matheus Piza
Nicolaus Giangiamo Soc. I.
Jacobus Philippus Simonelli Soc. I.
Franciscus Xaverius Dentrecolley Soc. I.
Franciscus Laddoso Soc. I.
Ignatius Kogler Soc. I.
Antonius de Magalhaens Soc. I.
Petrus Vincentius de Zavre Soc. I.
In Placitum Latinum exin Tutum Diarj à Mandarini Palati Imperatoris Sinarum Simul Composita Concedat Introduplicato Versioni Latina originali a Pekinensibus Missionarijs Subscripto ut Supra Ita testor mea manu et officij Sigillo. Ex urbe Selen ginski 17 Julij 1725.
P. Nicolaus Giangiamo Soc. Jesu Notarius Cujus Loco + Sigilli
Res, qua Summation Continetur in numeribus, quæ ab Imperatore Sinarum omittuntur ad Summum Pontificem per Eximium Legatum Pontificium Motum ac R. Carolus Ambrosium Mezzabarbum De Briacdam Alex.
Vgior ey ex Fluvis Parnatis 13 in Capula Stalhoo Dina Chian- Imn Lo Kimon Lo Vary Colby Imn cu So. Gin sen West radix Sinica Plebosis Sinia, quam Vocant Reiram Eominy, due Libr.
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Tres Species de folio cā
Libri Mathematici a D. Maiestate Correi, et adausi
53 tomi.
Tres similibus diversimode per annum, e fortuna
gnarum Crumenæ Tartaricæ
Iria frusta ex Serico luteo & Laborata.
Vendilabra 50.
ex Varijs Speciebus pagini 200 folia
ex adamento 18 Capsula
Laterna octo.
ex Smalto pulchro depicta vasa, Capsula 84. n.° 10.
ex optima Rocellana Vasa Varia Lances 128 n.°
ex vitro Pekini fauo Varia Vasa n.° 136.
Vernice Japonica obducta Vasa, atque De curiosa n.° 25.
Lances atque Rocellana ex Crio 36. n.°
Flores fictilij in Suis Capsulis n.° 40
Alij Flores facti ex glasij in Suis Capsulis n.° 20.
Alij flores facti in Serico vario 60.
Pyroboli, qui anno novo solent in ignibus fieri, in
attoni ejusulari n.° 40.
Varia pictura more Sinensium depicta n.° 16.
Catalogus munecum quæ Imperator Tartaræ &
[UNCLEAR: text partially obscured by smudge or fold, appears to read "Sichuanensis ad Serenissimum Livitaniae Regem anno 1721"]
Umore 13 ex fluvij Tartariæ orientalis inclusa in Deca
Smaltica.
Dua Abra radij Gimn.
Tres diversæ Species Sorbæ cā Sen Te
53. tomi Mathematici a D. Maiestate Correi, pradaucti
Iria flabella 50
Imendi Pappi variarum specierum folia 180
Adamentis Sinici Capsula 12
Decemina tria opere fingio depicto.
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Laternarum paria dria.
Sclopus vittus oxventivi jaulans.
Vasa 10 ex pictura Sinafica
Lances 70 ex Docellana.
Vasa 42 ex vitro Le Kinensi
Tancey Coriacee 36.
Florum asse factorum Capsula 60
Effiorum florum ex Serico dammyenli 600
Pyroboli 40
Tenieray pictura 40
Relatio Emorium factorum ab Imperatore Sina
rum Wm° Patriddey Alexandrina Composita
a A. D. Benedicto Roveda et ad Mm° Labian
Ex missa Clementis XI. 2 Martij 1721.
Bene De Tad. de Segnalati Eonori, de Mons. Mezzabarba Patriarcha di Alessandria, Legato di S. San° nella Cina. Et Vicentii Dal Soventissimo Imperatore Kamsi.
Dionno Mons. Legato nella Villa di Cianciun yuen distante da Pekino il Camino di un Gora, fu Visitato amore dell’Imperatore da un Xippe med°, e nel giorno seguente ultimo dell’ anno, ammeso alla publica udienza nell’Imperiale Palazzo. Quivi in una gran sala dove se durò in alto trono L’ Imperatore facevanti nobil forma Ducento de’ Supremi Mandarini, et otto Suo figlioli con trenta Laudissime mense in bell’ ordine disposte, diede L’ Alta adinedere, quale Stima facese del Pontefice, donando il Ministro Colfardo Federe al luogo de Regoli suoi figlioli, Senire nel Piano da quatro Principali Mandarini, Legatario di Plerissa Veste di Zibellino, e chiamato Due
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Volte all’Imperiali soglio posposi in tazza d’oro Consta
stessa sua mano preziosissimo Vino: Nè qui fermò il
Cortesissimo genio dell’Imper.° a cui favorì il Legato. Volle
che nell’ultimo giorno dell’anno Sinico, il è l’ultimo
della Luna di Gennaio, intervenisse al Solenne banchetto
che in tal giorno Suoi Dari à suoi figliuoli, e Divini Ministri.
In questa funzione fece ammirargli dilettovole dalla
Varietà de’ giocchi che in essa vedevansi mentre inferiori
a quelli delle più fiorite Corti di Europa, mandava l’Impe
ratore il Secondo Eunuco di Prezienza ad interrogare di
quando in quando il Legato, che pareva gli ditali Cose, e se in
Europa s’avevano da’ Principi goduti tali divertimenti?
Ma ciò, ed onerità sinora la riflessione Sii il leggere, Come Di
Rovandosi nella stessa funzione P. Ambasc.° di Moscovia
l’Imper.°, e arrivato de’ due voleva Pregiudicare feceli
Sedere uno a’ Lato destro, l’altro a’ Sinistro del Trono
e Consegnate movimento d’occhi, e di mani le tazze, il
che parimente fece nel Secondo banchetto, che nel 15. della
Prima Luna diede a’ Vogladetti vin bianco uny guarnendan
do loro nel primo in tazza d’oro il Vino da’un Principe
Le Mandarino. Nè il Lato destro, e Sinistro denotavano
Preminenza o inferiorità di luogo, perche il Sinistro, dove
Stava il Legato Pontificio, è più nobile, secondo l’usa Cinesi
e Tartari, e il destro ove dimaneva l’Amb.° di Mosco
via, è il più Onorevole, secondo gl’Europei. Ma abbin
de nelle pubbliche funzioni convenesse dimostrare l’Im
peradore maggior Propensione d’affetto, e Stima verso l’
uno che l’altro, nelle divine udienze però, che furono non
poché, diede in finissime espressioni de amore, Con le quali
Contraddistinse Senza comparar.° il Legato Pontificio da T
Moscovita. Quante volte lo fece venire davanti solo, di
cena agli, pergenio di trattenersi Con esso, e indivisi alle
gi, ma Sempre eruditi, Se tagarava per qualche hora.
Quante volte riconestavagli, che molto amava il Suo
bene
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fine, & Stette pure di cuore contento. quante volte altri si
sollecito interrogavalo di sua salute persuadendolo ad
astenersi da qualche cibo, o bevanda, che avrebbe recato no
cimento alla di lui salute. Osservò incommodato Mont.
per qualche giorno da Catarro, mandò in contanente il Gi
omo Medico di corte, acciò gl’offrisse alla Corte brine, e
leggiere malattia. Venduti due o più monete imbandite colì
ci di corte maddogli in varie occasioni e parimente il Ne
golo di alcuni vasi di porcellana lavorati à Smalto; bote
di color giallo Imperiale, in una delle quali un ora Pietro
so bati fresco, nell’altra Pietrosa Fabacchiera pezzi di
setta, Spicure di finta. E nella penultima udienza, in
cui fùtolo Salire Sul trono, diegli abbre Corle sue mani, fe
ce gli Sentire in Palazzo tutti gl’istrumenti Musicali li
negri. Finalmente nell’ultima udienza di Congedo, Che
Durò quasi due ore, Doppo haver esposto l’amore tenue
di egli La Simole Professato a tutti gl’Europei, la Sua
cittudine, de Mons. Vadda Sano in Europa, doppo avergli
dato Sul suo med. Braccio Con le sue mani abbre, chiamò
Hlo pin vicino a se, posegli ambedue le mani, acciò le
stringesse. Le prese il Legato, bacciòle, e le bacciòle, non
senza qualche esterna Commof. anni con lagrime di
generosità di tutti gl’ Europei, che si trovavano presenti.
Per ultimo, andare, gli disse, e la Prosperità vi accom
pagni; ordisione, che in lingua Tartara, e fine è la
magg. che far si possa. Partito dalla Gloriosa Impe
riale il Legato, L’Imper. ordinò a due grandi Manda
rini, che nel giorno della partenza da Pekino del Legato
l’accompagnassero per lungo tratto di Strada.
Tali favori Certamente ne è ricevuto l’Am
basc. di Moscovia, e nella sua ultima udienza di Conge
do non fu vi Simil maniera dall’Imperatore trattato.
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Copiar Foi: Alla S. di Nostro Sig. Papa Clemente XI.
Roma.
Inno=
A S. M. Pio.
Mimpono questo Pontifissimo Imperatore de fomegna
ne quest'Anno 1725. figlio al S. P. Nicolò gangiano
della compagnia di Giesù, quale di Suo ordine andò
per le Landa di Moscovia per essere questa l'hora da
pericoli della navigatione; et auiò Sù il detto Pio a
deferire fedelmente alla T. V. Sua quanto i qui sue
Cose, e donerà seco il Diario d'ordine de lomedesima Im-
peradore di Rusia, non volendo questo Monarca elegger
La divinità de medesimi giovane majore Confusione.
Io pure ho ottenuta la permissione di S. M. di porre
re essere à piede della S. V. per portare esattamente
li veri sensi di questo Monarca, Come pure farà il P.
Iudeno.
Oggi intra prendo il viaggio per Macao dove
credo di poter ritrovare la medesima Nave Portoghese
se con la quale Sono in questo Impero pervenuto.
Sua Maestà mi ha Consegnati generosi Regali per
la S. V. di quali n' aulido Copia et altre pure Consimili
per la Maestà del S. Re di Portogallo.
Molti grandi Sono li onori à Dignardo della
S. V. da S. M. Con partitimi, et anche di questi n'
aulido Copia benché non possino per la sua gran
Dozza essere pienam. espressi et altanto m'avanzo à Cau
sa d'una ottinata fluttione d'ochi che me impedisce il doy
rendermi nello scrivere umilant. Avido la sua S. B. e
baciando li piedi gloriosi fondami m'inclino
De Vostra T.
Recino 2. Marzo 1725
Vmo. mo divoto oblg. Serv. e figlio
Carlo Ambrosio Patriarca d' Alessandria
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Ex mo Dno Carolo Ambrosio Mezzabarba Patri
arche Alexandrino, ex Legato Apos. - Ex Cinci
na Sinam.
Ex me Dne.
Incredibili Lætitia ped fui Sumus, Cum ex litteris Eoe
anno à Sinis pefatis inspeximus felicissimum et
nobilissimæ gratum QX. D. Vos oppidum in Eas
Regiones orientales, eo quod magnam, et fere certam
spem facit, quod Dictiones, perturbationes, quæ han
quililitatem Earum Missionum inter Fidebant, et
Ecclesiam Dei in Ej Regno de Statu Deijcium, tandem
Ex. D. Virg opera, ad Indico De medio tollentur.
Munus Superioris Patrum Societatis Jesu
in Eas Missione de gentium exercer, et Eas defensá
nationem Ex. D. Via reddere cogor de aliquid by ad Noj
Santissimo Spectantibus, quod Sincere, et abriga utbund
borum orram Fed Simplicis Sanctum narratione fa
ctam: de Caprij Vero Missionum Deby, nec verbum di
Cam.
Anno 1716. ad A.A. P.P. Gallos in Eas Missione de
gentes perdata fuit quadam Epistola ex Mone D. Tudonico
de Vice Episcopo Satullendi Vicario Apostolico Regni
Siame cum annexo transumpto Decreti Apg. = Ex Illud:
Prohibitiony vitum, et Excommunicationum Suspensionum.
Hoc tandem pervenit ad manu Mmi D. Epi Burgien
Enjus Missiony Vicarij Apg. qui ex Suggestione/utique
dixit) A.A. P.P. galborum gratios Societ: Missionarijs
qui hanc tempory in Eas missione degabant, illud intima
vit. moduy Vero intimatory via se Labuit. Mmy D.
Zabbo Ejus Filo solvitanuj P. Josepto Siey in Provin
cijs Doumai, et Bavia, Commoranti nudam tantumd
formulam juramenti omitt, monens cum dejurament
Ordi.
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Exhibitione. Hoc idem et eodem modo Sententia M. D. Egidii Bugien, qui D. P. Dines aliisque Tribunis Porcatibus Provincijs commorantibus eadem fecerunt rationem ab iis quos quod Saltem transeuntium sibi quod Aegypti &c. Dicty R. non dedit, sed Curreo Sancti Antonini, quod Siccam fratrum in formulam Primus Jeres. D. Josephus Pirey caetera patefacta eorum Statum Superioris Domini Bugien Perpetuariam Statim dedit; in qua facta M. Dom. Re Supplicabat. Glo declaratione ab igna virud qui Christianij permittendi, negandi ne element; quia jura D. P. Pirey tam sui quam suorum subditorum nomine quodamentum Statim ex Libere promittebat. Nihil ad hoc respondit Dnny Egidius Bugien. In epromerante annis, una via Sinica, quiam duo Societ. R. Concederant, obventum Contradictum ad portum Macai uterum Dei re Coacta fuit qua glo per mea Epididam nec saltem Confusum a Ti quem De Cons. R. tumorem invenire potuerunt. Quo posito, quis. M. niger Bugien expositionem suprad. in aluid tempus distulit et iam quatuor P. B. juramentum in ipsum mer tempus disjulerunt; nolebant enim Aegyptum agnosci cum Caso modo Jurare, ne periculo peccandi in dictum Aegyptum se exponerent. Ex liguatione Societ. R. Duo à Ministerijs vacauerunt, usque dum Juramentum plebiscitum; duo post aliquod tempus ministeria iterum Progessi sunt. Ex Ej. Vobis ab invicto, et Sine Socio de Cetode in Provincijs Donnai et Baria degebar, ubi instante tempore quodra gesimabie christifanorum peti bionem patenteris Sacramentum, et Eucharistia ibi ani onigrahit. Alius in Regia Commorabant, qui ab onag dum Christianorum numerum ad eum Conficiendum cum multam declarationem Super sitibus ab Mino D. Bugien utla via Consequi potest, idem ex em Timo Seur del fin. Duo positio M. D. Martinus Labbe abs-
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abique amprimae D. Bugion (ui ipsa Constantiendis) die
5to A° Republice declaravit ex communicato verando, D.D.
Patry Galli in Provincijs in quibus degunt, pro se in Aliis
vero pro suis Christianos, et Catechistas vestigia Illius D.
Labbe in Eae materia ecenti sunt. Mense Aprilis anni
1719. Eoc Legnum Secundi a ppuli cum Sex socijs notae
societatis cognoscere que Monum D. Bugien quando de iis
bis abliquid declamasse, quamdam declarationem illi
Piperatae cum addexo Francorum pro authentico Patro
fij Dicti Monsi D. Pekinensij, in Sua Nona Dominatione
Eicam declarationem probavit quarum ejusdicto Moni
D. Epi Pekinens Cardgme bat. Omne Latinum Sabuit Mony
D. Epuy Bugien quamvis postea ab menta a R. galli
mentum multatim Contrarium docuit, qui de causa à no
bis interim de Eoc interrogatus fuit. Respondit vero in pri
ma declaratione, quam modo probaverat, se ad luc perij
fere. His non obstantibus AA.RR. Galli & Insignion
do dictam dictum declarationem fingi que non cebatur.
Dictum declaratione facta, arque a D. Bugien approbata
qui a nobis alind neque fuit ad juramentum expibeor
dum nos morabatur, Statim dictum juramentum Da
Stitiony, Quoniam constitutione ap. Plecori bini. Con
tra Eoc forij viribus insurrexerint Monsy. D. Marinus
Labbe, Clerigque Missionary galli D. Bugien objut
ganty, eo quod juramentum a quatuor RR. qui Primo
ob Nationem Singla signatum, illud De Stare Venne
non acceptavit ac demum ipse invasij absoluit. Di
cebat enim D.D. Missionary Monum D. Bugien Eae
postare fasre, ut jure solo Summo Pontifici venova
ja agno Super Eae De expectari debebat iudicium ali
qua ut dicti quatuor RR. a Censurij absolverentur.
Non annixit Eoc Constitum D. Bugien quatuor RR.
absolvi Juramentum ab ilij acceptauir, ac ped Snij
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Scriptum ejusdem est ad Sacramenta Fidelium ut
sint minu Handa. Hid non obstante hic Mthijs D. Fabbo
Ejus qui Missionarij Galli in eadem Sermónia per seve
randa, et ad hoc repererunt, ut in iis quomodo anno (san
post exhibitionem Juramenti) P. Josepho Riey per Provinci
am ubi M. Missionarij Galli commorantur iter facientem
in ecclesias Christianorum que domibus, Missam celebrare
negarunt, non obstant litteris Mons. D. Bugien, quod
P. M. Missionarij Galli presentabat.
Anno Superioris 1720 D. Carolus de Moretij
Missionary Gallus ex Provincia Brugensis (Romea) Cons.
Cendit, Cujus Plimny Comary fuit à D. Bugien) extroque
se in T. Quatuor B. Societ: a Ministorijs Quivani, zu pu
blico excommunicatos Coram civitibiany denunciant. et
quia D. Bugien in Eae De Cum D. Carlo tandem non lon
genuit (quam vis non longe distavit) D. Carolus Glogria
authoritate, ac jure suæ imixit, eo itorem explorare
necavit, vel excommunicatos dedaravit, et inde ater
tius ad euc repeterevar. Posterea multos libellos famo
sus Condamnatam Scietatem scripsit, et nomina,
sim vi aliquos Padres &c. oronunc in Eae Elvisione
Degentes, ab his que adversus Missionarij galli con
posuit De novo Sermotavit, quos per omnes ecclesias
loco solito lectiony spiritualy Legendos ipsius ur
omnibus civitibiany, et ad euc etiam genti bibujos
spicii essent. In dicty libellis famosij accobistime
atque turpissime de CB. Soc. Aquino: multas fal
la serpmonia nobis adscribit: Hoc Vocat erroneos per
versoj errorum famosos et Setatoros, Sancte Sed: debel
Dj Domine adeo Veileg ut nec pulveri, ac fimo terra
Comparari possint et multa hujusmodi. Denos
Deus debus, praxibus, eventibus, Confabulationi big
et
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Et modo agendi cum christiani inquirebat, ostendens
intio habiles sibi mandabat, et habebit gloriam
per aeternum postea pergebat, in christianis ipse mag
num honorem obtinebat patrem. Tandem per hite
das non intromovebat de Nationibus, ob quas Eccles
iis Christianis permittentur, propterea legatus non
fuit in finibus, sed etiam in Dieta Convinienti
ple postere domo ferebat. Quoniam Concionem debebat
in qua christianoS notabatur, necum R. Societ. Cum
vocarent, ut jure Domini viride, moribus, ac doctrina
surgere debet. Hos enim superiores se vocant, qui
de fama digni sunt, domus nec timen iniqui saluta
vit, quamvis ego causa ei gratulandi, ejus domum
subtut cum Deo by Sociis in primo ejus in Sane Pro
vinciam advenit fomentorum: uno christiani di
cit onerat domum non de salutationum eo, quod his
locorum omnium superiori omnes agat, ideo
que ad omni vivendum non teneri.
Hae omnia onegrum odium, ac honorum R.
Societ. perpere viam Christiani nec in vita nec in mo
ris artibus sacramenta de R. Societ. Velim recipere si
eorum ecclesias inviare contendimus non omnino de
mununt, et loco cogitij ordis in glosperis non affirunt.
Si fide christianum aliquem in via offendimus, nec
Salutem agobij dicit one soltem salutary delabitur, et
eo devenimus, ut benevolentiam, quam a christiano jone
dito superabamus, inter gentes tantummodo inventa
mus. Hac de causa dum in otio sumus: molimentum
Christiani sacramenta à R. Societ. omnino recipere,
quia mutam Obligationem Spiritualum Injanimabuy Ca
jure possum (hic est, Iacob A.C. Caroli, quam divotum
Crommy Loguendi modus) Dinde gloriae potnam
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Famam inter eos Valde D. Macatam magnum odium in Societ: Sancy conceperunt; qua propter anathematis eulegij, quy
cum ab Polorum Templo Seabtinient. Nihoguotij-
ovenit, ut Christiany illy Earum Aerum veritatem
esperie Conantur, fuitdostamen, Veritatem enim
audire volunt, nobis quo Verbi Credere volunt, imo
Propteo hoc Valdi apud Nos Audibrio Debiti Sumus.
Hoc anno 1721 ordinationem ex Kostiy
Superioribus accepimus, ut aecumij incarig ob Conf:
Jurionem : ex illadie: et ob affistentiam in Collegio
Macaonon) ab Eto D. Cad° de Gouron interdicto
absolutionem ab Mm: D. Vicario Apostolico cujus
Missionis oogaremus. Hanc maiestum nostrorum
Ordinationem Propte executioni mandavimus. ab
Mm° enim Domino Ego Bugien absolutionem pro
Pedro Commy accepimus non obstante quod ejus
ocy in Dino Missiony ingrum obedientiam Propto
Apostolico, a Juramentum Statim Reddiderunt.
In Eam terocatione dixum Juramentum item De
Istiusmy, jam in onambus Redidi domini Egi, quam
Delegati C. Provincialy Japonia. Hac eadem temp
peptate PA. Misfionarij gali ad Eum in Contrarianda
sujpladicta Vitum declaratione probijfebant, Domi-
nus que Episcopus Bugien fostase obmetum Regal
forum in Morum Sententiam dijcedebat. Hac defensio
iterum JezD° Mmum Druim Pro Certa declaratione
Vitum Supplicavimus, et illum quosita interrogavi
mus: Eum que Vero tindam Depromtionem nobis ite
ditt atque iterum Supplicantibus dedit; vito otce p
sum Alimt quosimum nobis debiture Voluit, etira
quid Christiany permittunt, quid ve negabimus juxta
ignoramus. Iginit Ex am Viain omxö oogatus, ut
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aliquam declarationem Super Vitibus permittendis, argu-
tlegandis novis sequendam donet; nam quamcumque eius
sequantur, non quam à modanitak DD. galorum evad-
tuy. Omnia tantum binites proponam, Super quo meyn
Conventiones oris sunt in hac Missione.
Solem Gentiles Locinens in suis funeribus dafir
se Vexillum quoddam (vulgo Trici) ex Serico Confectum
Cum inscriptione Superstitiosa. E& Societaty dictum Ve
xillum ab omni Superstitione purgarum. Dictam in
Inquisitionem in Qibny sejecerunt, et Sociling aiam de
Ligioni Castellae Congnam adaptarunt, insuper que in sum
mo diei Vexilli Concem addiderunt: AA. Missionarij -
gati Contra Vexillum Inglad. Ibiy Viribus jam atonge
Semper insuas exerunt, affirmantes eue quid supersti-
tiosum, et Diabolicum, eo quod Snam Lom originem de-
buit in De Superstirosa. Hodubium Propositum fuit olim
à AA. RR. Missionarijs Regri Trunkini D. & fr. Ioanni
de Par Manila degenti, qui Respondit, dictum Vexillum
Trici, Quon emmendatum erat; non ad hui imponeba
fuis Ubi Caux, non solum osie Ritum, Sed per Sequibi-
lam Fidei confessionum Comportare. Exstat & Resp
in oguguelo Anessiy phili, etia inilla opinionepes
mitihus dicum vexillum. Hoc non obstante, Ex-
Atram Sumited Supplicammy, ut podocer, ad quod
Ex V. unum exemplas dien Vexilh onino, quod in
omniby cum origihath lo Esse.
Ecce Ex me Dne miserabilis Status, quoinba
Missione Versamud, et jam ab Eine fre quinquaginta
annij Similiby affectamus. Tengion ad Deeb Rarissim
modorum Conatus Semper fuit Sve statem apud En Te
obting granised Diffmore; omnia tamen Euunque
patiens anno Johmy, & beliquod animarum henum,
quod
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Quod tempus expositi fuit, nunc vero eo desiderat
ut pro re nullam animarum utilitatem experiatur.
Dua defensá de doc Ex. Vr. Rationem reddatur Ex.
Vr. ut doceat, quid facturi sumus, interroque si in hac
hac pax videamus. Silentium in his nobis indicimus,
necesse est Ex. Vr. Viam sequendam suo mandato
nobis aperiat; nam expositiones ita in errore jacent
Eos Christianos disseminatos, nihil lucris, et utilitati
colligere possumus, ob Christianorum fallaciam debita
cautione ducimur.
Enipì tandem. Ex. Vr. flagitamus, ut mihi
serenissimum Ejus Missionis Statum perspiciat et non
tam nostram, quam Missionis vicem Christi doleat; in
hæc quæ Deum immortalem obstatunt ut Ep.
Vr. quam diligitur precatamen servet in Ecclesia
de negotijs Religionis in Eo Missionibus interregna
fiatns. Dat. Coimbrae 25 Augusti 1721.
[Assinaturas]
Ex me Jne
Excell. Vr.
Humbleing in xpo fling
Antonius Mayconcellor Societ: Jesu
Copiado por Rubens de Faria e Sampaio escreveo
A S. Sig. Cardinale Scott
Ben che non sia ancora terminata la lettera dell'Imol
Riformi fogli ou quali si contiene la relatione delle
infinitè operationi seguite singulj diebus et horis nella
Legazione di Monsig. Metzehabba, de si fa intio
duna di quelle marine, de è permesso al P. Casio,
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Ed ame tuttavia ammirò la gran prudenza, patienza
e virtù di quest’ ottimo soggetto per le infinite comariete
che sono state fatte alla buona condotta di esso, ed una ad
la Colli Mandarini, ed a Viva col Re medesimo si potra
dire composta con commune sodisfazione di veder nell’ studi
sono, che darà la bontà di farvela leggere. Iddio
perdoni à quelli, che con tanta iniquità od ardire vi
si sono opposti, mentre un tanto conviene adora
re gl’ infallibili giudizii del Sig. Dio, ed umilias
si à tutti gl’ avvenimenti. Se vanno obbedendo.
All Sig. Abb. Cordero.
L’ aspetta mBraga il P. Cam, che da più ordinarì
è partito d’ essere arrivato in Londra con intenzio
ne di portarsi a Roma, ove è atteso; che dalla Le
gatione di quando di giorno in giorno, ed anno in
anno e Seguito nella Legatione di Monsig. Mezza
barba, portata dal P. Canio D. Senese Pie, che è
intervenuto personalmente. Si raccoglie la Pruden
za singolare, la patienza esemplare di Mons.
L’ abitare Mezzabarba, che è praticata per Tod
difare alla sua vi combatta, mentre sonb stati in
finite le opposizioni commodazioni, e labile per
impedire il Santo fine della Legatione.
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Opinio di Lettera
del Medico della Cina a Papa, interprete e del Loro Segretario della Imperial della Compagnia di Gesù.
A Voi Benedetto Spadì Benedetti, Deore
et Imperator Procedo de Pontefice, e Pastore dei Christiani; Dignissimo
servo della Soglia Apostolica, Clemente XI.
Il Signor di Amici de Dio Dimante Termino: Presenti: spadì Bren-
himi: della Luna? Attil? spadì gli Strinimi: sotto il Sole & la
Luna. e Se Vide nella Teod? Inezato? della China Sparcanto? subito d’
ira e intenerisce. Il Linguaggio: Aix? X?: L’Accendendo: Fedel d’Affrani;
e So da Li Vitè e La Morte è conquistando: Regn.; et à venti Settanta Go-
le. Servirò con Le Lenni Della Stuzze Vergine, Emanata Salute ed Ac-
cegiam? d’Eccellenza.
E Nostro convinto il Tempo, in cui: il Fine Della Ideal non
Piucenti? Deue maturare i Frutti: dell’Amor Vecchio; Conforterò in
quelli il desiderio de Liberi nostri sensi; e per pagare il Sonno di quella
Pianta; e Deue proteggerli; e bissimo Stelliti? d’economizzare: con una
eccelsa amorosa Vergine alzata? alla chiammolle? della Congrega fatta?
Delli Apelle? mangeti?; Così disendo: Hatt? Figurati? Sempre il un
Popolo Chiespe? Somens, per Parre? Anne? invitto?; e capo: allungiamo
Le nno trans potente? a stringere l’Indi? Lori?; e questo Shed? One? un
Ripore? d’Aipide? riguale? Calmo Grande Theodote? Lerino, e Se? Legar-
fatto, dell’occhio d’otto d’Aio —
Inad? Iominati? in Le: L’Autorità? d’Iva?; La Fecondità?
di Eccelse?. Di Fede? d’Otor?; La Scienza? di Solo— Luoghi—
amo con L’occhio della Plenita? e de guarda il Polo e Le Tene?; e om?
La Voce della Consiglia? e Se Si posci della Legio? delle Marine?:
E sia Che non passò Ducento Anni della Luna?; La sua Sfera? e Da
alto quanto La Speca del Prado? noce?; e La sua Forma? quanto
un Maneggi? di Brons Seces.
Aoi La Mandacems è ustire See L’ovi Manovini: Ambase.
Liquel: Mevrazand Ari. Itti Rincontravem? alle Rido del Piana
Grande, facendo? le Selive? nel not Cocchio — Quella? potrà apprili
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Di Voi Dovere il suo Aio con 24. Anelli d’oro e brine: E potrò entrare
con Loro, come L’è Tostozza Dep. S. Nono.
Tornificando che, Perche Amico mio di questa Prova d’Arma,
sacete Legato d’unire in perpetua Amistà co’ ti un Segno d’Europa et
nostro Dominante Signore: Di all’Breezecans Puro Leggi, come L’Etera
abboccaia De Lianta: Moi med: Spargeremo del mmo Fumo i Seals intere
Provincie: Licciandole Etati d’uri: Leppi con il fuoco amoroso delle
nostre Amore: d’Alexandrello quali i uri Mancavin: Ambate: u porto
vanno Blembingo dipinte.
Vi confermiamo tener Un pace Di me j’arme Famiglia de Shi-
sinaij, Nuovi Figli: Ignorat: De Francesi e Nori Figli: D’Omenice, il
cu: Consiglio dell’Vicinelli: Altri ci Servid’J’Iusti nel nnd Regimento,
di Lume è interpret. Le Divine Leggi; come appunto si Lume L’Oglo,
che si getta nel Mare
Abbracciando: intanto del md Tron, u: dichiariamo un fuzim-
to, Confederati; et orrimism, che sin signat gieo. Jeglio est nostro
Segno Imperiale. E Belle nri Città, Vigd Tondo il quarto Del Pallace:
Lunazione: L’Anno 4. del Lord Impero.
—A voi L’Interprete, che il Tronam: ebedi fi al Segno d’illu
eccellentissi?; prede sen L’epere delle Inzze non Jorine; se non L
Puslini d’Aio; e portenar ultim: el be’ di Francia, scrivem
La pekna di Lano.
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REZUMO do que aconteceo na Corte
de Pequim, no fim do anno de 1723. por Cauza
de varias accusações, que foram dadas ao Imperador
Junchim contra a Religião Christam, e Pregadores
della, com ri desquees foi prohibida sob pretexto de
Sedicioza, e as Igrejas Confiscadas, e os Missionarios
proscritos das Provincias da China.
Reinando ainda o Imperador Kamhi (Mestre do campo natural de Foguien
q nome Chinmão, que tinha ido a Japão, Philipinas, Betavia, coutras partes, deo huma
Cruel accusação publica contra a Santa Religião. Metteo lhe o Cermonio no pincel, com)
a esferevo, quares podia infamar a Santa Ley, e fazela odioza no Imperio. O feu prin-
cipal afumpeto foi acuzala de Sedicioza, e Suspeita de Rebelião, p.º Ser Crído dizia no Seu
malignissimo memorial, q deixava outras provas, discursos, e fomenes se fundava, diz) elle era
testemunha de vista, e experiencia; porque dizia tinha corrido muitas terras, onde vira, espalpara,
oque dizia 1.º que os Europeos Se quizerao fazer Senhores do Japão, eq p.º Confequir este Fimo
introduzirão primeiro a sua Religião, p.º aodepois Se fizerem Senhores, Dominarem, como de feito
tinham feito nas Philipinas, e em outros muitos Reinos da India, q onde elle andara, observara a
grande potencia das suas armadas, Eos muitos, e poderosos Reinos, q tinham conquistado, introduzindo
primeiro nos Povos novos Costumes Com sua Religião; q os Europeos erão muito destros no mar,
E muito industriosos, eq huma fo Nao Sua petrechada Com Seus Canhões, armas, e soldados, excee-
dia na força avince, cêrinta Naos Sinicas, e aefas avrefuntava outros muity Couraz odiosissimas,
que profundamente Se imprimirão nos animos dos Chinas. Foi efe publico memorial mandado con-
sultar no Tribunal das armas, e Salio Logo a Sentenca prohibitiva da Santa Ley com gravissimas
penas atodos osque Se achafsem Ser Christãos, onão quizehem adjurar a Religião.
Porem o Imperador Kamhi, ouvidas as Suplicas dos Padres, pelo Conhecimento, que
tinha da Ley, e larga experiencia dos Padres, e fins, a que vierão a China, mandou suspender a Sen-
tença do Tribunal, athe que lle chegase de Roma a Resposta Sobre approbuição, ou permissão dos Ritos
patrios do Imperio, q ainda mormão se esperava. Cedendo porem, que se viefe depois politica:
via fach deixaria executar affentença. Effou por então atempestade, ficando contudo profun-
dades as Raizes das suspeitas, e hum odio atroz contra a Santa Ley, e seus Ministros. Co vi destas
Suspeitas, felizmente fundadas, começou efe Principe adorfe abonhecer no principio de feu governo
q excessivimente Suspeitoso, peloj fez muitos exameos violentos, defermando ahuns a Lugares
Remotos, condemnando acoutros a Carece perpetuo, moferindo confiar degoueos; caflim Livrado da
mesma
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mesma pessoa Suspeitosa, mandou odes severas aos Governadores das Provincias, & memorias
familiares secretos o avizassem de tudo aquillo, que lhe fosse Conveniente saber. O mesmo executou na
Corte, infestuindo grande numero de Censores das oito bandeiras do Imperio, cujas obrigaçoes he avizarem
dos faltos graves, abuzos introduzidos, e erros q se cometem no governo, p. de lhe aplicar o remedio, e for-
mentar-se apaz, e boa ordem na Republica; muitos indicios tivemos, deq estes novos Censores acusavam
anofe juntos & seus Ministros. Nem podião faltar tais accusações pelo odio, emq estava por Cauza
da Romana prohibição dos Eitos patrios, como poq conhecido no genio Suspeitoso do novo Imperador nad
for affeito aos Europeos, esperthe graça qualquer prohibição, & combinafe com seu genio, Contudo na-
da fahio agublico, ÿ foram os memoriaes secretos, efemerme ao noticiam, erão for Obfume nelle Corte
procederfe a execuçoes publicas, sendo també quando fão publicy as accusações.
Tambem he muy provavel, q das Provincias vierão outras, pelog se corre & noticia: So
de huma dade por memorial publico tivemos noticia, e foi como Bayo, q abrazou as Mifsois defa
Imperio. O accuzador foi o Governador das Provincias de Chekiam, e Fokien; Continha a accu-
zação dous pontos principaes, aq se deduziao outros varios, hum delles era, q a Deligied dos Europeos
do minimum era Suspeita de fer Sedicioza, ouero, q mudava os Coftumes dos povos, perturbava
o governo, epaz das familias, era contraria à Ley do Confuzio.
A Cauza desta accusação foi, que na Villa de Tongan da Provincia de Fokien levantado
os Christãos dos Padres Cominicos tuma Igreja mais alta do ordinario sem Licença do Governador,
que disto se deo & offendido, & coutras varias Exceões, dequi aqui se prefunde, por não ser indubi-
tavel afua Certeza. Este Governador com outros fez accusação ao Supremo da Provincia, & este
interpoz memorial secreto, emq especificava as malignidades do memorial do fim mas. O Impe-
rador também lhe desforio furiosamente, ordenando oq devia fazer. Elle expedio Logo memorial
publico contra afanta Ley, e Misionarios seus, e pedio, q aquillo, q fe mandaffe executar em Fo-
kien, ofizefe igualmente nas mais Provincias do Imperio.
Para justificar a Esao, que tivera p. extinguir afanta Ley, desfeuir as Igrejas, ordenou
ao Tesoureiro mor, q Satisfes com hum publico manifesto, feito com diabolico artificio, e o pu-
blicaffe por toda a Provincia. Nelle desforio tão escandalosas malignidades, q de elle o introduzio fe-
rentemente ao Imperador, e foi intitulamte Cristo, não podia deixar de decretar a prohibição, comque
fahio p. todas as Provincias. Pelo Nafimento de Christo de 1729. tivemos aprimeira noti-
cia de tud vindo efta accusação do funto de Fokien, em aquel depois dos pontos accuzatorios pedio
q prohibife a Ley dos Christãos, q Lancasse fora do Imperio todos os Europeos, exceptos os de Pekim,
q mandaffe Converter as Igrejas em escolas, ou Colgios de Mandarins, ou Curaõ, Casas, emque
se Conservão as memorias dos defuntos. Cizie, que efta Ley era permissiva, q com seus dogmas
perturbava os entendimentos dos homens, q perturbava apaz das familias, q mudava os coftumes
dos Povos, q atordaduva Ley era ado Confuzio, q com ella se governavão bem os Povos, que com
o tempo padeceria muito, se a Ley feno extinguia, & q ensinava Congregaçoes Sindicatos de
Comy
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homis, em altos e praticos Secreto, em Lugares efurios, & elle Sumis a tinha prohibido em Congan, e ordenado aos povos sob graves penas, a deixassem, & tinha convertido quinze Igrejas em escolas, em virtude da ordem de Sua Magestade, & tivera em Espeja ao memorial feito, como avisara do] palavra naquella Provincia, & pedia, & mesmo mandava executar nos mais. O despacho do Imperador foi, & tal memorial se consultasse no tribunal dos Aces, elle defem avizo daquillo que na Consulta se determinasse.
Entre os Mandarins aoque por officio pertencia fazer a defesa à accusada, havia hum Tartaro chamado Chumbo, oqual ou comprado pelo accusado, ou por aviso secreto do Rey de nenhuma sorte quiz, & Se ajuntaram os documentos antigos da Secretaria segundo a legra dos Seus tribunaes (Se os ha) da Cauza & Setrata. Estavão elles expedidos pelos Oficiaes à instancia dos Padres, com sua despesa, porem como não erão afavor da Ley, nunca o mahrado Ministro quiz conferir, & Se traße delles p.ª profirir a sentença, e produzindo elle a defesa, que tinha feito, segundo amente do attuzado, não foi possivel acabarem com elle os Mandarins Superiores, ne' o mesmo 12º Regulo Presidente do Tribunal, que cedeu hum apice da sua peffima Defesa, visto depois detinem queixonado com elle por varias vezes. Acciou finalmente o Presidente a defesa; porem malvado obfeinadamente protefeava, & antes deixaria o feu posto, do] conferir em outra Couza, contudo o Presidente alguma Couza moderou, afabor, & nem os Padres de Pequin fosem expulsos, ne' os Portuguezes de Macao lançados fora, & assim o degueria o Minifto diabolico.
Nos dias antecedentes os Padres do convento os Francezes tinham solicitado os amigos, e em muitos acharão promeffa de favorecer a Cauza, porem tudo impedio o Tartaro Chumbo. Por ella Cauza fizerão noferventes preces, continuos jejuns, disciplinas &c. Os Christãos tambem fizerão huma Novena ao glorioso S. Joseph Patrono de Chifao, sendo omegio em peffimo estado foram os Padres Xavier Emberto Friselli Reitor do Convento, e D. Joseph de Malta com o Jr. Joseph Castilhone, a supplicar ao 13º Regulo bem visto do Imperador, & nos favorecefe na presente afflição; Recebeu os benignamente, edife tinha ordem do Imperador p.ª falar com os Padres juntamente com 16º Regulo, elles Fazer algumas preguntas sobre a Ley, & com os mais vieram nodia seguinte. No tal dia afistimos todos no Paço do meyo dia athe a noyte, afahindo o Regulo 13º nos ordenou, que nodia seguinte fosem os mais velhos no feu Palacio, & la nos fallaria: pela manhã aos fee de Janeiro forão os Padres Keglor, eo Jr. Joseph da Costa ao 16º Regulo a pedir o feu fauor, ella entregando dous Decretos do Imperador & combi dos annos defeu Reinado de 31., e 50. ambos approbativos daanta Ley, Recebeu-os com agrado, e prometeu de fallar com seu jornad o 13º Regulo.
Aos 5 de Janeiro á fee toraj da noyte nos admittio o Regulo, e teve com nofo a pratica Seguinte = O Imperador p.ª determinar a vofa Cauza, quer que primeiro me informe de vos, e vos diga outras Couzas acerca da vofa Religião, accuzada pelo Punto de Toquim, para já a Sentença Teja justa, enão só na China, mas tambem’ na Europa appareça a Edad, com J obramos, & nad
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Seja esferanhado onofo modo de obrar. O Tribunal dos Eitos prouidirá com rigor, mas estando o negocio nas minhas mãos, podereis estar defançados: os Christãos entrarão nella Religião de Sua Divina vontade, não lhe estará obrigados a desobedecer. O Summo Pontifice não se deve intrometer em nos mandar Cã mudar as nossas Leys. Se nos mandassemos a nossa gente a mudar os Costumes da Europa, Seria lá bem aceita? e os Europeos Consentiriam? Os dous Patriarchas, q̃ Ca vierão, formente foi a examinar? Se vos procedeis bem, eguardareis avoſa Ley. Os Abſervitas quizeraõ ter Correspondencia comnosco p̃r omutuo Contrato, foi lhes iſto concedido, porem agora pertende, que se lhe concede Cã tum agente de aſiſtencia com izenções particulares p̃r o feu Comercio, e parece vos, que eſtas izenções? ſe lhe podem conceder?
Citas pelo Regulo eſtas Couzas, lhe offereceo A.R.G.º Povonim hum breve memorial para Sua Mageſtade. item a Exposiçaõ dos Eitos Chineses approvada, Souveda pelo Imperador Kamhi, hum compendio da noſa ſanta Ley, que he muitos annos Come impresso por toda China: Continhaõ eſtes tres eſcritos toda o Suſtancial de huma breve Apologia pro Santa Religião, q̃ podia baſtar p̃r inſtrucçaõ do Regulo, do Imperador. Alem diſto fizemos todas as Supplices, que pudemos, proteſtando de Santidade da Ley, innocencia dos Christãos &c. Atque Regulo dispondeo, que naõ eſtiveſemos com Cuidado, porque o negocio eſtava naſua maõ, peloj the demos as graças, e no despedio prometendo a ſua protecção.
Nos dias Seguintes houve entre os Mandarins do Tribunal Controverſia acerca das Subscripções à forma de Sentença do Mandarim Chumlo. O Prezidente 12° Regulo emendado algumas Couzas ſobervores, e logo o Seu aceſor fium, comois Depugnaroõ aiſſo, e passados dous, ou Comprados do accuzador, ou por entendem do Imperador omnino queria profrever a Santa Ley, eos Padres do ſeu Imperio, a Sobefividade. A iniqüiſſima Sentença ja Sobefivita por todos os juizes, algumente modificado pelo Regulo Prezidente, foi aprezentada ao Imperador aos 12. domes. O Imperador a approvou in totem, no tocante a prohibiçaõ da ſanta Ley, Egör contra os Christãos, e Igrejas: acerca dos Padres das Provincias foram lançados p̃r Macao, ordenou, que a Ley contelde o espaço de ſeis mezes, e que os Mandarins os trataſem com decoro, cimpedifem que o furor do Povo os afrontaſe.
Aſsimj tivemos eſta triste noticia, devoremos ao 12° Regulo com outro memorial, emq̃ davamos a S. Mageſtade as graças de mandar que ſe naõ afrontaſem, e maltra taſsem os noſos Irmãos. Porem nogue touva a ſanta Ley, naõ podíamos deixar de Suplicar por ella, declarando em ſumma a ſua Santidade, innocencia, verdade, e neceſidade p̃r a ſalvaçaõ: aqui dizie o memorial por termos muy ponderozos a ſustancia detudo, quanto elles enfina, aſsim acerca do Culto Divino do Supremo, etnico Deus, como de Fidelidade, cobedi encia aos Principeş, e Pays &. uniad com os igues, Seguimento das Couzas conformy à Leye abova.
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aborecimento de vicios, amor às virtudes, etado omais q̃ conduz, apaz, ebom governo da Republica. item que havendo na China tantas leitas, todas erão toleradas, enão erão forçados os que as professavão, a abjurales, como pois mandava o Tribunal, que os Christãos fossem Constraindos a deixar a Ley do verdadeiro Deos, que professavão? tendo elle sido tantas vezes examinada, declarada por innocente, sancta, e verdadeira; & este Eigor nos Cauzava fuma tristeza, porque je prezumia, que nos tinhamos delinguído contra as Leys do Imperio, & como taes seriamos Expulsados da China, ema Europa, avisei do Eigor de tal sentenca, que abrange a shy, os Progadores, os Japões, os Christãos innocentes, etado omais, & por isso supplicavamos a f. Ellayd. De Compadecêse de nos, e ordenasse, que nem os Christãos fossem constrainjidos a deixar a Santa Ley innocente, que espontaneamente abraçavão, nem que os Padres rectos fossem expulsos, mas que lhes não fosse permitido ficar guardando as Sepulturas dos defuntos os poucos dias que lhey podia desear de vida.
Tudo isto estava posto no memorial com tal energia, que o Regulo depois de hum dia avisando se como nos dize muy Serio, cogitabundo, que onoho Memorial Serão podia offerecer a S. Magestade na forma, emque estava acerca dos trez Capitulos, emque defendiamos a Ley, os Christãos, os Padres, e os Japões, porem que Seguiriamos, que assim je fizese, teriamos mais despacho. Ouvindo tal Espoa pedimos a f. Alves, De Compadecêse de nos, e nos dirigisse, nogue deviamos fazer, pois não tinhamos outroem, que com tal affição nos pudesse accodir. Cito ifto continuou o Regulo com arroz severa, e alguma tanto alterada, dizendo: de sorte que vos quereis disputar comnosco? Não poderemos nos facilmente convencervos? Que Couza sabeis vos, p? virdes aqui com replias, que outrem vos ditou contra decreto de sua Magestade? Cite mais ou tra Couzas Semelhantes. Vendo nos onegocio mal parado, Despendemos, que onoho animo não era sin disputar, mas amoforar embrevey palavras a innocencia da Ley, dos Christãos, que fua Alteza nos ensinasse oque deviamos fazer. Respondeo elle, que o principio do Memorial estava bom, que se tirassem os trez pontos ultimos, eque somente nos remettessemos à clemencia de sua Magestade, Supplicando lhe, je Compadecêse de nos, como de homês estrangeiros destituidos de todo opatrocínio humano, egual fonte esperarmos de sua Magestade, como de Pay.
A urgente necessidade nos obrigou aceitar o Conselho do Regulo, temendo outro algum Eypo mais abrazador, que oda primeira sentenca; porque o mesmo Regulo nos modos de falar, e de nos arguir, deo bem a entender, & infestiamo nos trez pontos, eformado noho memorial sem duvida perderiamos tudo, eque mudando o poderiamos ganhar alguma Couza. O mesmo dia 16. de Janeiro je deformou o Memorial deixando as expressoens aque
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aque o Regulo chamou Apologia, e levara o caso, sem forca, e em seu Lugar &mettendo-se
a Clemencia do Imperador, apontando somente duas Suplicas p. os Padres velhos ficarem
em suas Igrejas p. guardarem as sepulturas, e p. os innocentes Christaos nao forem obrigados
a abjurarem a Santa Ley, que abracarão. Com esta tao notavel mudanca foi o memorial en-
tregue ao Regulo aos 15. pela manhã, e em todo o dia nao tornamos a ver, nem pudemos
penetrar, como Sua Magestade o tomou assim mudado; porquanto ainda o Regulo nos disse,
que primeiro na forma ja dita nao podia offerecer-se, he p. muitos ser controversia, que o tinha
ja visto, e que as palavras do Regulo: vos vindes aqui disputar comnosco? erão do Rey ferido
da forca, e Cezão do dito memorial, oqual nao pode insinuar, Senão com temor, e amea-
ças, obrigando-os injustamente a Callar.
Neste dia 15. se dava principio à vacancia dos negocios nos Tribunaes com fechar
o Sigillo para Cadahum attender as festeas do anno novo. Homemos dia Soubemos Ser des-
pachada a iniqua Sentenca do tribunal dos Eitos em dezafete exemplares para o tribunal das
pofeas, que he Pimqui: porem achou-se ja a vacancia principiada naquelle Tribunal, e por isso
os exemplares tornarão p. o Lipii dos Eitos para Serem despachados depois da Vacancia, que
Cofeuma durar vinte dias. Neste mesmo dia nos foi dito, que os accuzadores jogarão com gran-
des Somas de dinheiro, não só com os Mandarins, mas tambem com os Esforçados, para que a
preza se pudesse despachar este maligno Caso por toda a China.
Pelo Mefmo tempo correu rumor entre os Christaos, e foi confirmado entre pes-
soas graves, agentes, que o memorial do Sumio de Fokien fora Secreto accuzacão dada contra
a Santa Ley debaixo deste Imperador. Fica dito afirma ser este Imperador muy Suspeitoso, e não
Se deve duvidar, que para o Ser teve Cauzas falsas, e verdadeiras. As Verdadeiras foram, q entre
os Seus mesmos Japoes havia alguns, que aspiravão ao throno, ou pelo menos de dizia assim. Além
disso não faltavão parcialidades nella grande Corte, e por não dar por Seguro, detodos duvidava, e
de todos se acuzou, prendendo ahuns, defendendo outros, efazendo muitas execuções em
grandes espequenos, que ou Sabia, ou duvidava. Seguião outro partido. As falsas foram dar Cre-
dito às accuzacões contra a Santa Ley, Missionarios, Christaos pelas Provincias do Imperio, como
se na Realidade fossem tantos em numero, que tivessem Capacidade, e forcas para excitar tumulto, ou
machinar alguma Couza contra tão vasto, e potente Imperio. Não ha duvida, que a grande benevolencia,
que os Imperadores, ea Santa Ley experimentarão debaixo do Imperador Kanki, foi ocasião aos
mal affectos, e invejosos para tão atrozmente a infamarem, e encarecerem a este Suspeitoso Princepe
o Effito que podia originar-se, de adezoa se propagar pelo Imperio, e por isso peremptoriamente a prohibio.
Porque finalmente persistio immovel nogue tinha injustamente decreado, mandando
aos dous Regulos 13° e 16° nos entregasem o segundo memorial emendado conforme o con-
selho
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Conselho do Regulo, emque Somente Se Supplicava pelos velhos, epelos Christoãs, e que nos intimassem de palavra, que S. Magestade em tudo aperceia à consulta do Tribunal, enada mudava doque tinha confirmado com o feu decreto Imperial, enisto vierão apurar as esperanças do patrimonio do Regulo 13º, e as suas grandiosas promessas.
Como os Padres fizerão com a tal Epoca, fica à consideração dosque isto Lerem: porem os mesmos Padres Esses tinham pª: desconfiar do bom exito extra missarum. Affim porque este Monarcha sendo Regulo, nunca lhey mostrou pia affeição; sendo ja Imperador, nunca admitio notpas approvações de sua boa saúde, nunca admitio nossos presentes, quinimo nos mandou inti- mar, que Nos não offerecêsemos, porque os não receberia. Tudo isto, e as mais suspeitas, que ma- nifestou na pratica, que teve ao 1º de Julho do Corrente anno com tres Padres da Comph: afaber o D. Joaquim Bover, Domingos Berenim, Ignacio Kigler, dão aprova mais evidente do animo deste Principe a despeito da santa Ley, e dos seus Progenitores.
No primeiro de Julho de 1724. offerecerão os Padres oterceiro memorial, emque supplicavão a sua Magestade, mitigasse algum tanto o femoro rigor da sentença do Lipu, pela qual os Missionarios de Pekim ficavão defituídos de mayo pª: poderem Escrever as suas Cartas, suf- teneo, etudo omais, que em cada anno Vies vem da Europa, nao ficando na Metropoli de Cantão pelomenos alguns, que para Cà lhey dirigissem as suas Cousas, e por isto Supplicavão, & mandasfe, que os expulsos das Provincias pudessem ficar de morada em Cantão, assim como ficavão os de Pekim. O despacho foi, que os quatro primeiros Mandarins de Cantão consultasfem entre sy, se havia algum grave perigo, emque os Missionarios expulsos das Provincias lá ficasem, eque feita esta Consulta avizasfem Logo para Sua Magestade determinar?
Assim do contexto deste despacho, como dos antecedentes Servem com evidencia as profundas Caizes da Suspeita, que este Principe conferva no seu Coração contra os Brigadores, e Cultores da Religião Catholica. As taes Suspeitas introduzio o diabolico Memorial do Chin- mao, edo Junto de Foguien, e mais evidentemente com a pratica, que o 13º Regulo fez aos Padres, & provou no septimo dia de Janeiro. E ultimamente com ado Imperador, porque assim na Defensia, como nas Circunstancias atirão estas quatro peças ao mesmo alvo. Depois dos despachos deferidos man- dou Sua Magestade chamar aos Padres, que se achavão proximos à Salle, estentado no Seu throno lhey falou na forma Seguinte =
O Imperador meu Pay Sempre me preferio etodos os meus Irmãos, epor isto me deixou no feu throno, e Eu a feu esemplo unicamente me ocupo nos negocios publicos. Não posso, nem deuo proceder, como quando era Regulo. Os vossos Europeos em Foguien destroem a dou- trina do Confucio, e perturbão os povos; isto me foi preuzamº necessário attender ao presente, & acauellar pª: o futuro. Ao Norte do Imperio fui vizinho, & conforme opoderozo Imprio dos Mofcovity
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Moscovitas, ao Sul fião vizinhos outros Reinos Europeos não menos potentes nas Suas Armas,
emque se contão muitos milhões: d'abando do Occidente ande Labouinando o Regulo Capitan,
aqual eu com minhas armas vou subjugando, impedindo lhe o ingreço na China, porque não
existe tumultos. Os Moscovitas pelo Seu ultimo Legado pretenderão alcançar ter aqui hum
Agente do Seu Comercio, e que lhes fôse permitido podelo estender por todas as Provincias do
Imperio; e isto lhes foi negado absolutamente, e só lhey foi concedido, que na Corte de Pequim, unos
Confins do Imperio pudessem fazer o Seu Contrato; porem algum tanto o Imperador, por lhe não
Lembrar o nome do Legado; Suprido brevemente pelo P. Domingos Pennonim acrecentou
o mesmo Padre, que elle verterá, e interpretará ao Senhor Dom Companheiro do Legado, e
o decreto do Imperador, emque lhe negava, oque pedia. Porque dizia nelle sua Magestade ser
grande adisparidade, que havia entre os Europeos, a quem era concedido morar pelas Pro-
vincias do Imperio, e entre elley Moscovitas; porque os tay erão Religiosos, que não tratavão
de Comercio, mas somente de pregar a Ley, e que não tornavão mais p- Europa, e que elles
Moscovitas por Caub de seus Comercios quererião hir, e vir mudar agente do Contrato, e tees
outras Liberdades contra as Leys Sinicas, a que se por esta Causa se procedesse contra os transgre-
sores della, se daria ofçar por offensão, edaquí nascerião entre o Çar, e o Imperador Sinico
muitos Excesos de offensa: interrompeo o Imperador esta pratica, e continuou adua, dizendo:
que da mesma sorte nunca Consentiria, que os Mercadores Europeos por moy do seu Comercio
se escondesem além da Provincia de Cantão. Oque avos vos toca, he, que o P. Mattheus Rucio
veyo na China no tempo da Dinastia do Minchao Einando Vardie. Eu não tenho com oque
então se obrou, naquelle tempo erão muy poucos os Pagadores, consequentemente as Igrejas de
baixo do Imperador meu Pay (porque tratava bem aos Europeos) ou por erro, ou por prezi-
pitação avoja Ley de propagar muito, da mesma sorte se multiplicarão as Igrejas. Eu, e outros
viamos tudo isto, enos admiravamos, mas não nos atreviamos a contradizer. Se meu Pay foi en-
ganado, eu não hoy de Consentir, que de mim se diga o mesmo; hi Certo, que por esta Causa podéo
muito Imperador defuntos de sua Deputação, principalmente com os Estados, deixando dilatar
tanto avoja Ley. A doutrina do Confucio he abaze, fundamentos do governo, e estado publico:
eu de nenhum sorte permitirey, que no meu governo de alguma Sorte Seja mudada, e opprimida.
Nem me incumbe oque se obrou debaixo do Imperador Valien. Diz-me heis, que avoja
Ley he boa, nem eu digo, que he ma, ou falsa, porque Se ajulgara por tal, porventura tolerar-
vos hie aqui? Ou quem me impediria, aque vos não lançasse fora, desfizesse as vossas Igrejas?
Eu mando desfeir muitos Pagodes, e matar mais de mil Lamas, porque o merecião: por-
ventura era justo, ou conveniente opor-do-ar-lhey; porque sendo Regulo os tornava, e estimava
como Mestres? Vos dizeij, que avoja Ley ensenanda muita affidelidade com os Principe, obe-
diencia, e piedade com os Pays; qual he aduy, que não enfina estas Cousas? Atéhe as mesmas
Leys falsas o ensinarão, como aduy de Pelien Kilao, e outras, porem debaixo desta especieza
maior)
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majara ocultão os seus fins, que são as rebelioes, a que se dirigem, cordonão. A doutrina do Confucio manda venerar o Céo, e avofa també manda o mesmo, porem com quereres que fe chame Tienku (Dominus Cæli) vos fazeis ridiculos, e objeto de rizo atodos os doutos: vos Condenais os Seguidores da ley de Fo, e falais mal delle, elles da mesma force falão de vos, estes dizem muitas injurias, sendo que o mesmo he Tien, que Tienku, e que eu, e o Fo egualmente vemos a hum e outro. Ponhemos, que eu man-
dasse lama turbe de Bonzos, outra de Lamas apublicar as suas leys na vossa Europa:
que diriey em tal caso? como Serião Le Ecebidos dos europeos? Cemais vos quereis, que todos os Chinas Ecebião avofa Ley, estej que aího mesmo Se ordena; porem em tal Cazo que outra cousa feriamos, Senão Subditos dos Reys de Europa? Porque os que Se fizerem Xpãos, emqualquer tumulto não ouvirião finão aos. Aindaque agora não ha que temer, com tudo fão principio doque pode acontecer com o tempo; porisso he necesario acce-
ceder, nem eu poso permitir, que alguns dos Missionarios fiquem de morada pelas Pro-
vincias. Cemais vos aviso, que aqui estejis muito atentos, paraque não Sejaj acuzados em nada, que do contrario Se seguirá, que nem aqui, nem em Cantão posois sublidir, pory deixarrey executar tudo aquillo, que no Tribunal se decretar.
Demais nada tenho contra vos, nem vos Sou contrario, e muy bem Sabeis, qual fui para comvos, sendo Regulo; porque tum Mandaram Christão deLautum. Sendo gra-
vemente molesto de sua parenta, porque não venerava os Seus progenitores com os ditos patios, Eucometos amim, e me prouvey logo Compor onegocio. Agora emeu officio de Imperador confiste em governar, extender a quietação do Imperio; aisto me appliquei desde manhãs athe anoye, nem vejo aos meus Filhos, ne’ a mesma Imperatriz, mas fo aquellos grandes, Cujo officio he definirme os negocios do Imperio, e afim prosequiry, enquanto durar o trivnio do Luto. Depois delle acabado talvez Se offereverão ocasiões devos chamar, e tratar comvos. Estodas estas Cousas que digo, avizay os Vossos Companheiros.
Respondo o P. Parunim, que atodos avizaría, ejuntamte dize supplicando a sua Magestade, que não Crede, que nos eramos tão Loucos, e faltoz de Dezad, aj quidefemos vir a China, papando portantos incommodos, e perigos da vida com intençõe de Morrer aqui, sem pensamento devoltar para Europa, e Cemúdo que nos rofos Corações efendia-
mos intenções Sinistras contra hum tão grande Imperio: porem Imperador He cortez apratica, porque não chamou aos Padres p.ª os ouvir, mas p.ª ser ouvido delles, e Como Satisfeito doque tinha dito, deo final adey, outros Emuchos, que fonte afichad,
que
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que distribuírem entre os Padres algumas pequenas Cousas, que p.ª este fim tinha mandado preparar; Consistio em folhas de Chá, e alguns píxeres medicinaes, e cheirosos, Com isto os conduzirão os Eunuchos p.ª fora da Jalla Imperial.
Libello, que offereço o Sumo de Foquien contra a Santa Ley, e seus Missionarios.
Para prohibir ao Cude Povo, que erradamente entra na Ley de Deos Manifestos. Em Foquien na villa de Fongan, que te Lugar pequeno, situado, estrainho ao Mar ouvy, tinhaõ vindo dous Europeos, e que ali moravaõ escondidos sem Diao patente Imperial, apregavão a sua Ley. Despachey pesquizas occultas a inquirir da Verdade. Do dito Lugar ha mais de dez Letrados, e de homens, & Mulheres alguns Centos todos Christaõs dentro dos muros da Villa, e pelas aldeas ha quinze Igrejas. Os dous Europeos se escondem nas Casas dos Letrados p.ª não serem vistos, nem temem commando do Mandarim da Villa, que isto lhey prohibe. Nos dias em que fazem suas preces, se ajuntão alguns Centos de mulheres, e homens, Sem haver Separação entre homens, e mulheres, oque he péssimo Costume. Despachey logo ordens p.ª os Mandarins de armas, e Leis, para os buscarem, e lançarem fora os Europeos, e os Levassem p.ª Macao, e que as Igrejas se fizesse hospedagerias de Mandarins. Camefma deste entendendo aos Letrados Christãos, persuadirem ao Povo a deixar a Ley, e fe houvesse quem mais entrasse nelle, lhey tiraria o grao, e Catequistas, e Sobrinhos podesse ja mandado efetido. Os Europeos das Provincias todos tem Igrejas, emque morão, oque estão na Corte, São Vteis p.ª a Mathematica, ou outro Vto; Se Se permittem que os das Provincias tenhaõ Igrejas, ou Casas, o Povo pouco a pouco vai entrando na sua Ley, e assim vive enganado, e iluzo muitos annos, oq he contra a doutrina do Philosopo Confucio. Pelo que supplico a V. Magd. deixoe ficar como dantes, os Europeos na Corte, enaõ permita, que os mais sigam pelas Provincias, mas vão p.ª Pequim, ou se mandem p.ª Macao; as Igrejas, que ha, Se depurem p.ª outro vzo, enaõ se lhey permita, que façam outra y de novo.
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Decreo que Sahio do Tribunal
dos Eitos por Consulcaõ.
Os Europeos de Pequim podem Cuidar da Mathematica, ou servir em outra Cauza;
os das Provincias não tem Vzo, os ignorantes que Seguem a sua Ley, tomey, e Mulheres,
Levantaõ, e frequentão Igrejas, Se ajuntem a Dizer Sem Separacão devida, com grande
inconveniente, ou he Cauza de grande Mal, poriso se deve condecer ao Cumto de Foguien,
oque Supplica, exceptuando oque por decreto Imperial fica na forte: falando dos mais
que estão espalhados pelas Provincias, devem os Cumtos, e Reys examinar com exo-
sucão, oque tiverem talento, traze-los p.ª a forte, os outros mandalos p.ª Macao, enaõ con-
sentido, fiquem escondidos pela terra dentro: oque tem Piao, todos febulguem, e tambem
mandem Sahir, Se mandem os Piaos ao Tribunal de Pequim, porque não teraõ, nem
temhaõ Vzo: os Igrejas se mandem emendar, e converter em Escolagem de Mandarins;
aos Christaõs se prohiba severamente a Ley: ficad, que mudem de Religião. Se houver
quem como dantes Se ajuntem a Dizer, e fazer outros exercitios da Ley, fejaõ gravemente
Castigados; os Mandarins que dissimularem nisso, ou encubraõ, ou não derem parte, devem
os Cumtos, e Reys examinar, entregalos ao Tribunal, paraque alli se determine, oque
se hade fazer dellej.
Decreo Imperial exo vi da Consulcaõ.
O onrade Imperial, que approva o Confultado pelo Tribunal dos Eitos. Os homens
Europeos pertencentes aos Reinos Estrangeiros, ha ja muitos annos, que moraõ pelas Pro-
vincias da China; agora he necessario conforme oque allega o Cumto de Foguien (Supremo
Mandarim em armas, e Letras) no feu Libello accuzatorio, que fejaõ expulsos; mas como se
pode temer, que agente da terra confusamente os maltrate com injurias, os Cumtos, e Reys
das Provincias com provizoẽs asignem p.º o tempo da sua expulsão por termo ou omoyo
anno, ou numero Certo de alguns Mezes, catodos os Expulsos, ou oque viverem para
Pequim, ou oque forem p.ª Macao, os Mandarins, aquem pertencer a execucão, benignamte
os tratarem, e procuram fejaõ conduzidos sem trabaho, em molestia).
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Relaçam das Cousas sucedidas neste Reino do Mayjud
desde Mayo de 1724. athe Agosto de 1725.
Para se poder com distinção he necesario saber, q em Codda Vilapora governava hum poderoso Nababo,
e fe chamava Mirza Leli, desde pequeno, oqual aterrava a todos os Reinos vizinhos, & Cauca da muita gente, e
Cavallaria, & punha em campo; pòr ale de Dominad Vilapora, era tambem Senhor dos estados de Siria, Opa Corte, e
Solale. Este Nababo q fôra morte dividio os quatro Estados afima & quatro filhos q tinha. Os de Siria, q confinão
com o Mayjud ao Norte da Cidade da Corte, deo ao filho segundo, chamado Mirza Ana, homem de bella condição, e
animo generozo, como adiante se verá. Governou este alguns annos ofey estado em boa paz; porem o anno passado
foi obrigado a por se em guerra defensiva contra outro Nababo, chamado Turiana, q veio com hum exercito degente,
e Cavallaria p? se fazer Senhor de Siria & oti de hum formado, q p? isto tinha alliançado do Mogol, por muito
bom dinheiro. Imploreu o Mirza Ana p? sua melhor defensa o socorro de hum Segulo Vizinho, a quem elle
tinha feito merece defesas fortalezas; este como interepido na Conformação do Nababo atual, mandou hum
Embaixador ao Dilim Dago legente do Reino de Mayjud, p? este mandasse hum exercito ajudar a impedir
a por se do Turiana, e p? o obrigar mais, lhe mandou dez Camellos Carregados de dinheiro. Com esta ifta ficou
prezo de tal sorte, q não fo condefendese com o Segulo, nem elle solicitava, mas tambem lhe alanceou do Rey feu Amo
buma Carta de irmandade. Não advertindo na desigualdade, q havia entre hum, couro soberano, q o Segulo
alem de ser hum Rey m? pequeno, tributario a varios outros, era Borno, ou Catador, q he Caixa m? baixa entre
estes; eo Mayjud, alem de ser hum Monarcha tão grande, q não conhece outro Superior mai, q ao grad Mogol, he
Chateirine Caixa m? nobre neffes annos, não obstante dizem, q traz sua dependencia de hum Zabelheiro; porem esta
esta prozapia ja deal forte esfuecida, q ninguem faz menção delle, a menos claramente.
Pois pois este novo irmandade ainda j muito mal aceita de alguns Fidalgos, ja se sabe tinha hum irmão obri-
gado de ajudar ao outro, e assim mandou o sobredito legente ao Segulo de Socoro nove mil Cavallos, cousoj tantos
soldados de peé. Com este socorro ficou o Perdendente Turiana totalmente contra o Mayjud, e apontou tempo de se
vingar, ou tarde, ou cedo; porem Como ja não podia por si só alcançar aquele pacifica de Siria, continuou ao favori de
bixo com condicão, q tomada Siria, elle o ajudaria a defesural as terras, q o Mayjud lhe tinha tomado havia já
muitos annos. Convocou tambem ao Sidogi, q he hum poderozo Marafe, dando lhe palavra, q concluida a empresa,
liviao ambos a Doubar a terras do Mayjud. Vinday pois estas potencias a palavrad e fortaleza, q defendia o Mirza Ana
Com quatro mil soldados tão valerosamente, q da primeira avançada Sahino mais de quatro Contos Inimigos na leva
de fortaleza mortos & catanadas doid efesuad emfima das murallas. Andava tambem o exercito do Mayjud por
fora fazendo Sues efervemuez Com m? bom sucesso; pòr o Alajary, q era o general, ainda q agiz era muito
animozo, detall forse q huma vez vindo opood, carregou sobre os Turcos, e os foi seguindo alem de Siria algum
óto dios de caminho, e se deixou lá ficar desfazendo da marcha, douy mezes: mas Como era dificultozo con-
duzir do Mayjud dinh? p? pagad ao soldados tão longe, q Cauza dos muitos Lebrej dos Caminhos, Voltou
p? seu prior? Pois, eo Turiana voltou outra vez unguilhossmente ao apelos da fortaleza segunda, terceira),
eguesta vez, sempre Com mayor morandade da sua parte, espera de hum effe. Tambem em hum doj apelos
morreo o filho de Mirza Ana, atravessado de huma seta; mas o Ray nunca se assustou hum ponto do seu
Gosto.
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Dio Avarana a impossibilidade da Victoria pela sua parte p Cauza do exercito de Mayjur, q lhe dava nas Costas no tempo, q elle avançou a Fortaleza, e assim se resolveo avencelo, ou a morrer ey fuy meo’. Mandou poý trazd a degolar, e no mesmo tempo Carregad Comtal furiad sobre os Mayjuros, q forão elles obrigados ader ay Costas, e nao parad, senad em huma Fortaleza fue distante mais de huma Legoa, excepto hum Nizid Curto mancado de 25. annos, e senhor de quinhentos Cavallos, q fazendo Cara ao inimigo sobre hua Elephante, e p. melhor defensad ay feitas fez paflar ao Comica p. traz, e elle paflando p. diante, se poz no Lugar domesmo, fazendo notavel esforço com ay feitas nos Inimigos, Cujo impeto nad podendo ja sofrer os seus Soldados, o desampararad, quasi todos. Atthe o mesmo Elephante, banhado ja em sangue p Cauza do Chuveiro das feitas Conharias, virou em seguimento dos que fugiad, porem o Capitad todo ferido també day mesmas feitas, o fez parar, e tornando amandar paflar o for- nais p. ofer primor Lugar, elle paflou tambem p. ofer, efeo fazer virad outra vez o Elephante, fez segunda Vez Costas aos Conharios, e fazendo elle com ay Costas p. a Cabeca do Elephante. Pofo poý nefer baluante, Comecou a defezir as feitas com admiravel effeito, athe q despejod a aljava. Nenão os Inimigos, q nad tinhad, q temer, se chegavad p. Lutar ao Elephante, e a elle, porem como ainda He destavad duas Catanas, Comecou ay Catanday nos Turcos, e foi dando Ne, enquanto elles nad quebrarad ambas. Nad tendo ja nas maos Couza, Como pudefe offender, ne defenderse, tirou os papuços dos peés, e foi dando Com elles em quantos se chegavad; athe que os Conharios ja impacientes, de longe dispararad hum arco, Me pregadão huma feta no peftoco departe deliante. Obrigado agora dadov, virou ay Costas ao inimigo, emandou picad o Elephante; porem sendo paflado de outra feita també pelo peftoco da parte de traz, fez parar ao Elephante, Comecou a falar p. os Conharios na forma seguinte — Sempre Cuidoy, q defez batalha Levaße alabica da Avariana q triumpho da Victoria, agora Conheço, me enganeu em meus pensamentos, eja dey, q morro nas vofas maos: fo huma Couza vos peço, e he, q ao meu Corpo deij a Sepultura nas terras do Mayjur, p. q os meus parentes poßao adegois Conduzid p. Lugar decente. Nad tinha ainda bem proferida esta palavra, quando hum envejoso talvez dagrande efpirito q muitos titulos devide atao grande Capitad, se acazo Na pedraõem avida em tal ocasião, Me paflou opeito Com huma feta, daqual Caho morto. Qerad parte delido ao Tircana, igual dizem, mandara matad ao matador; Depois dar sepultura ao sobredito Capitad co grande pompa, e apparato, por ser Seu parente, ainda, e home tad valente. Mandou també a mulher do mesmo finco Cavallo Arabios, Couza excellente, afim pelo q em si erad, como pelos Elog ars veoj, q traziad, couhay varias Dádivas.
Teve noticia destas portunbadoes o Cidad, e partio logo de Aviano p. accomodar tudo. Chegou e Livra, fez Suspender as armas, emandou sahir da Fortaleza ao Mirzicano com toda afee gente; porem nao quiz dar pape delle a algum; mas deo parte ao Glifiano, Supremo General do Mogol, para q determinafe aquem se havia de entregar a Fortaleza. Somo Glifiano esta Longe, eo Embaixador em hid, evolev haja degafar muito tempo, emquanto nao chega, efeje tudo com suspensão de armas, eo Mayjur, Mirzicano, emais Confiadodos se detivem p. dentro do Mayjur tres dias de Caminho, q eu pafla allaque, p. ver onizoravel estado, aque estad debucida y todos aqueles termos por Cauza dos exercitos de Mayjur, e foragie.
Corrigi quer dizer bugio. Com este nome appellidã os Mayjures ahi Egulo, q fie abom de Mague?, cham dia de Caminho ao Sul da estrada do Jate, agual Gmeio q o Mayjur se tenha empentado Com grobos exercitos, nunca pode fazed mal algum, mas ante todos os annos perde muita gente às mãos dez quelles Bugios, q de entre os matos, onde estad escondidos, vad matando, sem fere’ Viftos, aquantes fe chegam. Comtedo
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Comtudo o anno passado, quiz mostrar, & tambem sabia, e podia pelejar em Campo aberto, e assim sahio dos muros, esto sobre o exercito de Alaujim, oqual, & nad estar preparado p? este improvizo assalto, nad teve mais tempo, & p? fugir, deixando toda bagagem, emais petechos de guerra, excepto hums sete centos homens, q? se quizeram oppor; porem foram todos mortos as onhas dos Bugios, & com esta tão boa fortuna se determinou atacar assaltos a algumas fortalezas, mas querendo mostrar mais desejav senhoriar-se delles com boa paz, & p? fora de armas, mandou fez cretam? demoyte pregas nos portos das d? fortalezas chitos, nos quaes os avizava, & se tinham medo delle, que dentro delantes dias se fossem em boa hora, e levapem tudo quanto quizessem, & lhes dava palavra de q? nad offender dentro do dito tempo em Couza alguma; porem & se alzro se quizessem defender a dy, e fortalezas, era talpem de meted ay maniceões necessarias; & q? elle sem falta vinha no fim delantos dias p? assaltar aj d?as fortalezas. Os Governadores deduzy conhecendo este debolucid, temendo ser apanhidos dentro, e se debolverd a esperalo fora, uno Cazo q? vifem o negocio mal parado da sua parte, deixaram o Campo, e a fortaleza Livre. Assim o Cumpirad pontualm?te & p? afirmar ouvind a dependna gritaria dos Bugios, entrou lle tal medo, q? sem despavar Luma arma se valerdo da Ligeireza dos pe, dizando senhor delido muito afez vontade: porem como o fregui nad queria fortalezas p? se defender, q? he balsado só as arvores dos matos, ou talvez, & desconheud, as nad podia confessar, ficando senhor delles, as arrazou Logo. Outro Governador douta mesmod ed mai huma pouca de Coragem; poy defprando ay ameaças de fregui, equiz esperar dentro da sua mesma fortaleza: may aodepois voyo a conhecer, fora amigo indifereto afez timoridade, & p? a fortaleza foi assaltada, tomada, elle morto com toda a soldadesca, & esfava dentro, e elle depoy arrazado.
Foy finalm?te deste sorte tomado seis fortalezas, emuitas arvas. Nad fazia este inimigo mal a nenhum Louvado, ou outro algum particular, so se era Bramane, & q? nefey, effem grandes, ou pequenos, homens, ou mulheres, obrava feriies. Nad perdoava tambem aos soldados, onde querq? encontrava; porem constiuia de prepa com elles, Cortando-lhes as Cabecas, & q? nad vzava bem os Bramenes, mas os amarrava á arvores, e q? hia cortando pouco apouco pelos membros do Corpo; pelo qual caso elles desamparavão todos aquelles terras (Se deixassem tambem estar ainda sevid method.) Chegou finalm?te o fregui atemad ao Alaujim tomar, que sendiao sinco Lagoas de pagodes, cada pagode de feze padroes, e Cada Lagoa de Com mil pagodes; aindaq? alguns lhe dao mais. Ternay todas, & ficad ao Ocidente do Rio, & esta alem de Alague, começando da espada, & ruy p? Mangalor, correndo p? o Sul pelas Cidades de Avalagore, Eriapatna, Ranjaryya patna, Betapad, Gaudenahali, eouhay.
Vendo o Agente do Alaujim o shago q? fazia o Fregui, & q? cada dia se vinda chegando mais, egue podria finalm?te chegar se p? porto da forte, determinou impedilhe opaso, e assim convocou p? a Cidade todos os Vileys de Dijno, Cada hum com toda afez soldadesca. Juntos poy todos na Cidade, os mandou o Alegente, & efim? sobre ay arrey do Fregui. Comecarad afey personagens a marchad Cadahum com afez soldadesca, hum hum dii, couroy outro p? acharem melhor commodo pelo Caminho. Levand elles muitos machados, Couay, couros, petechos necesarios p? Cortad o mato do fregui. Nad houve home ja cresido, q? vindo todo este apparato, nad apludise ao Alaujim ja victorioso; quando no fim de hey dias Arrecad os VRuys a entrar pela Cidade dentro com grande esforço de Cheremelhy, e atabeley; De tal sorte, que quem ouvisse tad grande matinada, Cuidaria for tudo triumpho de alguma notavel proeza: quando examinada, e couay
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ay Couza, elle voltou do Caminho (meij alegre na Volta d'na Eda) & foram chamados da forte. A causa desta nova Desfihuaçam foi, qd nad querendo o D. Pley de Gama fortalecer, d esta junto a Garuahali, acompanhado aos demais na empreza, dando por Couza ser Cesta Aluy, descendente dos Naguis de Mofiquoa, eq nad houve agrado de fogueirar se chua? General mto inferior a elle na qualidade, d se queriao, d elle sofre, d havia de hir primo. Oley do Marquim, eq entao elle obedeceria pontualmte. Ficara se este Mardocheo em huma Esfera filha sua, d tinha com Valisio, espijo falado tao confiado. Qerad parte ao Pley daleima do Plama Piagio, d esta era o nome do sobrio.°, cegando algum esperavad q o Pley lhe mandasse dar algum exemplad Cateigo, ouvindo dizer, d vifio o Plama Piagio nad quando id, que se devocarem todos os outros Vleys, eq se mandassem officiaes subalternos em seu lugar. Assim q voltou todos, excepto o Chen Piagio de Shelam, q foi mandado o General do exercito. Chegou este grande home a Eria Patna, onde andava Afrougi Cuando Bromene, oqual, apimq teve noticia da chegada do exorcito Marjurense, eque o Chen Piagio, degum elle muito se temia, era od mandava, nad teve animo p.° o esperar, e apim se derivou da ly, edando huma Volta, levou por delaponto junto do Rio, d Come alm de Maguand. Mandou Niro Pley Ha, Durge hum getamad dar parte ao Chen Piagio, oqual depois de se Certificar, deguenta agoa Levura o do, disse q oforogi nao podia pafar apeç, q Lhud odio muita agod, eq o Vley da Durge lhe impedisse apagagem do Cesto, mandando p.° este merchar p.° aquella paragem trezentos espingardeiros.
Executou o Pley a ordem do General pontualmte, mandando gente escoltida p.° aquella paragem. Mostrou oforogi ser muy travese, dogo Marfur; qd cuidando este tad seguro aquelle, se lhe impedisse a paragem de hum Cesto, vejo depois afaber, porem tarde, ted elle ofendido em outra parte no meio de hum Mato fincimentos Cestos, por quay pasou p.° elle parte toda afua gente em hua noite, deixando aos Vleys forez guardando a paragem do Cesto, vejo de noite metido pelos matos, envdia seguinte pelay nove horas da manham deo de deponte em Magud. Aqui agora todos os moradores em Confusão, sem saber od deviad fazed, qd ey hombeas fowad as portas da aldea, p.° fugir & outra parte, efazia tudo Corrido de fechados matos. Postos pois neles angulays, se desforvad adeivad estar em fuey Casas, excepto os Bromenes, d tendo amovise q Cesta, se defem apantados, se meterad pelos matos afugir, chum destes p.° fe Cafar mais depressa, tomou as Cofas hum filho pequeno, q nad podia Correr, efe o Puy esperafe q elle, poderia vir a Cahir nas maos dos advesarios, porem vindo q a Carga lhe pesava muy dog era necesario p.° podid melhor fugid, e Lancou no Chão, efe foi contora hora, pode nefte ouvido muy damo de propria vida, d odo filho.. Tambi alguns soldados Christaos, d estavam gernsando, largando o Comel, egatos, emetendofe com fuey multery, efilhos pelos mesmos matos, cindo volando p.° o Norte de Curga, vinad por Affona Dar em Garuahali, onde os Christaos Hey doad hua pouca de farinha de Nagui p.° o Caminho. Caqui partind p.° Arabinagueze, onde ou, depois de os estar festeando alguns dias, departindo Comelley da minha pobresa, o mandei outra vez p.° Garuahali. Estava nefte ocasião, em Casa da Igreja em Magud, hum Bromene Christao, q p.° amor defez devotas, fe tinha deixado daquela aldea p.° shy, cuidando estaria Seguro & amor da arteilleria de Curga, co Eum Jr. ainda gentio, porem venia amuitos Christaos nos padimentos, qd ji juvas daey veeey na formana, todos od diaz Dezava a Coroa de Christo, e Rosario da Embora, e fazia outras muites Vividas; efe tal estava gravemente doente, epoucos horay antes d este ouviram os Clarins militares, pedio o Santo Bauphimo, d lhe administrou o Cathesquis com o nome de Ignacio, como elle mesmo pedio, deguem era muito devoto. Tantoj se tocou alarma—tocou també aquellas almas afahis de terra p.° ofio, como piamente devemos Orar, eo Jr. emais familia se meterad p.° os matos, e fo ficar aellaj cambe Christaom em Casa acompanhandoo ao Cadaver. Chegando finalmte os Coguis, entrando em casa
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Caza, Key dize a Nelta - Senhores em seu hua Bramena, d aqui efeu apreftendo ao Corpo deffe meu filho defunto, d aqui vedy todo omen feito ahy efta aj vofoy doery. Ellej ouvindo ifto, depojs deitouad huj pouco arroj partivad, edez pois deder huma Mife atoda aldea, forad dar moftro de fy també a Curga. Fue neffe tempo o Bramene Lugar p: fahir do mato, e Llevar o Corpo do Jr em hua grande Cava, d eftava na horta, depois Levar avella Comigo.
Dizid os forugu aos de Curga, d fe lindafem, e eftes dizid, d nad eftavad p: ifo. Afirm eftivoad algum quinze dias, fe eftes fe andavam, ne aquelly levantaram o Corpo. Achej finalmte o fen Diagio tiuo aduvidaj dan- do sobre elles, eferendo os largad o campo; e apertou feu amigal junto da Durga. De ly mandava por fogo às aldeas da Provencia, p: fe vingar dos Gauras, d fe tinham rebelado contra o Mayjur, eposto pela parte do forugu, excepto hu, entre eftes era hum o de Naturo, debaixo de cujo dominio eftá a aldea de Magué, d foi avvisa, que nad foi entregue ao fogo defta ocasiad, mas os meus papaj, Levintdos, d eu tinha havido do goa, e eftavad ainda ahy em huma Canofha fechados, fe forad todos, pod o Mayjur partivad ad: Carafha aj Cacanades, e Llamavad tudo fora na lua, e como era invernada, end havia na aldea ninguem, tudo fe fei. Ca armecad da for., que mendoy fazer demoro, nad fe podeo Cova algua; pd afim d tive noticia, d o inimigo eftava junto do rio, ofsz trazej p: Granahali, edahy papad p: efcalera de hyama onde ainda efta. Alertado o forugu, começou o May da Curga també a fazer sua injufticia ao mandoruy de Magué; pd fe elley tinham fugido da aldea, quando viéra o forugu, dizia d povellej defemparavam a aldea, tinhe entrado nela o inimigo. Cabeca fora. Se elley fe tinham deixado ficad nella, d elley he d tinham chamado ao inimigo. Cabeca fora. Vendo o moradorvo, que od fora, ou dentro fempre tinham a Cabeca fora, fegirad, etealmt* defemparavão a aldea, athej derad parte ao Chen Diagio defe difparate, oqual com fue aueldade de remediod tudo.
Neffe fitio fe deuor ray mezy od: Chen Diagio, eno fim delly mandou marchad ofeu exercito em fe- guimento do Inimigo, oqual sabendo defta devoluçad fe abalou també, efe foi detivindo. Seguiu o Mayjur, porem vendo d ond podia alcançar, fez alto nas terras do Pregulo, d efta junto do Gate. Enquanto efe era hum do g unido com ofanara debaixo do mefmo Gate ajudavão ao forugu, o ameaçava. Cava efe Erazd de Ly, dizendo nad ter forca bastante p: fe defender, ne offender alguem, d fe o Mayjur o ajudafe elle, nad daria paftem annenhu outro pelly fuay terra. Corriad afay lazij dagarte aguas, quando dad gente ao Chen Diagio, d o forugu eftava ally perto metido no matos com trinta mil homis p: naquelle noyte dar nofeu amigal, defpues avençev, ou morrev. Tantogj os Mayjures ouvind efta embaixada, nad efpervad mais, eportindo abocia de noyte, na mefma chegarad a Ascalagoria d dita hum bom dia de Caminho, seguiu-o j Inimigo, porem nad o podendo alcançad pela prefe, com) Corriad voltou a recoller o defpojos do exercito, d fe avaliou em muy defmeoens mil pagodes, pd os Mayjures nad cívand tempo forad p: fe trazerem afsy.
Depoz de o forugu destrher tudo nej fuz arroj, voltou sobre o Mayjur, cujo exercito voltava tambem abufcado, Sabendo efe, d aquelle vinha com devoluçad de pelejad, o efpovod em Gueragon. Avifavand fe finalmte os douz Combateroy, travoufe apeleja, foi hum pouco confida, morreo muita gente depote aparte; efinalmente o forugu dando a Nidovia ao Mayjur, fe detivere. eo Chen Diagio mandou marchar efte gente p: Princapina, p: fe Curarad oferidos, cos demais defarmad. Vendo o forugu efta boa ocasiad, tratou logo de aproveitarfe della, e afimd fazendofe revolta de Magué verso Cahir sobre a Curga, porem achando a bom guardada, fe contentad Com the por Corco. Aqui Ne fervia anofra Igreja, Cozinha, e Casa de efpania p: oj soldadoj. Nad deixou neffe tempo o Cefte Jeronymo Condefavel da Durga de fazer feus tiros Com bom effeito, od vendo o Bramene glorivad, ou Compadecido da muita gente, aj morria das balas de artilharia, ou p na realidade foi trazjod, ordenou ao Cefte, d Levantarfe muy apoviana)
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Aponcaria de peças, de tal sorte, q as ballas só mekefem medo, enão fizefem mal, obedecio ofendefavel: mes o Aluy vindo opouco effeito do tiros foi depreza eu com o Caffe degrependo dos derad fazel o tiros vizim. Com efta domefcação fe enfadou ebom Condefavel fortemte, e atirando com o diamente ao chão, começo a caminhar p. arçony de Durge, dizendo,= hum me diz, não may, oucho me degrendo, qd não meto, não boj, agum deuo obdecio, pelo q não quero efear aqui. Não ficava o Aluy bem fem elle, e mayor mal seria, fe elle fe papape p. o inimigo: gelo mandou pegar delle, mas oprimeiro, q o pegou, ficou morto ao feu pez de huma facada, q o Caffe lhe metteo pela parte do coraçao. Tanto q o Aluy vio efta defapençad, mandou Corregar ao foldados sobre elle, ed offezem em pofo, afim fe feza, ca fim acabou o tad Celebre Jeronimo, ou sad Joao, Como elle alguas vezes fe intitulava.
Douy meze efave o forugi de Corto d’Durça, e fe efivefe mais oito dias, ella fe tenderia, q nad tiverem o de dentro ja q comer. A codio finalmte o Cher Plagio, efes levantar o Cerco, mas nad feguio ao Inimigo, porem deixar fe ficar de afronto junto da Durga, e mandou pov o fogo a aldea de Mague, q era avnico q governaria naquelle Reiz. Foi també nefte incendio abrazada a Igreja com todas as Cazas pertencentes a ella, e como aj pondez com o calor do fogo abrifem toda, com a força da invernada, q depois fobreveyo, ficou tudo laco aste o fundamentoy. Defpo o Cher Plagio aqui, veio sobre elle o forugi apofado a bander ao Maijur, efperou-o efe ape quedo. envio fe a Conde nd, efave aviforid duvidozá de ambas as partes: poram hum Veffel do Maijur tirou as duvidaz, porque investio como hum Tigre a Casanaday com o Delavay, ou General forugi, equal moftrou Com bizarria feu eforçado animo nefte ocaciao, andando ambos a Casanaday q mai de huma hora, ambos banhados em feu proprio fangue, porem fem quererem ceder hum ao outro, athe q finalmente Cahio o Delavay exhufoo de fangue, eo Vizid lhe Cortou a Cabeca: mas parad efes fe nad jadape da Victoria, Cuja gloria evd premio q ambo merecido, Cahio ahy també morto das feridas. Como o forugi ouvio dizer, q era morto o feu Delavay, nad fe atreveo a efperar fegundo Combate, edando tudo q acabado Com a morte de tal home, tocou a recolher. Foi sobre elle o Maijur, alle o metev no feu bambual, e p. o aportad mai afrontad junto delle o feu arrojal, de tal forte q o forugi nad podia fahid, fem cahir nas mãos do Maijur. Neftes aportos efave hum mez, athed o Cher Plagio foi chamado de forte.
Vendo o forugi, q nad tinha ja q temer, q fe tex o Maijur recolhido à Cidade, voltou sobre Mague, e as terras vizinhas, e foi. Dourando tudo a feu vontade, Levando todo o gado, e quantas mulhey achou, fem haver, quem lhe preguntaffe, oqq fazia femelhantes infolençias: e a defgraça he, q ray continuando ainda. Por efta Cauza efad aj iroy todas definidas. O anno paflado nad houve tempo p.º Cozas obrar, q he a novidade daquella Provincia, ca fim fepinto todo nos Vargeas: donde fe pode Conjecturar, quam grande fora a fome naquelle Dime. Teve o Cher Plagio traca p.º prndos atodos os Jauraj debellados, eos mandou pov atodos em machos na fortaleza de Afenda antes deparad q. afere, p.º afiu tempo fe lhe dar devido Cafigo.
Fico aqui hua advertencia, parad fe algue em alguie ouafad efcrever eftas noticias, dando ao forugi outo no- me, nad pareca aos q as leem, outro Regulo diverfo. Algum chamad ao Sobredito _Xivrya_ - q tar hue notavel Cejura em hum beico, donde fe infere feu hum, couho nome Couza impofa; pois o feu proprio nome he - Xivryo. Buz yo he efte na verdade, quem em abrazado ao Maijur. Dizem també, q ja tem feito o feu teftamento, e q entra ay Recomendalodo, q nelle deixa aos filhos, q são end bom, como elle, huma he, q depois de fua morte lhe vivem aquelle delle façad hum tombol, cujo fom bafará p.º fazer fugir ao Maijur.
Ja he tempo de Volharmos a Siva, p.º ver a ordem, q tomou o Embeixador, q o Divad mandou ao Hifcane, para q Dezolveffe, algum fedoria entregad a Fortalezas, e Dino da Siva. Mandou efe q fe defpe pope detido ao Tariana. Afim fe fez, e concluido tudo mandou o Divad hum Embaixador ao Maijur, para q efe lhe mandape o tributo, q (afuma pagad ao Mogol, advertindo o haved ja doze annos, q onad tinhe pago, acrefcentando nas quered pefer
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papad adiante, & efcreu com elle Alvarae. Sendo, e fanara debaixo, cada hum com feus excedito, o quey agueria
acompanhad, od não poderia fer fim a todo diuid dey tenay do Mayfur, od elle querendo atalhad, fe deixara ficar alli, onde
elle lhe mandaffe o tributo, oqual recebeido padria p: as fuas tenas. Deo o Alegente parte ao Rey, porem não dize tudo quanto
dizia o Ciuad, Senad do Ciuad efcreu em Siria, & pedio o tributo, caftim q era neceffario mandalo. Refpondeo o Rey,
q fe pagaffe porem q fefe do dinheiro do Alegente Lingona, q é o Efcrituo geral do Reino, e America Efcritud geral
de Matricula, ambey Bramonej. Com efta Defpefa fe enfadou o Alegente, e voltando p: feu Palacio chamou a confelto
aos Sobreditos Bramonej, p: rezoLver, & fe devia refponder ao Ciuad, e afineirado em o mandar chamad, dizendo, que o
Rey era morto, q viefte elle, defte a inveftidura ao filho do mefmo Alegente, eq elle lhe daria metade do thezouro, e
defteiuind a fanara debaixo aj terras, q amargamente lhe forão tomadas. Mandada efta Defpefa fobretemente, Começou
logo achamar toda a folvedeira, q eftava dividida por varias Praças do Reino, paraq fe viefte ajuntad toda junto da
Cidade. Chamou tambem ao Exercito, q tinha hido a Siria, e andava ainda La pela fronteira, p: impedir algum afalto,
q fazião os Alorafey a Dourad. Juntos na Cidade os dous exercitos do Choa Magio, e Rajaya. Contudo omeis, que
havia no Reino, oferiao q tudo Conb efincente mil homey deje, e vinte mil de Cavallo, Comuad o Ciuad com os
demai aliados afeua marcha p: a Corte Mayfurenfe, gafteu dous mezes depois de entrar nas terras do Mayfur, athe
fe avifad Com afeua Corte. Ja Caminhava p: o Oriente, ja p: o Occidente, porem fempre detivado das fortalezas.
Toda agente nad efperaua, q o Inimigo chegaffe á fua aldea; mas efperando muitaj vezj Longe ainda deuj diaj de
Caminho, nad fedaua ja p: fegurad, caftim hia fegindo, fem parar fendo naj feras.
Vinha o Inimigo Com tanta Lentidão, q temed algua traição da parte do Mayfur, efe confirmava cadavez
mais, fabendo, q o feu Delaway eftava pofto em Campo com hum poderozo excedito, e muias peças de Campanha,
eporiffo mandoua hum Embaixadd abaz de outro a pedir o tributo, fenad q fe deftruid aj terras; porem sempre,
a Defpefa era, q fe viefte chegando. Como ninguem, excebo os trez afime nomeados, foubefe defty fegredo, ninguem
fe perfuadia, q o Inimigo entratfe tanto pelas terras do Mayfur, mas, antey difcorriad, q fendo od vinha o Ciuad,
q fer Cauza do Hlogol, leuia o Mayfur mandar lle logo dinheiro, eq fendo qualquer outro, nad tinha medo ob: Mayfur.
mes antes o ajuntarfe o exercito na Cidade erad tudo traco p: depois de o Inimigo ter chegado ao Coroad do Reino, Cer-
cado q todas as partes, e nad deixar falir p: fora. Confeffo, q també fiz o mefmo difcurfo, porem fahiome falfo, qd
fendo chamado ahum moribundo à Cidade, parti p: La em ocasiad, q je fp aqui fe ouvia o efbondo das peças das
fortalezas, q dava final à gente dos Aloray p: defamparad as terras, q fe deixad p: os montes, ella p: os montes, e eu
p: a Corte. Chegando ou fora defe alma encontroj com o Governador defas terras, oqual me dize ofereia bom dilatad
em adita Viagem, athe ver, q efbondo era, eq fignificaua aquelle q fe ouvia: porem vindo q eu me nad queria dilatar,
dife, q no Cazo, q o Inimigo chegaffe perto, me mandaria hum proprio, p: eu volver deprefa após em falvo aj Couza
da Igreja. Na fefta feira cheguoy, ero Domingo detende me chegou també o avizo, q tinha o Inimigo detubdo já
algumaj Aldeas junto de Araxina quere, pela qual Cauza eftava ja a aldea deferta. Aqui agora com efe avizo todo
perturbado, huy diziad, q nad era bom vir eu da Cidade, pelo perigo de podir cahid nas mãos dos Inimigos, o que
alem dos defastos à peroa, me leuiaá depedid tanto, equanto. Caftim q p: fe evitad tudo ifto, vinia algum da
Cidade p: conduzir p: ella as Couzas principais da Igreja. Ouero difcurfo faziad outros, dizendo, que viifo o
Inimigo ter chegado tad perto, q certamte vinha por Certo a Cidade, caftim q nad era bom fiad nelle. Todos eftes
difcurfos ouvia eu com bom pouca attençad; qd ou ellej diferem, q Sim, ou q nad, nunca era bom deixad me
ficar alli encurnalado.
Finalmte depois de oj animad à paciencia, e exhortalo, adj dicorejem effeos Com oracõe, paraque
puzeffe tudo em paz, me despedi della, eparti p: Araxina quede naquelle mefmo saido, e cheguey nodia feguinte
depaj
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depois do meyo dia; cad tarde q. pad querel viajad de noite Com bayo de dar de esponte Com Pedro, o qual Bayo nad havia
vindo eu dedia. qd como isto são Campinas cazas, facilmente se desobre ao longe qualquer sifio p. o evitar.
Nad se pode bem explicad a Confusad, q. havia por efe Caminho, qd tantos na idade parti delaza me encontray
Logo Com agente, q. se deixava q. amos dos exercitos, q. vinhão marchando p. aparte da Cidade, e fe eu preguntava,
aqui garagem tinham chegado? todos diziao, q. nad sabiao; mas como agente vinda fugindo daquelles partes, elley faz
giad tambem defas. Ce foyte, q. p. efes desampararem as suas aldeas, nad era necesario chegar perto delles o inimigo,
mey bastava pared q. elley agente, q. vinda fugindo, alguns very douy day de Caminho, p. elley se darem tambem q. arrifados,
je azo não fugied tambem com elley. Afim Caminhaveo todos, sem saber p. onde, como elley mesmos dizied. Para onde
quer que se Mepe, nad fe via mais q. gente fugindo: ay mulherey Com os Criancas pequenas nos bracos, ema Cabeca hum
Cesto Com ay panelley p. Cozinhar: os homos Com as esteiras p. dormir de noite as Costas carregando os bois, emaj levado
algui Couza p. Comer, deixando demais gado, e mantimento nas suas aldeas adifozziad Divina: (enamt. me Ceuflad
Companhao vol toda efe muledad deixando fuy Cazas, equanto vinho, a Caminhar sem saber para onde. Em todo
efee Caminho nad achey ningué, q. navegafe no meud Sumo, muy todoy Caminhaveo do Norte p. o Sul, ou do Sul
p. o Norte. Nao era pouco o medo nelle ouziaz, efe augmentava Adevua, q. pafavd qalgui altre, enad encontrav
nella peßoa alguie, efe azo algum homiy efevad guardando as Cazas, ou era esfondidos conforme de alguie arrode, ou
metidos em alguie monte, efe eu dava com alguny de Agente, equeria tomad delle alguie noticia, nao era posivel;
qd elle me virava as Costas, efe valia dog peey, e eu ficava olhando, como elle Corria).
Chegado a Pirafina quede achey ahum moço doente Comendo, coubo pouco menos, enada mai degente
na Igreja: pod ay mulherey dos motos vendo fugid atoda agente da aldea, nad tiverad animo p. esperad q. eu voltasse
da Cidade, mas tomando Boys, e homiy de aluguel, Carregando nelly oficio principal da Igreja. Achey tambem douy
homiy officiay de aldea, aquem o Governador della deo odem, q. enquanto eu chegava da Cidade, guardassem abita
Igreja. Nad se faria outro tanto algum Christad, quanto fez efe home, sendo gentio. Vendo eu pois efe desamparo tratey
tambem de largad o bairro, mas pondo primr. emfilho alguies Couzas, q. ainda einhão ficdo em Caza, Como era bate, lentilhy,
e outras Couzas, od tudo enterray, porém tudo se perdeo q. Cazia de humidade. Ao demais Couzas do provimento annual
Deixory ficad na Cozinha q. nad forem aldeyas, q. se pudesem enterrar, ne conduveis p. outra parte, naquella grepa e falta
de Conductorey; mas vindo os Curios Levareo tudo, eme deixarao Livre do Cuidado de ey guardar. Cesto tudo refiz uma
oderm fortunoyo dome tal chuva, q. começando ao por do Sol, nao gorrou em toda noite, emq eu devia partir para
Arrebale. Parti finalmt. com chuva q. fina, e agoa por baixo na terra feira depois da Dominica vi allaj. Ainday
a chuva nad era mt forte, contudo molhava muito bem. Nefea viage me confidery Cahido muy mais do inimigo,
qd pafando o Rio de Medione, vi q. hiam atravessando do Norte p. o Sul my folhados de Cavallo, doms do quaes
Leuvao os Cavalos pelos Vedos, chum delly montado. Efes tantos merivad de longe Caminhando em outro
Sumo, virarao d'vinteos annj. Deixo agora à piedosa Confidensad, Como eu ficaria em fem podad de fagad. Softo
goj o Cazo nefej apostoj, apentey Comigo nad me dad q. achado na materia; cahim fui seguindo omue Cami-
nho como dantes, eu adiante a pé, defalco, e os dous motos atraz hum Com Boy, outro Com o Cavallo. dei-
xando mihog douo na Igreja hum doente, coutro p. tratad delle, eguardar alaza. Chegamos finalmt. asfalla, e
quando eu esperava, q. elley Lancahem mão de mj, edod Levou vestido, q. achey mt. Compesivoj de me verem Ca-
minhad a pé, defalco, pelo meyo da chuva; porem eu nad estava Livre do fello, qd apentey nad forem elley
Majures, may sim Turios de partialidade Contrariad pelo mal q. pronunciavão a Lingoa da terra; eque me
nad fizavad mal q. alguie noticia, ou Conhecimentos q. einhão dos Pedros, ou tambem q. Defeito do Turio, q. vinha
a Cavallo, oqual mostrava ser home grave, e atal Caze degente nad pedmitia, q. em sua prezença se fizesse mal
apehna)
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apeñoa algũ. Dofe pelõj fofe, o certo he, q̃ eu folguy m. ver me liure defas angustias.
Lachado eſte barco, vim adar em outro hum pouco impertinente depois da terceira pahagem do Rio de Madura, mas antes de chegar a elle encontrei com doug Catequifea, hum meu, couho do Dr. Pedro Affonfo, q̃ mandadoj pelo F. L. vindo a toda apreſa aguardar a Igreja, e por em ſeguro algum fatto, q̃ ainda deſtava; poq̃ ſuppunha o meſmo Padre eſtar eu ainda na Cidade. Cujo ao dizer as ordens, q̃ me parecerão neceſsarias, afabez, q̃ o catequiſta do Dr. Pedro Affonfo chegando a Aracinaquera conduziſse ao meſmo Ajudante da Alhifa, que ficara doente, p.ª Arrubale; ed os meus doug Catequifeas, ou vinda, e ou ficava, guardafem a Igreja, porém com tal cautela, q̃ nad efchem apanhados, q̃ antes Se perdeſſe tudo, doq̃ perigaſſe afeu vida, e aj vindo o Caço mal paz rado se detivaſsem p.ª onde eu eſtava, e dando Me abençao, os deſpedi. Neſta occazião fe me amargavam os olhos em Lagrimas, Conſiderando, q̃ eu me detirava do perigo, e q̃ os mandava meted nelle: porem nad havia outro remedio. Lachado finalm.te o rio, ſobrevyo huma chuva tal, q̃ me parecia hum diluvio, e como nad houveſſe, onde eu me pudeſſe abrigar, todo me molhey de forte, q̃ a agora entrava pelo peſtoço, e ſabia pelo peo, a Cama, que eſtava emfima do Cavalo, tambẽ padecio o meſmo naufragio: eo peyod he, q̃ os livros q̃ eſtavam emfima do Boy, tambẽ incorrerão a meſma deſgraca, o Alhifal, e Breviario ficarão em bem mizervavel eſtado. Eu (como nad tinha doupe envolta p.ª veſtir), fui obrigado a ficar Com a meſma toda molhada, e eu todo penetrado do frio. Eſte foi o meu generall deſte dia. Neſte forma fui caminlando ate Arrubale, onde o Dr. Pedro Affonfo meũ Companho? noj trabalho; me acodio Logo Com doupe p.ª fora, e Com Comed p.ª dentro.
Doſtos agora ambos em Arrubale, os diſcurſos, q̃ fariamos, ja fe fabe feriad, o para onde, e Como haviamo de fugir, e como eſconderiamo o fatto da Igrejea. Eſtas erão as conſultas de dia, e denoyte, fem acertarmoj Com oq̃ deviamos fazer, quando na terça feira seguinte chegado os Catequifeas Com as novas deverem os Turcos chegado a Aracinaquera. Ja neſte tempo nos não podiamos devolver em Arrubale, (p. cauza de muita chinfandade, q̃ alli ſe tinha ajuntado, com os quaes moſtrou o Dr. Ledro Affonfo a ſua grande charidade, fazendo lles amarad Camadas, fechadas Com ſeus experimentos p.ª todos poderem eſtar d algum commodo, e p.º ogado ſuas Cercas fechadas de eſpinhos a toda p. amod dos muitos tigres, q̃ ha naquelly matos, tambẽ os pobres forão emendados Com oq̃ podia hum pobre Religiozo. Defuncarão aqui os doug Catequifeas alguns dias, depois partirão outra vez p.ª Aracinaquera, ſem outro veſtido mais q̃ hum trapinho p.ª defguardo da honeſtidade, (um Cambolim) todo Cozo, e hum pao na mão, hum delle, Com duas medidey de arroz em hum ſaquinho, e outro Com huma gar nella em outro p.ª o Guzinhar). Eſte foi ſempre o feu trajad deſte q̃ principiou, ate q̃ acabou eſte devola. Como os ditos Catequifeas não vindão p.ª volver, mandamos outros dois nodia seguinte, p.ª noj trazer aj novas, logue os Turcos tinham feito, eſe andavam ainda p.ª perto. Vierão, e entraram de noite na Igreja, e poſto achando tudo Embebado, acharam tambẽ q̃ nad tinham poſto fogo à Igreja, q̃ ora oq̃ noj mais delejavamos; q̃ já eſtava feita de novo, e (p. arte nova).
Voleado os doug moros Com eſta nova ficamos dalgumo alegres, q̃ eſtar a Igreja ainda Levantada. ainda tinha Leuado o Bergangil, q̃ cobria o Coropel do Deuabo, ſuppunho q̃ p.º ornato das ſellas dos Cavalos, q̃ for vermelho, Cor muito eſtimada neſtas terras. Quedavamos, q̃ eſtariamos em Arrubale ſem fo brefeito; porem nad foi, Como nos Cuidavamos; q̃ q̃ Logo noj Começarão atacar a marchad q̃ Continuoq̃ debatey, q̃ debodey as portey tocavão, agora vinha hum dozendo eou chegado a Cavaleria aqui, ja vinha oucho dizendo
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Dizendo ter chegado elrey, outro dia, amanham vem aqui. Elles erão ay nove, & cada dia nos vinham de todos os quatro lados, peõs nos custava muito acomodar aquelles dous, & alli estavão como noites leitivados, os quaes vendo, d'agente vinha fugindo, & não parava, senão nas serras, matos, & naõ davam & seguros, e por esta causa nos importunavão cada dia, & partíamos daquelle lugar. Se nos diziamos, & fossem elles; nos despendião, & fo hindo nos, hiriaõ elle. Parecerá agora a alguem, & ond se querem elle apartar de nos, era por algum acuyo, & tinham de nos tem elle corremos algum perigo; porem he engano. & o nos não querer deixar, era & sem nos senão davam & seguros. Neste tempo chegou hum Castelguize de Araximagueira, dizendo, & parecia estavem os Couzay com algum semblante de contento. & havia dous dias & não apparecia pela parte de Araximagueira: porem ella alega, desejava noticia dumdo ponto; & Logo nos deram outra. dej a Cavalariã tinha passado o Rio de Basvipova, & certamente nedia seguinte nos vinham visitar. Nos & nos nad achavamos com animo de agazalhar tais honrados hospedes, achamos & mais acertado deixar-lhe a larga, e belo Mermong coutra paragem, ca fim começamos Logo dal expedicão ás Couzay necessaria pª a marcha; mandando aos Christãos, amassar bem todo o seu feitinho; & na madrugada haviaõ de partir.
Partindo pois todos na manham seguinte, os nossos moros com effeito das duas freguezas, eos Christãos com effeito, e com ogado a meter-se tudo nos matos, ficando nos com tudo pregando pª o seguid no Lazo, & a necessidade afim opedisse; mas foi Ceos servido, & a Cavalariã a nossa vista se fosse fazendo em outra volez. Não era essa Cavalariã do Inimigo, mas sim do Alleijur, & vinha fugindo da cidade, onde fora desbaratado pelo Inimigo, como adiante veremos, e vinha louvando, tanto, ou mais d'omefmo Inimigo. Tanto & esta passou adiante, mandamos a chamar agente, & estava metida nos matos, e conduziu outra vez os fets pª a aldea. No dia seguinte mandey o Castelguiza pª Araximagueira, afim pª animar aos andava Le So, escondido pelas Couz, Como pª ver se tinha algua nova do estado das Couzas da Aldeia. Partindo elle; Como Logo duma voz, & se derivava o exporaty. Alegrou a todo cad boa, edesejada nova, ca fim comenzarão apod as Couzay Correntey pª se decovirem à juy aldey, eros efizerom també esperando pelos Castelguizes com a mesma noticia; porem elles aparecerão & Caminho defuzados fugindo, e com novy totalmete diverso da afirma, dizendo, & o Inimigo andava fazendo infilencias pelas partes de Araximagueira, & junto da cerca da Igreja tinham decepado hum braço, eferindo gravemente à Samandu algum gentio da mesma aldea, & não querer Logo largar o Ambolin quando elle lhe pegarão delle. Esta gente depois de ferido, etomada a couza & tinha sobre sy, foi Livre, Couza, & elle não trazão com algum outro, aos quaes depois de foram louvados, obrigavão a Corregad Com o Douby à tofar ache o Lugar, onde estava o exercito, talvez & estar todo fundo.
Este home todo banhado em sangue foi aver, se encontravaõ os Castelguizes, aos quaes achou estendido em huma cova com mais quatro homes. Tanto & o dito Castelguiza vindo ao sobredito home em tão miseravel estado, movido da charidade, o Conduziuão à fortaleza del Maduro, disfazente duas Leguas de Araximagueira, cujo O Mey sabendo & os Castelguizes erão os & tinham conduzido ao sobredito home, se enfiadou muito com elle, & andarem & alli metido em tanto perigo. Que estai guardando na Igreja? huma pouca de palla? Mey dizia; O Sacerdote, e Voz Logo Logo vos estavay destas terras pª Longe alle vermo, & Amindo tomão ellas Couzay, as quaes, me parece nad acabarão dentro em quatro meses. Com esta ordem partiraõ de noyte pelos matos pª Atubale, onde eu oj detive alguns dias & tomaram algumas Couzay; & andavão Confundidos, afim & Cauza do Comed; pois oy Continuoy affaltos, e sobrefaltos ne' tempo Mey davão (azin)
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Coxinhas, como també q̃ andaram de jridos pella chuva, estou. Tomado poi algu alento, o jorney amandar desobrir Campo. Porém depois de oito dias, sendo ja alte noite, e chovendo huma chuva com trovões, e raios eu, q̃ todos nos tínhamos posto em notaveis apertos, chegando outra vez os mesmos Catequizas todo enfolgados com agua, com alguns Christãos, que foram també pêrver a sua casa, dando p̃ nova, q̃ hum pe de exercito tinha apercebido as suas tendas de Campo em Arapinaguere. Com esta nova efmoceamos, entendendo, q̃ elle vinha sobre nos: pelos mandamos logo ao Mauque de Almabari por mandar se comprar ate hum vinte fanfones de mantimento p̃ nos, ep. aquella Christand: q̃ nos nad queria largar: porem foi logo servido, q̃ nad foy necessario tanto; poq o inimigo depois de estar alli alguns dias alivinçando algua couza, q̃ ainda defesava, levantou o Campo, e voltou outra vez p̃ a cidade.
Com esta noticia torney amandar aos mesmos mantenedores dos trabalhos, p̃ ver q̃ duiua tinham feito na Igreja. Como també orde, para q̃ lhe hum delle a cidade, no caso q̃ o Inimigo se hovesse algu tanto detivado. Voltando alguns Christãos, q̃ com os Catequizas vinham vindo, os quais deram noticia, q̃ o Inimigo tinha desvendido o cerco, e se retirava. Sem tão boas novas começaram todos a descender às suas aldeas, com enquanto o Catequista nad voltava da cidade, mandamos abafar os nossos provimentos, q̃ tinham vindo delgas, e estavão nas terras de Almabari pelos havia dous mezes, os quais como viriam depois de tanto tempo, e devolto, efucazado parece conservarse aqui. Chegou finalmente o Catequista vindo da cidade, dizendo q̃ o Catequista, q̃ la estava, me chamava, para q̃ fosse aver os Christãos: porem q̃ elles diziam, nad convinha, q̃ eu lá fosse, pois constantemente adoeceria. Disse entao este Catequista, q̃ se eu nad fosse entao, nad poderia hir senao depois de muito tempo; poq me era necesario chegar a Sapunagati. Respondendo os Christãos, q̃ na volta de Sapunagati poderia vir a cidade, poq ja entao estaria mais longa. Buidavase esta chegada a Sapunagati em tua odem, go De Superior) tinha ao Pe Pedro Affonso, e arroj, q̃ supposse a doencia do P. João Antunes, q̃ corria com aquella epidemia, nad lhe der lugar a tratar da Christandade, como era bom, q̃ nos tomamos aquelle trabalho ánoite lenta: e Como nos ache agora nad tinhamos podido dar execução adita odem: era esta boa ocasião, antes de elle me desdidher p̃ Arapinaguere. Chegaram també os provimentos, emoj deixando os amandados, partimos de madrugada p̃ amostra peregrinação, eo Carte quisera com as mulheres p̃ Arapinaguere.
Muito padecemos nesta Viagem, afim q̃ amos dos Caminhos, como q̃ amos das Chuvas, edos frios. Dos Caminhos; poq Como esfavao os Canoeiros fechados p̃ impedir apareger ao exercito, com grande advoes, q̃ se cortavão, e cahirão atre- refadas nos Caminhos, de tal sorte, q̃ nad era posivel passar agente, quanto mais bois, ou Cavalos, de esta causa nos era necesario andar pelos matos ape, ede volta em volta, p̃ diante, ep. faz, bufando por onde poder sahir, gastando muy tempo do necesario. Por amos das chuvas, edos frios, q̃ o frio continuado nos dava muitos, q̃ padecid. Consejada aquella Christandade nos voltamos p̃ as nossas Epidemias trazendo algum panpuri, carros p̃ comer, q̃ je nad echav q̃ efay parte, pelo Inimigo ser varrido tudo. Na Volta ficamos afeitos de P. João Baptista em Anubale, e eu despedidome do Pe Pedro Affonso, depois de andarmo dous mezes emayo de Campo: em continuos sobresaltos, pasti p̃ Arapinaguere, q̃ defasor as ruins, q̃ ficavão os burros, emais Labores. Nad achy no Caminho quem vendesse hum pouco de Lenha p̃ Cozinhar o arroz, ne quem vendesse gallo p̃ o Boy: donde Jepode inferir, que tees esfavao as arbores.
Ja he tempo de dar alguma noticia do may esforço, q̃ causavão os exercitos nestes Canoas, principalmente na cidade de Coie, q̃ nesta ocasião se viu em grandes apertos. Esfava o exercito do Majurad com o seu Celavay numa legoa de Coie, posto dentro de forte, trinchiras com muita artilharia. Corrião as dez trinchiras ao longo de huma grande Levede de agua, aqual fazia quasi inexognugnaveis as sobreditas trinchiras; ep. mayor seguranca se mandavão costar as pontes d'alta Leveda: porem nada disto bastou p̃ os Mayjures esperarem aqui ao Inimigo: muy ante esfando este distancia hum dia de Caminho, os mandou o Olegente Ehiav, e pod junto do Rio Cavori, que
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Transcription (Pages 98-189)
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j) Cora junto dos murallhes da fortaleza da Cova. Pela forte, o Comandado sobre elle o Inimigo, erão os Mayores obrigados apparecerse na Corrente do favõr. Vendo o Deluay, q'o Inimigo poderia vir (pònde elle estava, eq) lhe poderia fazer algum dano aqelos, deixando alli afue tenda com tudo armaj, fugio pº dentro da fortaleza, onde se confermava muy bem seguro.
Deyxemor agora aqui aos Mayores ja fem Deluay, preparando-se pº fugir, e vamos entenhad ao Inimigo, q vem amanchar fem o menor sobrefalto, e Comhadiçao, pondo fogo às aldeas, e douhindo aquantes encontrao. Pelo Caminho, q onde havia depafar, morave hum Christão com afua familia, aquel, efendo o Inimigo ainda longe, elle foi conduzid athé huma fortaleza, depois voltou atrasa befad algua Cova pº Comer, caminhando ja de Volta com a Carga, se deuolles de noyte na Caza do mayoral de huma aldea, q atinhe defamparado o. Acoltido aqui, deram os Inimigos de legente de noite sobre adª aldea, e o apanharaõ, e Cuidando ser elle o Senhor daquella grande Caza, o meteraõ a hatos, paraq entregaffe odinheiro. Efuzaue fe este com avaridade, porem nad lhe admitteo a efuza: may anny depois de lhe pilharem todo odinheiro, q tinha amarrado na Cintura, o encherão de feridas, efeuado Carregar com hum fardo de arros, ao Luuarad meyo dia de Caminho demorando sempre Sangue das feridas, atheq vindo o todo desfe- lecido, o Lugarad, e elle foi a cidade, onde os Christãos o Curarão com muito amor, depois foceerarão com boos efmoles de dinheirro, defore q pode agora com ellas viver bafantemente.
Chegamos ja a Mellucote, onde o feu D'Aluy fez huma prova digna de eterna memoria. Nelle Cota quedizeo... a melhor fortaleza. A efte melhor fortaleza, q efta sobre hum Outeiro, e efuau nelle hum chezuoro ab antiguidade, alem difso fe recolheo todo o Cabedal do dinheirro da Provincia, afim do lujo Como dos particulares, alem difso efuau todo o outeiro corado de ovelhas, e Cabras, q pº ali fe tinhaõ Conduzido, as quais sendo viad Famos do arbulho, deg) ditto Outeiro efuau Cuberto. Chegarad finalmte os foltados ao pé do monte, nq) efuavd sobre a fortaleza, qº o coftad começavd a Lincad gemay grandes pelo monte abeixo, de quey tendo medo as Cabras, ovelhy, emai gado, q efuau efcondido, ou metido pelo mato, fugio pº o Campo lano, cos Inimigos o Luuarad todo. Avelloufe efte perda q couca muito confideravel. Qehum Luuarador fey eu, q pedeo nefte ocasião feij Centay Cabras, eouay centay ovelhas, alem do mai gado. Bem fabia o Inimigo o Dedejo, q efuau nefte fortaleza, e pofta Cauza foi afpelada; Careça q fe nad tinha feito aoutro alguma. Nad houve nefte Conguísta efuavad de porque ; pq o D'Aluy, eftrando ainda o Inimigo Longe, lhe foi entregad as chavey da fortaleza (efte a acção memoravel) &q) vindo agente, q efuau dentro, fe comeceo a Lincad pela muralha abeixo, porem todoq foad dar ny mão dos Contrarios, q tudo tinhaõ cercado. Atj mulley q fenad atrevud a Lincad pela muralha abeixo, fe Comecarão apreciçad em hum sangue, q efuau denho com fleu gota. &q) vendo os Inimigos, acodivad deprifa affechar agora dodito sangue, eftranhando lhe ead grande delatino, porem pofo ficarem com vida, ficarad fem a boupa, q tinhad sobre sy.
Pofter ja depois da fortaleza, comecevad alargad com odinheiro, emej Couzay. Sabendo o Civdo do grande Cabedal, q aby efuave, efe tinha de novo decollido, mandou informarfe do prefídio, e municoy deguma), q tinha adª fortaleza, e achando eftar detal forte provida, q poderia fuftentar hum agortado Cerco defey mezes, mandou trazer afua prezença ao D'Aluy delle, depois de o deprehendêr aforamente, sabendo, q) com o Bra- mey não aproveitad palavra, maq apontes, procedeo a elle, efiad say, q) Creyo nad lhe preferid cad Cedo da memoria. A Cauza era; (pq) efendo a fortaleza tad bem provida, ou guarnecida, fe nad defendera por algum tempo; mas fem defparar huma peça, a entregare. Nad fora elle Bramane, onad seria fomelhante prove. Se quizerem ved o animo defta Cafa de gente, mettad lhe na mad huma penra. Werad, Como vencem, e tirad apelle atodos com ella. Efuvad todoq esperando, quando o ellayfur, depois de fe compofey ao Couzay, mandava effeitar em hum
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pão asfobedido Brumane, porem virad, dj depôz de eferd em machos com cabeu, abarba agada e cuberto de Cinza, foy apreendido com huma lindosa more; pq apresentou lhe Ante Dõ Alegrete, naquel lhe ordenava de baixoo de gnavy peray, dj chegando perto o inimigo fem movel contra elle huma arma. lhe entregou ay chave da fortaleza. Nad tinha Logo Culpa o Brumane, pois obrou, como ofeu Sobetano lhe tinha ordenado. També nefra occazied padecio fue affronta o Polo, dj estava na fortaleza, Cauza de muita fabrica, qely grande efmoles, e offensas, dj ahy Concoriem debdey as partes, este omeffmo Ouy todos os annos fazia efea domania p: tributar adoracoy a tad Eidiala, como falbo Divindade, agual os Turcos depois de Coroarnd Com hua pouca de Nace, dj matarad dentro domefmo Logode, ornead com hum tambor pendente do peftoco, paraq com afuvidade do instrumento aliviz ape ogrende pezo da Coroa.
Daqui partio o Inimigo Com feu exercito formado p: a Cidade em forma de meya Lua. No fermo efe quindo o Divad, no direito ofemare das praya, eno Centro o Tarcina, e Adogi. Neffe forma fe avifara E Com a Cidade, e Com o exercito do Almayfur. Mendou o Governador da Cidade Cotar Logo todas ay arvorey, dj impediad o laboral da artilharia. També obrigard a fahid da fortaleza ao Delavay p: animar ao exped- lito. Foraq efe General nad noj torne a embarcand apenas, acabemos Com elle, elom ay facharey, dj obrad neffa Campanha. Sahio efe pay da fortaleza montado no feu Cavallo, dj era debos condicad, pq nem corria, ne faltava, qualidades, dj agadavam mto ao Cavaleiro, efez alto fora, feij, ou fete pafto difante da fortaleza de baixoo da artilharia p: mayor segurança; e fobre hum alto, donde pudefe defrubrid qualquer defacato, dj algum intentafte executad Contra fue peftoa. Esfando goj neffe palanque, mt bem acompanhado, p: mayor Segurad do de alguma defcortesia, vio dj o Inimigo parava o do emfeguimento dos Almayfurey, e confiderandofe ja d. aganhado defmujen em tal forme, dj foi necefarío defterem-no do Cavallo. Aindad efe tad alentado homem, Rad defmayafe, sempre fe apearia, pq o Cavallo nad era cofeumado a Corred, efe correfe, teria o Cavaleiro a for- tuna de dar comfigo pod terra.
Loffo pay em chão seguro tirou Logo o Jamuderi de ouro, dj he hui punhab, divifa do Delavay, e o anel de onefma efpecie, outro do mefmo: tirou també today ay joyas das orelhas, e entregou tudo na mad de hum Confidente. Depoy Lancou a efeida fora, erad fuzendo mey montad do Cavallo, Lancou a fugid, gritando pelo Vigente, Como hui menino vey tomando chamando Alay, quando algu’ pobre lhe diz, dj o ha de Leuar no alforge: efoi parar dentro da fortaleza, ou defica Caza donde aste agora, dj pafa ja de douy mezez, nad tem falhido fefta Cauza, ergoj o depurad. Nem fe fala ja nelle; ne’ noj o nomearemos ja mey dagui fp diante, F nad dar materia de Cizo equem ifto Lvr. elle tornemo ja ao Olio, onde eftava o exercito do Almayfur, porem fem General, Epifo nel fe duve estranhad, Se fe ouvir dizer, dj fugio: quanto meis dj quando o Inimigo fe vinhe ja chegando perto, e os Almayfurey eftavão ja preparados p: o Conflito, Ney virjo hui odem do Alegrete, emaj ordenava nad Lvarfem da efpede, ou outra arma Contra o Inimigo. Agora elle em Confuzad, pq fp huma parte os Almayfurey tinham poftiuid Vonde de pelejed, principalmente os Turcos & variz Estoy; aprimeira ofer o exedito contrario muito inferior. a 2ª eprincipal, & fer aquelle batalha na; povay da forte, e avife detoda efidalquia, edomefmo Ouy, o qual nad deixarid de premiad aos dj melhor pelejefsem. Loffo nefes aportos nad fabid dj afolver, eftando Coridoy & de traz Com o Olio, & diante Com o Inimigo, e odem p: nad pelejed. Finalmté aperarad Comfigo deixarem-fe efead quiery no feu pofso Cadahum, enquanto o Inimigo nad Cabife sobre elle; pq no tal Cazo nad havia mey remedio, dj Lancarem-fe todo ao Olio, cuja gefagamnd einhad ja fondado.
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Diversa Esfoluão tomou o Chon Plagio, cabo digno de muita estimacão pelo seu grande animo, e boa disposicão na materia de milicia, oqual nad obstante estar ja tad alamado na idade, se resolveo afazendante ao inimigo com os seus legimentos; equal Esfoluão sabendo o Alley de Darmepudi, oqual militava debaixo do mesmo Chon Bejo, edequm era ainda parente muito chegado, tome bem conhecido assim pela perseguiçao, aj fez ao P. Antonio de Sertegao, emais Christãos, como por suas notorias Covardias, as quays quiz ajuntar mais huma nesta ocasião; pois sabendo da Esfoluão do Pio, nad se achou com animo de o acompanhad, e assim mudando a gerney ao Cavelo, nad foi parar, senad alem do Pio, edegui nas portas deforteleza. Valeo aceste valoroso soldado Pio nesta ocasião, p cujo defeito nad duebio odivido prontissimo a suas provas, e para nad tornarse afazend outra semelhante o mandarad p. Carmapuri. Tambem dou Viztong seguirad a Esfoluão do Chon Plagio, hum dos quaes era de folhala, donde tinha vindo havia pouco tempo com Rey mil homens de pie, e quinhentos de Cavallo, dou elephantes, e alguas Camelos afonear praça debaixo do Mayfur. Chamava se este Paté Naica. O outro Vizir era do Turabo, lugar junto da cidade, cujo irmão nas portas de Mague matou ao Deluay da forugia), e morreo tambem degervidas da pendencia, como ficá dito afima. Estó estes dou Jmais soldados de nome : porem este anno Gouand foy Mayfur provey, movendo valerosamente pelo Pio, e Paga houve pelejavad.
Esforavado estes trez Cabos com afeita gente apõe quedo ao Inimigo. Travouse apeléja, Levava ja o Chon Lagio ao Inimigo de Vencida, quando lhe comecia adad nas Costas o Somangy. Néd digo aqui mais deste kaydov, porm adiante se fara especial menção delle. Vimos Chon Plagio sobre o Somangy, co Inimigo sobre o Chon Plagio; foi apeléja tenhida. O Paté Naica ficou prisioneiro, elhum dos seus Elephantes tomado: o outro Vizir foi morto, varios soldados prisioneiros; entre estes os Christãos de Darmepudi, oguaes depois de serem despojados ate das mesmas Cartas, aj tinham ao peito, forão sentenciados a morte; porem (por Deus servido, aj hum Christão do exorcito do Divid vive nas mãos de hum dafua parcialidade dum Escravo, aj elle tinha tomado ahum dos Christãos afima), e informado do demay foi buscar o dito Christão, e Conhecido pelos Saudaões se abracarad, (nad livres de morte, e depois Luedos aos quartey dos Christãos do Diuad, depois de vestidos, forão degaladg com Comed Felpaco detrey dias, edepois mandados Luery, tudo o maio do Escravo. Os mesmos diforão aos de Darmapuri, como tinha vindo com juas mulhas a Arufmagueire, afim aj subord efser alli Igreja de Cristão; ca preguntando ahi Vello, aj acharam nadiia aldea, onde estava o Padre? elle lhey dispondra, aj junto com o de Ambale senha derivado eff. Alambary. Defpondo o Vello della sorte; (ca) je pergudido, aj nad erad christão, mas gente d'queria fazer algum mal ao Padre, e por esta causa oj definou dizendo terem je aumentado p'tad Longe.
Só pfo pelejou o Chon Plagio com hua Capitão de Cavalos do Varana pvario tempo, porem vendo o Turco nad poder bem medir a espada com o Vello Chon Plagio convocou outros Vizis em seu socorro, oaj vendo o Chon Plagio, mandou retirad afeita gente. Ja a outra parte do exercito do Mayfur ja tinha levado alem do Rio, espero no quarrel da fuide, excepto o Majeya, deguom ja falamos afima, aj montado em hua Cavallo, veio em socorro do Chon Plagio; porem como agente estava ja desfordenada, nad foi posivel fazer Cofto ao Inimigo, e assim je lanzarad ao Pio, onde se virad em grandes apertos; porm departe dalem estava o Somangi, cujas setas, e balles da espingardaria choviad sobre os Mayfures, departe daquem vinha carregado o Inimigo, os Mayfures metido no Rio movendo como todos. Vendo o Chon Plagio este desamparo, mandou carregar sobre o Somangy atado o dito. Assim se fez, e o traidor fugio; o para onde! adiante se verá : eo Chon Plagio com afeita gente se foi virid Com odemais exercito, aj estava entrincheirado junto da Fortaleza, como ay Cabray no Cural. Hai o Vello Chon Plagio
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Magio tad campido, & foi necesario hum soldado de Darmepuri ajudar lle Com hum Cambhij, emq elle se deixou
no meyo da estrada, & corria ao longo da fortaleza, onde estava posta a Cavalaria).
Pazí Aluca, & tendo sido prezonioso no choque affma, foi apresentado ao Divad, oqual o deprehendeo, por nad
pellejar bem, sendo d' era, & melhor o tende feito. Preguntou lle també alauza; qd o Mayhury sendo tanto, naõ
pellejavá? Respondeo elle; qd se lhey nad pagava bem. Preguntou mej, se ogueria acompanhar, qhe seguiria ficar?
Respondeo elle, q visto o Mayhury lhe ter dado alle estado o arroy, nad convinha Langalo naquelle ocasião. Louvou o
Divad a desfuzad, enfindoelle hui Cabeça, etouca desfo de ouro, lhe mandou dar hum Cavallo Arabico, eq se
offre embora hora p. o Mayhury, mas nad lhe deo o Elephante. Depois de o Divad, ebricama tod feito em pedaço hu celebre
febo, & ficava em hu ouxivo, hu tivo de pece da fortaleza, onde o Rey todoj o arroy se via purificad das culpas annuas,
gaharad Aluo acoutra banda, qd o Mayhury quando forad fugindo, lhey mostrava o caminho da pahagem. Logo departe
delom mandarad oj Rey, Cantona, Sidoyy, e Canara, & estavão ja junto dos muraçhys dagarte do rio, pedir licença ao Divad,
q tinha feito alto ao Longe, p. afalarem a fortaleza. Consultou o Divad aponto ad hu Embaixador dehu Negulo, q
Com elle estava; oqual respondeo pareud temeridade, pq lhe parecia, q onad dejparare os da fortaleza huma peça, nad
parecia bom final, ed o Mayhury estavão dentro provendos, esperando caffalto de propofito, p. matarem etodj dentro,
q se deixaffe o affalto p. o dia seguinte. Mandou entao o Divad em nome do fiao Mogol aos fondeiros, q se deixaffe
logo, ed nedia seguinte se defolveria, ed se devia fazer. Assim se fez, eo sobred. Embaixador mandou logo juremente
avizar hum filho feu d. efteva dentro da fortaleza, da defeluzad do inimigo, paraq metefsem Logo dentro a folhadefia, q
efteva fora.
Nad mandou o Alegente enhad agente aquelle noyte, mas quando eu esta crociuad p. o dia seguinte: porem o
Governador da Fidele nad se fiando de poucos guarnicid dagraça, mandou q todas as Casas cheuad toda agente,
afsim comoj, como mulherej, a elles ordenou, q fossem cabeiroes de Lanja de arco, fervendo sempre, p. ao tempo do
affalto Lancad elles Liod peles Cabeças dos Inimigos; eos homi, q efiverefem enfima das muraçhys com paes, epedras
nay maij; qd as peças estavão p. ornato da fortaleza; paz nad havia hum artillheiro em toda ella, q foubefe dejparad p.
ante armemos huma. Baste dizer, q hum em lugar de metrod aballa, encheo a peça de palha debatte, & se nad
fez isto q alguis odeem ferirem, suppondo q foi com profundo juizo, paraq aquella afeguada foffe abrazad ao Inimigo:
porem Como Cafiife sobre os Mayhures, q estavão junto da muralha, elle forad oqj tirarad debaixo do incendio. També
neffa noite sucedeo outra perturbação, aquel hua cuifando avida aj Plainhas; qd sucedendo, q entre os Cavalos, que
estavão prezaj junto dos muros, foltaram fe dou, e começaram a moderije, p. o accommodad, houve fora grande matinada,
Com aquel alborozad oj de dentro, cuidando q o Inimigo ja efteva sobre as muraçhys. Disto mesmo avizarad ao Rey,
oqual ordenou Logo, q o mefmo Edalgo do avizo tornaffe hua eftrada, elle com outra effem Cortad as Cabeças aj Pla-
inhas. Soube defe defeiteno Convara Arafa. Edalgo deveo prindar, e foi Correndo a Palacio, e tirou as eftradas dey
may com dou Valentois, afegurando oj da verdade.
Como nad de formoço fem ofiu ferad, avmb' o Sen Magio foi comprelenddo nella matinad, poq nad se
dando q seguro fora da fortaleza, vzoa huma naca boa p. se introduzir dentro, dizendo ser hum negocio de humma
importancia, q comunicar aj Magd nequella mefma noyte. Tovad parte ao Ray, oqual mandou se abrifsem
a porta a elle só. Entrou, foi a Palacio, dife, emcoms em tal, etal belueze fe devia mandar fazer isto, e ifto.
Ordenou o Rey, q elle mefmo tornaffe aquelle negocio a hua Conta, eq p. ifto ficaffe dentro da fortaleza. (Era
o intento.) No dia seguinte como se meteo dentro da fortaleza muita gente degée, nad seguiu o Inimigo arrifkar?
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do ephelho, me. Consentoufse Con hu apontado Corte, oqual fe durante mai vinte dias, toda a gente ordinaria, q
efvara denho de fohelera, hung sobre os outro memoria toda. Como os Mayores deziron a fue archellria nos lugares
dos Gincheiros, ferio afet ao fimigo g estar Continuemte. acambando agras. No tempo do Cerco Corhau o
Inimigo todo o Palmaro, erecas, erdas es mais arvoves, al chavd nad fo junto de Adda, may tombe duy Legay
em regor. Az hovia, e Vinges fadecear a Noma duine. Mandou finalmte o Aly & Confello de alguns, hum
Embaixador ao Divad pregentos a Caute daguella novidade; spo sendo o Mayeur Alo adoprioe do Alugol,
nas tuis dad p. se lle guzes femehambe fon dezad. Alepordo o Divad: if Co O Menjur fer filho do Mogol,
linhe elle vindo com aquille exporeiso a tomar pohe daquulle Eunor, cuja Aly morrera havia ja tres meses,
es Q efes Carza viera. Gol ned era bon z hun. Pleno tad grande Grafe sem Rey, ne Delaresy eg afion oni
os da fortaleza fe defendepion, ou entregafem Logo ay chave delle, quando nad d amandara affluir, e mandal
pahar a effala atodo os fidalgos g defenforores do povo Luradores, Cuja alea ofervao ja inteiramente defeituos.
Euzavaie o Embaixados dizendo, afer o Aly vivo, en furia Delary: Comendo q volaria a faber a Cortare
Detudo. Deo Ne o Aly jivamento, gerai nad encrobrife Coura alguma, i o Divad Acrele dito. Alepondoo fi
elmente dizendo tudo, quanto tinha pa hedo. Mandou o Segunda vez difefe ao Divad, q tuva Rey, e Delary,
on affirmaek com o juramento de par a mad sobre a fida. Afum je fra, eo Divad Affpondeo efes palbures
por se afirm he, garaj me enganarad e acrefembou. qe mandafem logo otributo, qy quacia purdi g
a fa tene, e q odice tributo devia Conferd de quatorze Cotly, cada Coti jab em mil legues.
Enquanto fe ajufava og Schevie dedas, mandou o Veplay cao conhecido detodos, afim q foi grande valor
como pelo defers anezcapados, q fondo coq Onquilcando as Mayord, agl elle agora pupue, hum fuu Conidente, que cofe
preguntar ao Divid, q o movra avod fecal uma femehade nuens vilfe, depora o Alguyr era Abduior? Ao que
Divid despofinde, q nunca afus tenclis con chegar aby: porom como o chamarvo com tanto emprego, todicura: oque
tudo Conferre daguella Carta de Nuguente, ou em fu nome, arguise imbrago na mo do Conckdente para a Vepe
ao Verlayo, aquel q queribeu prom nfo contante segndo, q onad foube huma Vid do Aly, aquel Por logo do fu
Palacio Corrente no do febrino reprehendilo d clabririd armas tal Regente, Derad por nofu Nuevo hum Ce-
Lany de suppoftidad, aquel durie for o filho dell Reayo, pf Cuja Cara elle partio Logo, adjuiro os sobridito quiphe
acuir annos horia. G tanby titeloy divida a fac illufre Cara. Eluava-se afc com os hug poucos annos, aindaque
alcaze era outra; porom Como the rad Conviniha manifestela, allegave fs afsobedia, Clemente Refpuco, que nao
tri pobivel alienaro elle mais, q sobridofo Che o Palacio vizitar ao Aly ainhado Do mesmo, Coura q ha muitos
annos ferds praticada entre elles dus Caro, ca foterd Eduly era tão oppofta ae Villayo q ne onome delle poda
ouvir. G elle nao queroz Cazar com ella. Coura q elle tad de veras pertendeo, q esta Curza perfequis tanto ao Veayo,
q otto Lanear fora dos fus Palazes fluto com tanto differecio della, q ela ft. maj le vinger delle. Se foi a menar
nully. Finalmo: nas tendo o Veplay ja lugar entre os domays Fidalgoz, foi obrigado a fazer humanas Leaz, ordim?
for daquelle andar da fortaleza, ende menore ha muyz annos Como Lanzado izmagend.
Chegou finalmo o filho defe agreagence de S. Magde, onde achou ja a febritide mulher. Sinha o Rey
ubi ja o azel, q tinhe mandado tina ao delacy paydo emprezo de fues chamanehas procas, oqual offeracao
ao novo General; porom efte fe efeczure, hule orz com os poucos annos, outa. Com a Ceyuirea do Ray, outra
Com fus ensulo, q tantes mejos einhad tomado pt. rootinquir afue Casa. Com todo nido foi be fante, para
o Rey defifiro do intento, mag antoz com muitos juramentos q fazia, davre a enthoder, q iney defifturia do Lygo
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y de the dar o Delinquido. Logo isto nefey corroyo aheixon a Cabua oferendo Padre recebendo o anel, e Jenun-
dorj damuel domespo My. Grande foi o contentamento, q em muyto auceu efa nove adesio. Pedio o Collevar
logo Licencia, p hot her no juntimo, porom o Rey rio não quiz las dizendo q guardase aquelle broi p outra
occasiao en G agora se defe o tributo ao Dizde, q se ajfere em guastore lepofl, ogual febebo comenzado os
primores a dtrange Com ro vagar, gundo logo os elles, Gonde papauad, everendo todo os ainda defeue; nem
griued Laurey defe lide vondora algum home, ou mulher, fe anzo g dilgrava era agonados.
Nad fe pode explufa bem oefrago, q pedetoo todo efte famara elle anno fo Cauze defejr drobes. Po
Granhali pt atate f Cauza do fongu. De Granhali athe junto de Ambali, fo Cauza dos Curios, e Marabes,
ogque aleq de acholay ay erca, fazibd torpas dez, e com tel publicidade, q muy garvede Cavalos defen frebos,
q bony Euacionag: quantas mullery morivada ne mefmos elos da torpeis? quantas quizarod antes morer ago
gades nor log, etangues q vivir com tal Labo na fus lapo! guenta gente (lion fon novices, ne orells, q omos
dos joyas q finhad nelles, as quers q nad gefeu) como em fe Grad go ouher hied fugindo diante. q g mad gra-
pahem, concluido degrege Cornefes, Cortandelys q orches, e naries, emo as joyas efuered potes, flentodo na
muos hea ferando fuvi onulemo aos outro. A ouhos dependaruxo nos arros con os jog pfima. Cabes po
baixo, depois hazendo logo tho guantas debaxo, eng quimurdo muita gemeute longe q mo fabace. delpe
modo maturo, q nad guveruem dizid, onde feavi efendeno dinhevo So alres. Nu allus, onde nad acheuo
Louze alguk, punhab Lago ago. També afte foguje, nad ofiance achevem nella alguna Coura, efue tad porto defes
guicinera, q ja elle tinhas olgo na meso p the apliced, foud Che eligiom Amhora, aguem elle he dedade, por
moyo Vihum gentio, q elle tinhao apredido go Lobor alguma Coura, em he Companhia, aguel hy peso nob Lanceperon
ogo. Qy nao un Caza go Governador, ne de Bramane, me Schuon eligioso defex fone, edeh, onde elle diaza afua
Mefe, efueis onaid. Por algui Conhecimento, q os digo tinhas do Padre, Da fente ley, nad fo defpicado da aced, may
tambe ficand mo cantante, efhorad, q quem efabe algua fornadas ao tay fatendo. Cometeria huma grande ma-
Signidade. Estando elle nefey Conferencias, vejo defira hum vizio gritendo, q nad lancechem cego, qy era Syrete
dos Chriflians. Nove vezey em difero dias vuendo jaguedo a alres, efmon vinhas falar de lesno no terreno da
Igreja, may fim toma Coura alguma, ne simba Lenho pr Devinhad. Donde fe imphe nad ferem elle co muy a loulang,
may fim aquello, qy nad tomem nada q poder, fe devioraro dean efpondido pelas alturas qfe abimpavam nefes oca-
ziao.
Somorny he bum Morafra, Jr menors do Sidoyi, aquel vejo esano gepado Londry mil Cavalos, ethy
mil homos de go q afundia praca nas terrys do ollyfur, go dyforday, q tioure Com fo, diose elle; o porque e
quand Creis olabe. Efue ote homi sei muy popo junto da cidade fem beebis folo, ne felbro nho. Realgun
Reporunteva. Poi onad his Ecbos a forteleza Alepondia, q os da fontalha tho viegem trazd ali. Dixia o May-
Jar, q y fe the dar o folo, q era neceffario poi a Dioje, ou Maria nos Cavalos conforme ao Infame daterra.
Dreis otomanayo, q ifco d nonhumo forta. Afhom efave todo otemigo afima posto reflo teyma Dilgradao de
mucher, q papaua avilfe, ou ha vinder honro aquella paragem; qy era Leuda aos quarto dos flados, depois
defor publicumo a fondada, dono nad voltau, ferdo quando elle queriad. Todo ife efave vendo, efondendo o
Marujur, nad fer porque. Efave tambem em Companhia defte nun Aleajapura com fee Contos Cavalos q tinha
vindo gedemo mesmo fim; povem nad cao inflene, Como opnime? Efue dou Sabo kinhad amandang ez meg, ao
Maryud; Poi le q mandava, q fehihem qua das fuey terras: detead q mio efaveo phfo: ps dor febre eles nad
havia poder helpoeve na Rida; q chamat nun dos duy socorren, q efaveo con Campo, hun nas ponc de Meguem,
**[Anotações marginais]**
[No rodapé direito]: Quem foe o Comany?
**[Assinaturas]**
[No final do texto]: coucho
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**[Texto Principal]**
contro nas de Sire, ou a Cavalaria, agente de defeue mas praeias fronteiras, era diuisar tudo exposto à inveja do inimigo. Como achardo o melhor, aj os Cauas eferuem açion, eo Somangy ofea Campondo? Grauem os quiauem, epaenj che fem Dacayo. He puxedo em Dois fete Trope de Cavalari.
Efiuindo ao Courte nela forma, abie fe ajunsd naquele lugar todo opção de elleifuar, g vinhe chamando ao frumigo pt alova, o cemangi fazendo muyes promefas de entregar a Cabua defeu br nas mão de Negente; apor ifo, ou pelos Gobe lhe mandou dos obredito Regenta tres Lepra, nad dando Coua algume aos dinios Robados; mas embre elle ficarab, como fe sabe na ocidad dapajela. Quando appareceo o frumigo, (nad alguno dos Mayores) el porola, fixindo Gran as Suas barrajas, como efand, lo cemangi Regarene Chen Nagio, amanaza toda afue falada sobre os Camello, e Elephantes, g vinhe bufendo ao Cofoos do Chen Nagio, e no tempo de efte fe barchoul com o Ini- migio. Re comeions aquale ador fobro aqua gente; peloj o fun Nagio fo obrigado a virar fobre ele, efezelo papar alen do Olo, onde quando allo matou muito gente do Chen Nagio, quando effe efoue murde no blo. Daguy foi Correndo, egritando the abrihum as portas da Fortaleza, porem de fime deferido q apparentefe Licapa. Elle entab Lanchi hum elephante pt anober as portas, porem pelas fetivas com Zanzay, e defina Com gebras on defivido. Vendo o Somany aque fuftundes os feus intentes, foi pt Almayur, onde ele o thizono grande, ebidente Delta Corte hum bom moço dia de Lemindo, perende hie flazendo infultos, e arquitades de morte, e danbos. Tantog affland Arealiza. Comepu a fazer Sinas depaz com as bandeiras, porem os dy muvathes nd eftrivoa Qifer foroe, eafim no guizond abrir as portas, protefava elle dizindo, q a Liucia vinha atag, g abrifim: Dixiad on te debeno, que em ella chegando, Ne deviao execufao. Pretendo Luar as portas g fora, gorem foi difiguido detel forte, que fe efirno com porta de baftante gente.
Daguy foi Correndo ache a fortaleza de Chonmaheli, go cujos matos achou e ferunda agente funde de oito dias De Caminho: també aguy Livou na Calca. Devendo paftar ao Crugo, porem como efuard es Canaveij guchedo, Vol- tou g Caminhos defuzados, Correndo j unto dos bios, Gonde efam muita gente chendida, d toda fa vejo alchou nas mes. Corro olfe home todos, os Cumors da Aguita camendo tubo, athe J fin pelos matos Com Carros, Elephantes, Camelos, gadon, hone, e mulleres dar conlfigo em Cutcalium terra de jagra, aquel depois de alimpada muito bem partio pt Magri. Cujo Sigulo fe rouve detal forte com tad terrindo hopfide, d alum de Ne tomou tudo, quanto elle Livou. Ne matou muito parte degente. Vindo o Somangy, J echo Galo Re Canteur, com Mlegti, fe efons dao, e flaguo, form able agora fabbrimos p ordre. Quas Coura podendia offe Valuedo Guarn nas curas do Magriad: tuma ora privar da Vide ao Chen Nagio, em falta facto de huma Cubilada, g da mais demefmo tinha Excedo na Cara no Celebre Cerco de Chicavelopara; ep efa Coura undara, Sempre afonecendo ofu arranal junto do Chen Nagio, porem efte Ne febia fugir dell fonte Com o Corpo, g nunca deo Lugor aquile de confeguir efu intento. A outra Coura era tirar a Cabua ao Rey, como mefone depois em Cartes fitas, em nome do Aleunta, nas queta dizia, g tanto o inimigo papafe o Blo, viefe edito Somangy bufar as portas da Corteleza de porte dedul, eq elle Aquente ordinaria ao Rey fe deixave pt afortaleza do Magriad, gd efte Se podia, plantas elle fachife apotas p fora, depe fobre elle, g Luaria ganca Comitiva, g Ne Cortape a Cabua, equie The dariu tanto, ctanto. Pefo o Rey ja em termos de fuger, vicerão tres fidalgos tuí máe nelle, fegurando de nó to melo, omquanto elle tiepun vide. Se ha, g eles nao tinheb facio afsbedite Corta para facer mal ao Aleunte, czarab efa fineca g alguma provia noticia, g fiuerzo.
**[Assinaturas]**
Pantoque
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**[Texto Principal]**
Cantou o Divino Leão das terras de Manjor, se dividiu dos Companheiros, e tomou o caminho de China velapora, a Luso Negrol mandou pedir a Caixa dequera, e no Cerco passado tinha tomado ao Maydor Cipe Ola gulo, e não queria. Mandou pedir o Elephante, em que tinha ficado graxenteiro o Delaway domeno Aleipon naquelle occasião. Respondeo mefmo. Mandou lhe pagarbe atributo. Dize q erad pagave fora do Webabo de Siora. Vendo o Cuad ente secuna Me ordenen Se agarellage p: pelejas. Aespondes q efava prompto, e fem esperar q o Cuado fe pu zefe com forma debatelle, deo sobre elle, e ne pilhou trinta Cavalos. Não podendo Cuado fefpontante nufelia, mendou mil folados depis, equinhentos de Cavallo afagueritte as terras, por nomnhá voltare a fu Armo como os novas de facço. Conhecendo o Divid, e navegava contra a maré, eg evento fle era ponteiro, fe fixz en ouira volia com metade dafus gente menos, emanten hum Embarcadorso ao Manjfur, pt effe mohedre ofeu expedito, pt ambor darom sobre Chualalepona, porem o Delaway do Maydor le efucace dizendo, q afua gente depois da cha que de Calde fe tinha espallado, nad tebia G onde, aquel nao era popfel ajuntar com aquella brendte. Pad ora efa legitima caua de efusa mas Som alguma trayçal, q o Leyente He teria atindo, como ja tinhe feito em outra varias oucafas. Vendo o Cuado, q de Nemhul modo podía farei mal aoferbó Aquelo, agora te poucos dias Levantou Tempo, egerto p: as suas torres; pelas nas tornarnomes mais a falarem nelle.
Os demais Companheiros partiram pt Sacari Latra Cidade do Manjuor ao Norte de Nagie, pt a deftuir aofu antigo Senhor, q he ofemará debemo, aquel omeimo Canavi tinha apelando no tempo, q o Manjuor estava Corido na Cidade; porem com tão meu juicio, q guesi todos, morreno é mais dos Lavadores, q o gouernador de indijuria vinhe melado dentro. Chegada es tes pernages a fine, os mais abales, q Medrado, nunca fizera mais que perder muita gente, q efta Cauza voltara sobre os espaços Vollegado, q anno paflado chemou ao Manjuor pt imporlar apofo de Eria ao Cariana, d agora pretende alguns forneles, q o Manjuor feu antecede tinha dado de monte ao sobes Veigalo, ogual tem dado muito hablado aos hoy Confederados. Agora ha poucos dias, o Negolo fingindo nas terra que comer, menhou poder aos do Cerco Licencia, pt Saber da fortealeza, com as fias armes, q o Cariana viebe tomar entreaga delle, God ela, q nad cor dentro municies, nad se pode ya mai defenden. Veya o Turto no Concerto, q elles fabraba da fortelez muito bem armado, Devab sobre os inimigos q neb efeub acusados q efez Departe, q efez laura mortendo defua parte mais de mil homês afora do Cariana, como do mana; q do Siloby nad morre ninguem, q andar no tempo do choque ocupado em combater todo quanto os fornecidos Canara, q Cariana kinhad non fou arrazees. Tambó na ocasion da pendencia tex o Aquelo tempo pt meter dentro de fortelez aq munizao necuporia, depois de quebuer a bebece eo pringipo, se tornou a Rechov a ella, onde ainda efez, amebas com agertado Cerio. Dizan q vay outra vez em su focro hum escrito de Manjuor mandado a dou Cabo de nome, buen delles Nagaya, q ja canno papado on achria, q congedir apofo de Tarquina, o outro he Morzanane, Webabo, q fi domome Soia, q como perdo duo, fe dezelles nay corre do Maydor, equal compardendose dele, o honvord com o titulo de general, q tinha o Chen Regio, q hoje fe vi Levantado annayor fortuna. Vay o cocerito em focro daquelle Negolo, quero Dou nas feja pt chumos outra ves eo pringipo sobre a Corte, como ja suiedeo, doi algi Delayo ha nilo, qo fejevan trinchara com grande Calor a Cote da fortelez, qe manda sahir delle toda agene, q neb tives poply pt meter um fus cazas fuerte p: hun anno.
A nova, q come, he q acabade affunida do Negolo, volca os mefmos, q vieram cennno papado, concepto o Divid, qy ficaro com aboa doce, e maio colgaça. Je as Cauzas do Manjuor tomad melhor Caminho, nas he que Esquerdes feita parte, qal tem poder pt impedir a entrada das tias coisas. Mes otrocalho ha q dicam von Affiana Com todo ofeu poder pt ficar de afiento nesta Corte. Levado tym manarchelys q delle the com dilo, etamborn por difiança
**[Assinaturas]**
(Ilegível)
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**[Texto Principal]**
Difereçay, o cam todo com o Magol, o qual dizem, q ouem bufando com hum groho escovato: se he Cesta anoticia acabou tudo isto. Nem gristo he meispiero muito. Ahim o julga quem vio refe Provincia da forte agora dez huas anno toda florente, e a ve agora toda loubehe, es altayas guemindas, ogado, hun levado do prinsigo, o outro, o Girene, vey morindo dehum mal teo Contagioso, o p.papar de huana aber a outra befa evento. Esfete Cauza merde des teras ficard fonear, eg as fermedaj falon a Chure. A omfra doenca Contagiosa pafon i gente, pela qual cauza nas fe owre mais q choran defunto, e amy me he necehario andar fempre em Contrive Viagej e muale vezes a pe tag no Boy neo he poftivel & amor de Doenca do galo, Goj rez aldey, onde ella nao tem chegado, he fobey vigias para nad chegue goto Boy algum de outra parte: de may q Boy podori darlle della detta doenca no camino e me fori onis molefla, dog se chi ape. Elle ha dou mesos q efte fechado, paraj the no toque evento, aindaq me parece Efuade diligencia, goefendo ody Cachequelas com omefmo dfeguardo, vey cahindo todg elfe dias. Ot doenca Começa afum nagado, como na gente, com hum notevel tremor de todo o lenro, e Com grande feacue de booa, may fe bebendo agoz hum puco maiz, he Corte a more, Goj os Curfo de langua, de le od muy molefla nefra doenca, en febres fe excepund de tal foze, q o negocio fe Conclue breuen? Tem fe obferiado no gego, q mom, tor os bos fos, efigado muito inchad, Como adoece, q da na gente, feja amefna, Caufela nella os melmos effitos; agual fe ajuntari orada tomem os homs q Comer, qj o Jnimigo afboln tudo, efo algul Plaquj Elegend entendido, poram quan o bom, nas o quer vender, Vendo o anno, como fe tem golpe. Amy jepgo, Parupu manteiga, Leite N nada. Bafe finalmte die, q nem Juan Jelo, q Cante em huma Aldea, go faberom, fe efamos perfo, ou Longe da manhem. Todo Leuardo, clado Comaroa os Cypros, e Marafus, alem elly os foldeados do Mayjur, e tambem ora nas end folbedes, offerendofe boa occafiao.
Atal epedo eft Edudido elle Canarà. Geos the acide Com feng apfreies auportie amor de ale gun, fervos fou, q ainda por aqui tam, quando nòs grande rabable The fito. Nem V.R. Dixe de en comended ao mefmo Senhor offe negocio garad ponha os seus Divinos olhos neles povos Criftaos, q ainda auguy tem.
**[Assinaturas]**
Jeros de M.a Joachim Gias.
Noticia do Estado, e Governo da Corte do Mayjur.
Deixoy leforado pf efte Lugos os Devolos, e perturbables, a o Jnimigo com afia entrada, q for uffez Pleno, um caufado nepa Cove Maylurenje, aquel fe vi hoje toda perturbada com hung governor, q rab com pi nom Car beig, dos quaies eu quero aqui espores alguns, paray fe viaj espore esperance, q efe dino nos di Dafue Confor macho, eambp pf fe los nun pouso com efes Capartades. Governor os Cono da Cidade, onde fey Governo, come tanto variar. Os tempo o Jnimigo anduvo q fora da chalada Correndo atrez dos Maygures, ofere o Augente do Ruino sobre amurallar las penetrado del modo, q nas baftewd dou haney de Cala Leda p.f.en mal nulle, porque os tremores q lle dauh, col tae, q facieli Cahir por terra. Amimava o filho do St Pago, que hoje he Celaway, ethe
Page 107
**[Pagina 50]**
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elle pedia a Saphie (ra, esquebe junto das fontes monedo sobe hum Elephante: porq elle queria hir ler no Jnionigo.
porém mal podera en anano o fahir fora da fontaleza, quem dentro della efleire muyto morto demaido. Pedialhe emefas
fidalgo de renomos mandebe leuther pt dunto os Cavalos da Efterberie Paol, al dia fora; porém não era ouvido. Era
adia eferbaria humaçon de degueira, nelle cheves mais de mil equenbentes Cavalos, cos melhers dellayza. Enhand
nelle os Jnionigos, e os fond levado debux dou muito à fue ventale, e sendo os Mejores depois vendo tudo.
Depois realangos dias mendou o Governador do Adebo bozentes aventureros, ver se kntis fiado algum Cavalos,
os Conduçion yst a fontaleza. Fondo cacharad ainda alguno quinhuntos, porém a mayor gente delle, que
tinção morido afome. Muico traballou effe Governador na ocuazid do Coro, porém com pouco fruto: elle mes-
mo era o Carregara, edave logo as peças, lanzandose primos. O teme, invocando ao fus Duesj; porém como alle
numa fe tinhe aplicado aquelle officio, ne os Deos tinhad ouvido; q' ouvir as fuys depredação, Sahy vinha onad
se amarrer nada.
Tantos o prineigo Divas veço a Concertos, enquanto elle fe ajupauo, have fospenfas de armes, a comu-
nicación entre huas conho partilo. Vierad tambó do cocorito do Divas quaho Portuguesan vindos dela Savia
pauco tempo; entravd os taes dando de fontaleza, eroad a prezença do naro Delway, oguel me due a cadahum
huas Cupaj degrate & cada dia. I quisipem ficar no Alayzar, porém elle pediu mais duas por dia. cadahum
mas o Delway como não kinda ainda os fus Couras bem entabulados, nad fe quizs ependor amais. Andarad ecy
homei pepurindo g alguns dias denho da fontaleza com tanto Concerto de popo, q idea hum braza mai de funcentes
pepos Comfigo, gente at tals Concertos, aved aquelies figuras defuzadas ne tom. Andarad sempre abonod pelg
luac, nó perdoao a nade Conselvel d achajam, ep efes Causa acabandofe Ne ebola, foro obrigados averder
as Spades. Ofue mayor emprego era no vinbo daerra, de te Caura muito buxas. Encuentranó finalmente com
lume muter Christiam, e vendo Re o Rozario a pechofo, tum Ne pegon delles, dizendo J St Chisto? - Sim
Senhor, Respondo elle. Elle preguntou em Portuguez, e ella Affendio em Canara. Argumente elle - Fachequista
onde tem? Refegundo ella, A no entendia aquella Lingagem, porém dhóre chamor o Opderesi, J he mesmo,
d Cahequista. Voye efes, e Como entre os Portugueses eficifie hum, d felia Langa Tuva, eficereno falado vario
tempo, e aprimeiro Cova d preparaveno, fri, onde efres o Pdon, pp fe gueria Confesor? Dipe o fachequiste, que
efeve Longe. Como elly ned anchib ja que Comer, fem fe despedio de alguém, partono outra vez p. onde efure o
Divas: porém nas portas da Fontaleza, es guizanão deteo as Companhias, d efervo de queda, dizendo não tener
Luanca fe elles fahir fora: mas hum dos bons Portugueses pigando em huma ache de Lenha, dachon envelfio
Com os folhobos dizendo. poros, Caery, Casherry- um bom Portuguez, Com a sua acha nas mãos Comeceo a
Labrar detal forte, a fez fugir a mais de Duzentos homens. Vindo o Adelo de Capitaneava efte gente, q ora ham
Olegulo vindo do Madure la dug annos, G o Megol He tomou La as suas terras; sygo gas obito acby terra, e
troxe duy (Chey) de augare acha ley pela qual Causa non futido agranger honry, d Magolo the fiz morçe de Slyvna
do del ambalo, q ete na difencia de Padegari, couchas mujee menos, he ele tome mi conhecido na Corte pelo nome
a todos Piedes, g ha Tamja od, nem culle hy nuvo: he bien pouco afficiondo a Soy dovdrer. Dios, eun Rey foi
oy mandou marcarlos ao St. José de Brito; he efe home muito ofercado, porém fraqueou nepa ocasriz, porque
vindo o apohafato, o Zhenangui facze com afus ache, romauo agriest a abrirsem as portas antez elle matbum a
todos, Goj the nad und nomuy mas diabos. Los Portugueses endechuem xlinguagam, cuad nad quiaria csart na
pelle ao Tamja od, e piun the Abrivd so posse ateba aprea, e elly volbram pelo Caminho, G onde konhab vendo mes
Com en espedes menos, goj the cri necerario vendela, po bebes, com bum paico Onhto nofo. Ainda hoje Calindrofe
non fotricto, he com luana adriuées mo grande.
**[Anotações marginais]**
[No topo, à direita]: 50
**[Selos]**
[No canto superior direito]: (Selo ilegível)
**[Assinaturas]**
[Abaixo do texto principal]: [ILLEGIBLE: ~6 chars]
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Retirado para o Jnimento, apareceram o Deluey ao Cortes, q̃o Diued tinha mandado aſter Clay, ao Rey, aquel sendo arriuado do Alegente, ornamou Log perdoar no fu Palatio eder ſupremo Governo ao Chien Nagio, governador, que era de Fende, o cha gente deguana ao Deluesy, dez fazendo do Viuuo, com amplaſfimos gozes, a fomora Corifraga Jr mayor domemo Rey, endo one fee o Rey, g por filho de huma mother, q nã tinha titulo de Princla. Antoy o dito Edelipo juho acal Dignidade, mondai por aporvaria guardas nas portas da cidade, parag nombs Braman fedipe de fore. Doze dias ali aparecia, gos as bambulas chorava fibre elle, j pendento da cidade andauão os Belchquins a caſa delle, too maizd amandores p̃e e Chawde, Dalí the had dar em Caza, g pillahar os Liung dos Cortas, antes of elles gali Sicilachem. Vendo os Bramanes efte defoluido, não tiverão mais demcio, g kowr todos os joya, g ponge bong, g pinhós fohe ly, e amanaram bum paninho velho, endo fe donde ainda achim te figuras, fe andavab efcondendo o Caue anto. Nõ durou che governo meis g 24 horas, g fe mais Continuaſe, nad hivaia nenhu delles mimbro do Demencio na lemo. A Cuca de acabar ifto ted depofite foi, gos o Obligente teve modo g mandar calar a Obad do Rey (que fue, parag alca claſpe tirad oguemuo aquelle Edalipo, foral g fe perdia o Reino; gq ne Bramane, ni Edelgo algun Lavia de fier nelle, giz todos igualent ornhad Concelbo. Temis efte, g o Rey viege també fohe elle, xhim de fez g hon vendo o com outro titulo, dorab efu governo abu palago da ganialidade do Alegente. oy vendo o Delucay fran Regio Chico Nagio, Najuya, coutos Calagos de nome, forad a Palacio pedir Lucena, g fe paparon aquito Leima, por nad vom com os Jay Shog auerti o Malajud. Neſte tempo faluade de dentro quatro Playnehes de particualidade do Me guire, g a fremiada publicamente com cuindude aos sobred Edelgos. Vindo o Rey gela defeperacias, peggi dehum pao, g es foi fatadiodo muito bem, g do paluira achly de tornar ader aomeumo Palugo egoverno. Eou logo efte dipoiçao g toda a Cidade, g logo to do pando Contre dond huma beberagem azferdidlo, g a nad tornara a impunhar obadh. Vendo o Rey onizeravel cfeito do donec, decalfo da empreza, emandando chamad ao Chien Nagio, Medeo od Governo, gfeuzse fe cha con nad faber meis g liver de efpede na guera: nad go popuel, g olley tornape ataz, mas junro ao Chien Nagio delle nad tirad odio mendo tohu pelos ofha.
Cada che palaura, fez o Chien Nagio afuer felbama, g fo direito ao lugar da audencia, onde fondose mendou Logo trazid douz azonagues, edos mothor de dotas finas, dez humas pracia aos Bramany, dizendo gfe ubere en Lombre Direitas, enab kepophen fundo odonor? del Rey nad tinhab g temuri. porema g ye achabe cul patso, g os inſtrumentos churad avita. Comeceu Logo pedir Contas de ha gueto annos atraz g lo em luvas todo born a oito Bramanes otenece epuco mel pagados, den hume grande foma de acotes acadahum, depois por om epricia priaca, onde unds se achad und entando dienofo cada dia varios, eleno os fontes legdem de 24. anno atraz, g he tempo o governo ete Alegente, ha de havid muita malhadao com os obro Bramany. Muco pacieco a caſtura dos Diepo Mey furanco, emuito meyr vas agon paduindo os Rey Nimibron. Nem efes podun chapod des mes do Chien Nagio, afimcomo aqueile nad pudend des mes dos Tudros. Mancheu o fendragio trazid con mucho, ao Rey de Namalalu junto a Selawari, equal he Bramane, coporeto a Santa Loy, e seus Miniftros, poeren cui pegando agora nedo junto pele cosas, epela bolia: pele Cofta; gq nad obfante trazor de Saugate numa grande bandeja de ouro g offerencg colley, equal tantoro a Vio the preguntore, Se aquiço con g Sativacor ag the tinha cutido? e fem mais demora amandou dar ao Chien Nagio, g efava fentdo no fue Glorio, e tambe entregag the oporador della, equal a fimde chegou porto, foi fauidado com mais d ferviconta chi coedos g algua, g la tinha fuco com o Rey fue fi; porema como os acques lle dohem mais dag elle dez tejara, Livrandoga, como pode daquelus apotos, foi fugindo Lancarla nos peg do bley, g o mandaro pegar outra vez, e entregag outaveg ao Chien Nagio (aced de hun Rey) equal foi Continuando afsa juftica. Dorom o Rey
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O Rey ende foi informado com mais empenho; & a alguns vito dias rad fez tornar Com elle outra Converzaç, meo q beganou no da graça p. os açucetes, q erão dados por faraize, sem alguma piedade, çoro assuces p. agricola, onde ainda esta muito bem acordado, donde, duam, será mendo do fora de Reino. Na bota, o Rey le tomara eufo. Tambe o Vley de Soyamputura veo bom, como o Bramane afima, Je vi nos meser agentes de graca, elonfissao detado, mas Livore dos açucetes, fer gdalgo.
Teve o hen Regio alguma duvida dos seus poderes, e pa a tirar foi a Calasio preguntand je luria de tomar Contes medos? Entendio o Rey, di efte pregunta, se encaminhure ao Algunes, elle falozie condes palavras, a fabur, g aslle Rey Na quipe Contes, e tambem aos melmes Dacres, es bejawa aquela Zumes. Partio Chen Angio, e mandon Logo hazor afs prezentes ao Celebre Langage Chivad geral do Aluno, Confelheiro privado do Alegente, loquel postof não manden alauas, contudo He confifou tudo, tiron o oficio, epiz em pri zad, amepte fontine ticindo o Canderismo doblino, eo Valido delbly, g de nada he valco nesta ocuafid. Toda efex gente era da parcialidade do Alegente, ao qual querendo el Rey manar meter na Catalina de Aliyuan, acidio fue Mey diveng, ife mandare fazer tal Coisa a fu crio, di elle he havia de matar cortandofe a Lingua, cabro as nios ao menino. Vindo todo efca defegom o Chie Regio, nad obfante fer fubirinho do Algunes, fe fin efuard foes dominio alto. Pedio lle o Vley, g efperrele alguns dias mais abte Romara. Confuye fus fr head detodo bom. Era ette aquelle, g G feced achefidade aer Bramanes, efva ainda de Came, pela moizina, g elle he tinhaó dado, cagera com mido g elle diepe com muyer juvicurada, bog meso kinha, efendo elle ja detedo com ormatario com veneno, ou flchira. Doi efes morte geralbo finda; gq nefte home he g efavas todas as efperances do Mayfur. Vertio a tanto o Rey, g fa pós achon na janella, quando levava o Corpo à Sepulteira. Lo aura desta move ja fo mendendo Lamer no Eo favori luis Bramanes compedas as peleco, g form on ornentario, Canda efte modo de Luxar hoje muito enquento na Cidade, efvedo Cedadi prenendo Bramany profelores della arte, gf thes go gucuso, gug farem aquillo? Nepordem, gq apion tho inenal o Alegente, dag lu buido muito. Finalmente os Bramany g uma parte a favor debixo, gfe ochta Luem forne departidas, chontinuad degunto com, tudo vem afer emefmo. Oefa cinde g enfad com Contes hum Tellhe Ameritay Efival gent de Napricula aquel cu não guaro arrender oganho, dog the hadivid do Chen Angio. Se acaso o entreguefem aos fedados, elle He pre guntariaid deguantos annos era pela boa vontade d todos Retem, pelos haver atodos arrafados fem He pegar o feu folbo.
Dizem g efe tem fido oprincipal Direhor, dog tem obndo o Regente: efa Colle de human pulwros, que omehno Negreme He dipa na occazibd do Core da Cadale, a labos Arantesys, Arantesya! por bre me governar pelon tres Confehos vim a Cahiri refce Cavr. Nis guro duicer de Delator aqui luma procea dello Bramane. Picio efte menteo em hun Cavallo acompahando ao Calary velho, quando felcio da fatelura, g ver, onde efave o Inimigo, povem lanzando ambos a Slegior, nad teve efce animo g eligorar fe abrimen ao potes da foslelora g Me poder enhar po dembo, mas lanzandose na Cava della, g no eviba aga, prindio com muitas Zagrinas, o incispum p.fonea. g darva quanto the pedifem, Lancando lle os foldens de muralha duas touca defpondedas, Cujes pontes elle amarravo a Cincura, o Começabã a Luzar athe omego da muralha, onde ef espanso Gian pendurado g algum tempo fazendo elle vario protecos de lhe pegar atodos ofeu folbo atrafado, edar adachurm tanbo paz gude g demey, efobay guentes joyas elle tinhe Jobe dy. Gritava os outros Soldados, g efendo da outra parte da Cava, parag o deixafem os defime Cahiri embairo, g elle darão conta delle. Depo nefte aposto, fe Campadecard
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Delle ao Delmay, e o incendiou, e elle Cumpriu pontualmente sua palavra. Não tem effeito este agora experimentado no Chico de Fran Blagio; loga está ainda exercitando seu officio, ahiq fique espedido nipo do Calavio agora com posto & seu adjunto, efendo este Corrente. Lanes o Chan Blagio mais do outro: porem duvido Me ache alguma Causa de fogo, & elle ter perdido ja muita Coisa p. o Malasine.
Pede o Delmay ao Rey, Me mande dar dinheiro p pagar aos soldados? diz elle q Sim, porom que nas Seja do dinheiro, afim Ano manden por no thesouro, mas dogue pox o Regente notempo q governou, que fora vinke equarto annos; elmos defet Vendo ned haja ne lum fanao, pedion os bobedos Luene sp. novem ancho buco. Vindo o Chan Blagio esta defordom, atodio se Delmay com doug Legrias, porom como e fe pede mais, sho mas ded se devra estar em sua Casa sem hur visitar aqua collegia fra ja dia, le efte ormand chamad. Efponde, q ella mal tratado. Finalmente não tem isto per ne Cabus. Dizam o toma o foromo ao Alguante como antes se afion he, nas Soy, ag suiedeno? Dizem tamba q clauva dito q lume acab memoravel, q çandras trey muchbas im Galacio apbed al Claro do bley, que he Villa do Alegence. Quan Rainha amby sobrinha, do mesmo arques, no tempo de elle forçazad Suma Certa operação, derão hobr elle cada huma torp sua casa, g pello, dizem. Ne tinha dado o Regente degendo ometeuvo senão tornario adar o governo ao sobredito, como antes. — De aqui mais a Galinhza, o gelo, enphun Lezuo do melo. Ependeo g caria: pelo q elle g Segurada, e elle tendo se Luna desta, longon tamba asfigio e foi matro emhuma Camara, donde Começari agridad pela Tia, gasei ste viepe acudios. Vevo ela, e sabendo do depasso, o Regne tendo de ay naó ter morto todas, q He nab galheria mellor. So elle Cumpriu apalavra, q Rey deo de o tomav a Defixius afue antega dignidade, a mayor parte dos fidelgo Langando efes terras, vno convocor os Autros, ganage vinhed comd defeiriu tudo ifo. Affem diferem alguns: oncho dizam q omeifno Delmay Com ada parcialde, y he grande, she ha de Costar a Cabua: e elle segunda tem muita probabilidade: Gy por maio d o bley manda rodito Delmay paraq sei com o escerato q alguma empresa somgre depende elle, q de elle primo. fundo ao Regente. Ja o Rey oterie guia, fonad efem as mulheres do Galacio, gai feo tantas as Couras, q cedade se levantou contra equibe miseravel, es quais se Sofem todaduras mericia o homi fer entendo vivo. Domem amim me partia, q das has partes, nom huana he verdade, eg todos falao afion pelo verem defeahido da graça dos grandes, epara izongear aos lujs envulg. Para nos, ou faça elle od govome, ou faça qualquer dos actues baixo, por todos são muito aplecerdos noss, fo aquile comtoma Couca, q p nos ras he grande Coura, che ser grande pro- tector dos Bramancs, og nab lem os outros. Joachim Cras.
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Joachim Cras.
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[Transcription failed after trying 2 times with the following models: qwen3-vl-235b-a22b-instruct]
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Noticias del Reyno
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Ao dubias, e sem pouuel averiguacao de factos
Noticias q Se podem dar da Cidade de Macao, Nas So pela grande
E descuidosa Ociosid De seus Eabitadores encha Oriente, tas Som
G. a navegação Propenio, da qual unica Esperaç Florente & de sua
Substancia, e porirão totalm Niritatos, Mai por se algum de ey
Ascendentes chegou a escrever alguma Couza, como conta, f. dizer
Memoria, che tendo alxperencia dos Apolilla calumidad
debrae papey e Livro, deixarao perder tudo por muy culpavel inercia
Esta Se desconhece ainda Nos papey publicos em
que devria de Exer todo ocuid e Vigilancia, por Venda eu Capaele-
ando sy Cartorios Eccle e Secular com trab grande, Me escandali
zou com exceso Opoco cuidado que tivera Os Escrivaens de Luma
Contra Camera Em man mandar copias Atempo admeno Orincipa-
es Livros, pois todos Se achão Esje illegiveis, comres do biza, pores,
Cderbarados
N
da Camera Ecclesiastica Naó pode decobrir
Nota. alguma Nem a linha por Verdadeira tradicão dos Veloz quem fundava
c Ha Alcedal, quem para Senplim Biipo, Equay os seu Succesor
Enanto Asfundação da c se como Igi Matriz delle talgova que Reis
outra partes deste Imperio da feina este Sitio se conduiria como es
crivem os Estoriadores Portuguez, Se dique aexpensa glopias
Moradorey Entro may Catellano dos Portuguez, de Estabalecea
como tambem Outras ona Reguesias de S. Antonie e S. Lourenco, Cor
Cons de S. Agostinho, Domingo e S. Fian tambem nas lieres de
S. Clara De tempo certo foras tuas fundatoey de Hispanicos
Fohipinas Conbursinos da R. de Manila as limeries fundadas ap
passado algny annys le Estituiada outrave ao seu Paiz gela Excluraç
que ja Maior Numero de Portuguez Vindo da India fueram ao Herpaz
nlos, que precizado, outra Veja Fohipinas Se Tetiravas
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Macaó D. Hilario de Paula ma
Carta de 29 Dez. de 1743
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Os dou Collegios Nesta fir tem os P.da Comp que tem Em a invocação de S. Paulo (magnifico) Certece à Prov do Japaó, Em Eavia Legado Opulento p. Se conservar Sempre um Seminario de Meninos Japoneses quando Estej com Seus Pais ja Catto licos fora lá perseguidos expulsos encastados Eccolhido, Má ignora ocon sumo, Co Outros com a invocação de S. Iose, foras o ultimo q com jornalista se fundara Coultemo Se ache a linha imperfeito, conta Se Estabeleceu com esmolha Varios do Senado epovo, junta com legao de pessoas pia D Os mesmo Padaguiniao.
Quanto ao Prim Diogo desta Diocese Não pude descobrir Nota: alguma g posa Segutar Verdade; Sim be Ver direm alguns q existira antigamente Bispo de bisbatidal Eum D.Fr.Son de tal Religioso Dominico, má nem Nestes Liv da Mesma Religião É Memorial algum s Verifique; Mai proximam por Chronologia de Ap. S. Pedro neste Anno de 1743 ouvida Es chegara Oligar na mesma Se de S. P. Joie Montan La A Lib.dac. Santa de Roma d. S.E Rey (de S. E. Papa Pontifical) Nomeou Setimo Bispo de bisbatidad apontaram por Seu 6º O.P. Melchior tambem de semp 3º O.P. Sever del Moray Pro Lafomp em Portugal; 4º O.P. Fr. Martinho Prov. de India; 5º Eum Relig cujo nome difice Enas estun certo Franciscano, ou Dominicano, 6º O Sor Majqui parece Me equivoco, por 5º Bp foi No sucessor do Sor D. João defesa 6º O Sor D. Fr. Eugenio Viguerius Augustiniano; e 7º O Ep. ee Prmo Sor D. Fr. Helana de S. Jose m arm Viva, qde Prov da Arrebida Da Ordem de S. Fran de Alva de Portugal
No Bultingo Prelado, é indubitavel a Notte porém Nos Antecessores É Negativa ou improvavel julgo q D. Pe ou bi sep formabrar a ideia do Seu Conceito, ougorg en devestiram A dou Bispad confundio. O Bispaço de Macao É May antigo Do Japaó, erecto alima Con tempo de Felippe 3º de fato confirmado por Bulle Appy como de Ve No Bullario, Lo do Japaó Meng antigo, por nejobre Lo PC Crante da Mesma Comp & compô em Italiano toda a Historia da lo Japaó eme Riem entrada Ogr Xaveri, Li por occasiõ de Luys Embaixador Catholico ouja Novo Christao, qres a Tama, Nomera o Papa pola Bispo do Mesmo Japaó ao Provindo Patri. De Eticopo no anno de 1566.sog não aceitou com Ethiopia morreu no anno de 1597. que Nomeava Papa 2º Bispo do Japaó S. Melchior (suposto Portugues) para diapha consagrado em Goa, e vinha aeTa Ci.de Macao p de Manpotter Ao seu Bispo Melcho Moreo, Nas dy a Era. foi nomeado 3º Bis do Japaó o S. Lourenco de Neves, de Sagron em Lz evindo, ambom emelle Cambique Jadons felecemos.
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OA Bispo eleito do Japão foi o P. Martin de Sagrou em Goa, Herendo a Sencadura Succedida De Luis de Serpa que viera de Lis no anno de 1594. e foi Primus Populento no Japão. Veio por effeito de Macau, dos quais levou alguns P. Jesuita, f. Olimaros & acompanharão com outros 3 nas Sabdy, com certezas mencionadas.
Mas porque tudo se fe antiga placa deuvesse e se não pode averiguar sem documentos, achei na Capela da Catedral de Macau duas Sepulturas, uma do Sr. D. João do Amaral, cuja Campa está gravada as suas armas e nome, cryptificando governava 43 annos e falecera em 20 de Dezembro de 1735 com 84 annos de idade. No outro, (E le do açucena adicirco) Se acha a Crucifixo e ao Livro abaixo daquela armar: Sepultura de D. Leonardo de Sa, Bispo Affiliado China, Japão, faleceu aos 15 de Setembro do Era de 597.
Este Letreiro, cuja Memoria nas pode comer obixo, dá ocasião à Notícia duvidosa: 1º em appellido por estar em letra de donde se pode ler de Sa, ou de Sa pur esta em letras iguais sem placa sobre o ultimo A. Ser de Sa ép. Jer de Sa, ou customam escrever de outra sorte como Vg. Eca, Nos teria culpa os Ortografos Macanenses. Depois de Bispo da China e Japão: Bispo da China intitulado ao inicio de Macao, combatendo com certeza sempre Macas efetivação Bispo, diverso Se não acta em Escrita, nem tradição ou Notícia alguma, Nem ordens Bispadão já mais se uniram, Nimo tal Prebado fosse posto no Catalogo do do Japão.
Conforma-se com a S. duvida o Meu Conceito, Em a era. por ada Legutura de Ste Prelados dij falhecer no anno de 597 põe Le certo antes deste anno foroso, CO P. Giante Sugra dij go Oviedo Parte de Ethiopia fora creada 1º Bispo do Jepas no anno de 1566. Esta Necrea em Ethiopia no de 597. Com Madame Manifestamente estes duas Noticias dos falhecem destes 2 Prelados No mesmo Anno, cum Em Macao, outro em Ethiopia, ac per Consequençy felto suporitura d'obras ambas Primeiros Bp do Japão juntam ao mesmo tempo. De tudo ocmetido me fica Motivos inférir do Sr. D. Leonardo onde se aonde de Ecclesiastico Bispos Evide de Macao, por Jer Bp may antiguo, Louva Antes do Sr. C. Brás de Carvalho no anno de 699. Se misto, Ef advece o seu Epitafio = Ph. da China e Japão, seria erro de impressão, por abindade de ogueria desculpar, E tabue governaria de Blasco ao Japão, Não ponto, je pôde V tal Não Eu Notte, ja para Sei Lepocn Ceduray tivessem Bp. o degene Não Opiniod, ja para con tad Os P. Jesuite No Espiritual e temporal or governavara, ja pois não concidero No Ethiopios ovar dos Estanto derá Rego Datante Christas Criado por Heje Seduray, com facili diminuiçom
Vis Leonarda da Origine da Igreja de Macau, procurava mais Co o anno querenda RZ, Exta May alguna not.
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Nos Reynos de Portugal e Algarves, &c. Nos Estados da India, Brasil, &c. Nos Principados, Comendas, Senhorios, &c. Nos Domínios do Mar Oceano, &c. Nos Conquistas, Navegações, &c. Nos Reinos de Aragão, Valencia, Granada, Maiorca, &c. Nos Principados de Catalunha, &c. Nos Ducados de Milão, &c. Nos Condados de Barcelona, &c. Nos Seus Países e Territórios, &c. Nos Seus Domínios e Senhorios, &c. Nos Seus Direitos e Jurisdições, &c. Nos Seus Tribunais e Juizados, &c. Nos Seus Oficiais e Servidores, &c. Nos Seus Súditos e Habitantes, &c.
Porquanto Nos tem parecido que é conveniente para o bem público e utilidade geral dos nossos súditos, que se faça uma nova compilação das leis e ordenações deste nosso reino, e que se reduzam a um só corpo todas as disposições legais que até agora têm vigorado, e que sejam revogadas e anuladas todas as outras que não forem incluídas nesta compilação, e que se façam algumas novas disposições que se julgarem necessárias para o melhor governo e administração da justiça, e para a maior segurança e tranquilidade dos nossos súditos.
Mandamos, pois, aos nossos amados e fieis Conselheiros do nosso Conselho de Estado, e aos outros nossos servidores e oficiais, que sejam chamados e convocados para este fim, que se reúnam no dia e hora que lhes for marcado, e que procedam à elaboração desta nova compilação, e que a apresentem à nossa real aprovação, e que depois dela seja publicada e observada em todo o nosso reino e domínios, conforme as disposições que nela se contêm.
E para que esta nossa determinação seja mais eficazmente cumprida, mandamos ainda que todos os nossos súditos, sem distinção de pessoas ou estados, sejam obrigados a observar e cumprir as disposições desta nova compilação, sob as penas e multas que nela se estabelecem, e que os nossos juízes e tribunais sejam obrigados a decidir e julgar conforme as mesmas disposições, e que ninguém possa invocar qualquer outra lei ou ordenação que não esteja incluída nesta compilação, salvo as que forem expressamente confirmadas por nós.
Dado em Lisboa, aos vinte e cinco dias do mês de junho do ano de mil setecentos e cinquenta e nove.
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VIDAEVER
tudes daveneranuel Madre
Leanor de S.Franço primei
ra eprincipal fundadora
deste Mosteiro das Religio
zas de Santa Clara. de
Maccão
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REVERDID
Judgment rendered in the matter of
I. Jones vs. John Brown
in conformity with the verdict
of the Jury, and the opinion of the Court.
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**[Pagina 57]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Vida E Venerações da Veneravel Madre Leonor de S. Francisco primeira epuncipal Fundadora deste Mosteiro das Religiosas de Santa Clara della Cidade de Macão.
Foi Cita Veneravel Madre chamada no mundo Dona Leonor Philip.
foi seu nascimento no Curia de Almigos Em amança terra do jurisdicto de
Toledo na Gal nobre Sangue filha de hum Leirado nasce o anno de 1583, tomou
Habitto no Real Convento de Santa Izabel de Toledo no anno de 1603. foi
Novicia e Deuera Principia, Cimitadora da grande Veneravel Madre
Hieronymina da Assumpção A Mariana de Jesus disia alquar traz o
Tres Enraças & Cruze as flores Hieronymina Caminho a Rainas, que
A quem mais dava para amorosia ficou Leonor pera toda Esperita, Seis
Lord tinha decoracao mental, trei posta depois Christ Empre prisa Om Cuixo
Extatica Em seus Tapros p Senaptava cada gosante de Negocios, Cozquisse
Lizanju de seu diurio Espo Al herenauel M° Martin Breatis de Santa
Maria quis duas ucer machora muy alta levantada do loja quiso tas
Sua vida perfecto Silencio, nas falando purura, seria precisamente necessaria
guardau Engiane se Segredo todos suspiros Emeres Necedade de Suamado
Esporo, em Comida cauda de Cicobin Salto ao seu Canfeço Erna Confissao de
ra Summa mente piam Chrug a fanel Contudo va com seu Corpo Exarmuy
Capeza E liquira, toda a sua vida teve por Carne sua taraba, Comsua Cucira
uelha sia alma sada Endus pad perpiedormi Verida q Sim Amanta
na dedia toda a vida penitencia Etal modo que nem na Domingo Dixava
o Jejun ai Digilia de Estar aseva das mãos da Virgem Maria dos Aplos
de Joao Baptista de M° S. Francisco, Courri muitos de Chia Cuara,
jejuana todas Epas Cago Crismal dia Coma muito pouco de Comdo &
parecia Continuo milagre poder se Substentar, toda Arnoite tornava duas
disciplinas muy laqui Era seis tres, traça Continua menh Sobra Carnenua
quatro grossa Cadena de Ferro, nunca falto do Communis nem decia ne Unice
Sempre foi Obediençissima Ao Subdito, Como pecllada Era Extrema sacra
pobreza, Con fiado Aparticla mente no Diuno Pisudencia E por iso nun
ca Occupou Seu Coraca Em Cuida muita dar Coisas temporais, for Campa
nheira da M° Hieronymina da Assumpção Em sua Biagera de Solledade ate
Manilla donde foi Melhor de Nouias Estrabero for Abbadeira naquella
fundação Entre officios Era puidercissima Gnanosidad sendo mudo fun
Retrata da Manifacha Santa clara sera muy pontual relaja da obscur, le
guilav Ep qual q triange suas publica da Iegra qu Constituiçoes penitencia
as subditas Edicipois La auxe aquello grana pertinencia da Caloniblano muy
amorosa mente Amy trajio sempre as subditas Emans Cardi muy conforma
Conplada Comtato Viacol Camungano qua i quotidiani om Creindius
Etava nos tos Crozadas atte bisuje Esas, no quareima saia Extraordinarias
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Mansificacõe Cpenitencias publicas Ema Comunid. no anno de 1633. Dejo A Manila o Abbadia Epincipal fundador de Inc Misterio, o qual fundou Criçigao perfeitação Claridadade Cuindo Esta noua planta do Sen Espirito Om grande progressão da Religião Como memos Lui Persuado Com g Madre Hieronima fundou Conuento D Manila preparando se muito Assimajunta com a Religiosa de Inc Misterio Trecem por Mada Benecuel Madre Hieronimo do Asumpcio aqua Aquinanos ante lo Chua morte Herensitrou Do nos sa Siod Esta fundada ja feira Constituin d Ella Sauna do Coleo O Ces Estas Venn Sedigue Dio desta fundação La Sistem fundadora afazel noua fundada ei Sendo tudo possivel abond Divina Coquiana ita scafa que Bette sabe forão Companheiras da benecaral M Leonor de S. encauafincas an Beneceuis Madre Maria Magdalena da Vera Gus Belenada da sin Margarida da Concepaes clara de Sao Francisco Joanna da Concepaes Citasin co Ultimo hera filha de Meheis de Manila mnetesei Manla beit talente e prudencia q alacaxas Capajes Seus Peillados Pamandaxe Comparsie Coadju toxas da fundacao de Este Misterio Como bem omistarras asdias del Mes Emclulo procedimentos Ensi offiri a ocuparão adiante tuergomena a falad Si ca Alma Cristifme quanta desebres Santa Bracia Desplandico de Sen Isto Como del Monse Era tad arranda de Chuai fitha q muira dellas ed dos Sentinti N pelecerent tal Maij oferceda a Car sua vida p de Ella nadmaxeste marces Comtodo muy fanbeccido Ca sutida da Snos naquelle fora qui foi alua de Espois chamneja canho do Casio Conti dia J Bang S Luca quando Erraua riparandos Jewiras Ono Convento douz qbs boe nuenes Virpian decente fazendo Convento tao claro Como Se faradia a su transito Scouniu Musica Celestial logo q sipiro Radio P seu Corpo qua Fra guancia Celestial que grandemente Confaxou atodos sig Calcaras pury Clova a Stia Poupa ficou Com ameno Judius Ebagancia quanta amontelladas Biua seu Corpo todo Errava recogiendo Clagado Holicio Ediprinciples fricaro Se usolli Extraordinaria mente ferimos pi Eli plande encies Camerinna do los tad Binus Corno quando Errava Diva todai Oficias Benevaras me J Leide fun Co Corpo beijarlo Seupi muita Deus pendindo the Seus pais Cintrereciad diario de De spem nenbua por Ella Fajex Suspiros querendo tsais piarti G Temduui do lua alma foi logo levada a recebir aloza de Seus louiros lipro xpd J Elter Logo foi levata da Faculd Huacas Concursco dagente dtada a Cul que Comande Benecciao a Viva ao Outros desta puissima Birge Deparmad se Tuaspobres Alfayase Religiosos Entre peslos Custas quicom giunde Erraca Cinstantia aispeditaos
Nascimento vida Benudes da M. Maria Magdalena da Vera Gus.
Nascera circa Benecuel M. Em Pinis tres Legoa de Madrid aquatoye Agosto do anno de 1525. fu filha de Antonio Goncalves Quillo Notario de Santos officio de Hieronimia Hornana cosquatro annos de sua Al Soube Seron qual quel Luxo fema Phe Algum Turmano sucetnada alea aos cinco annos
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**[Pagina 58]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Anna de Lua Dase He insfindio Dei noaltissima Conlecion da sua parnega Churigande Zello da Comersaçam divinifico Cnefa mesmo de He Sacedesum. Caso raro E foi que Etando Emua Ernida da Concepaçam Correbrao Hen Soi Ne ouvio a her Mania do Calas Ande erimis de Hia Id Colo Monuillos Caun, tau tanto d Aquago quato de Chriginlo Aqual guardou per feitisma na Empen Samente palang Colasj y Espaco de Venta Coin amos y Dioce elo go neireponto He ficau impremte Embrau Coias tus muj Diva broagem Expe. Em sua menineira Eras Seu brincan A junta meninas ftemenciais de seu baixo Arsi En Cintra doutrina e Sifto dando he documento da moa de CCCD, nohe tempo He parecia Ver leita da Camprisia a paiser muj temorais donde Veuia Sen com Emininas frofeiras Eradai si jogei Hua mepinic Exua tracat situada Mobrerio oficera Calendria Desu Carro Lumi dia de Ali ja Carro outra Santa Tareja s Salio dala de Cleus vais como Zella de upregas as flo.
IIS o paufice Em Les dicronicas dorso Co sad shancisco Comosticia Obeui Espirito adua mother muy edua de Dei Cala seu pouio p Cuie ande Ho burcaca di Ligaces Solitariz pera dar se aoraçam nuel pela meima Iobse teue lum morau i ho Tapto noqual Nepacia de ja eta Espoasa Heridos Entre a bigem Maria Andrei Las Trecha Equelle dava mod Heipopo De jesua purtamente Sel eligiosa Franciscana Clua Camunaçam um dia Etanda Camacad Hisse Certijas imaginaria Em Monte Aluerenci trevo de S N Crissi P S Francisco Ca D Certificarad da Creimento de Seri Mecio Recibo stabiho Em Cuba juntado Itbicos em Louvendo Coro Joanna da Luis canno de 1520. Verdas he sa Religiosa a Ditio ao officio Diuno Com Entrianlual Cefteto de Acuado Com os Confiderados Ernidad Beso de Palmiulia Conderacao toda Readeotaua Ernidao foi Extre madamente claritatia Frui dada aoraçam mental penitente mortifica, Olumide picoucou Sempe Scapax le Emofion timidde Hua Camuniq nagual for Emfermeira noue Anna Continuir Cosfara toda a sua vida sco bedienca Alias tirara pela Ascapar Camunaçam sig Edom Exercicio Comatal Condicere da Continua preteres H Son Comprense perfeci coa Conponilidade de pensa tenexira foi Dipuel mente bipiado lo Seu Biuino El por Dixito Hols Edoniso P S Francisco fermita doma a Seu Capitio, Tua indescrita Ciudat de hum dos dons Sucres Emo Crapelau de Chinaia sa menidso de Dad Coruca cap Sindas muito louva a Huas suos Can Camnaeai Cajupon Sabinturasae peseguia algundias Lumpianse meso ques finla de Curarlo Ensie risolos Orrosaia ogual benco Corrigiao de Graso sinda tex a Suavocad muita noties a Hum lugas a petida de Cleus Gmedos g ter sido antigo seminario das freiras no qual padeco quasi Cipantos Ca Quido Penfuvis add omnia a quem Beneo Comage fuerenca Amenina Comecou Atcracado de Quiteraico Sobe aquela palavra Padreosio de Drais Omistam Comque Era uva sempre Cma presencia de Dei Comisid Creica Cesabia paua o Seu Opinto nosam de Dei ha Hijitaua Ontraje Dme niro muitas bres Onaquella palavra Ave Almagrariocha Esturrava tad bern Embleuxsie Calqui lapto Aires Hedurauad des las Comunas Quero Lapto cd miniquei o Quai Correntes da Divina Caridade, Chipes Cele haei muitos dias Continuos ativeuxo transporta do Clara el ala He Eu Jeudiniro Egapo JESUS Ao actoter sequiana Ser Teuada pos Regalo au Caminho da Qui celta Ques leo o Camins da Cay de Dios Pod Seu Divino Opera Conquelo ao HMECOS DIUINO amante a senti Emma
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**[Texto Principal]**
Cruxita para o D. Seu Capo, muitas dores de Sua Sagrada Paixão padecendo, quasi per sequiris muy sensibiles, & q in Graia Comun Exemplo Coloutrina emuitas a seguir o Caminho do Espirito. Experiencias grandes, & disciplinas de Quaque oração mental frequente Caoutras Exercicios, Como que muitas clegadas agindo persuasão daquela naqual sobolava Santamente, & isso hijinida & suavizada dograde Beatitita, & Graça All Santa clara, depois Cintado de Christo de Stauida Crisstana Cuja Em Manila Ceri Manca padeco grande Continuas Clujas Oper Sequidas muy Chensucis.
Em mesmo tempo & A Benetavel Santa Mª Hieronima da Bumpcadan dava Comunio secreto tratando os Pasos Filipinos, Edal as lapas / se Den fosse Seruido a fundos Conuentro de Freiras Negras, De Erteu Cantos a Maria Obligadlena dimenino de Cupo Ciniceno, De Heronimo sem saberem Luda Couta paçarndo Santa Cur o Santo Maxti D Luis Porello, que o Jappad lia a homa com elle saliu Maria Magdalena, el de Duho firma pedindo al Leonuse Vicencia Alapa, per xogapar al popo, Disposo çao Sanbe do pertinac & frajia Alle Hy cronima & por Eira Cauja de Comunição tua Cor outra sendo motiva que a es nomada nai paterno, que os perla ao moris pasianad e Me lyero nimad Capella da fundadora das indias de Manila, nella foi nomeada Virg Maria Madalena. Sepor algum accidente noa pudeçe po post afum dado a Mª Hieronima Enseguida Ligal foi Maxia Magadalena nomea da Cena parentes & Abadece & principal fundo ora Manila, aonde passou Ganço de 1621 foi Bigara da fundaca Segundo aperfeicoa posiçis Ciello da Santa Maria Hieronima magaria de 1633. Iego a Bigora de Era fundacao de Macas Co Cabano ordens tev annos de Bigara, foi nameada Abadece ambri cosficiere sei Conqiarde perficid, & osa molles de fransc talento, podeçe aqui sua grande Confessid & Aquel tue anijo de Era most tal Comque anatuxeja Se Extremeco, poser ella Consagone e lealos se Lesi gnuo na Divina Bonade. Nesta Conferecia foi Digitarada a Sen Diario Opoe carlos dos Calmo for Padre Domincio São Viancio Carraquins dorfinn da Ces Martin de Coppad Onera Bipira Celebal Receboe Repertina Emilagrosa Saúde, A Cabao de seu triennio d Abba deca ficou Com assicio de Mesiro de Musicas Cru Cus Exercicios de Comais d anjes, aprofundou me ditacas Calqui mistirem de Cronia Vedemperas, quando Craua On Jeu Reço plimento Quando Ouvia Missa, tudo quanto aqui meditava Scrida Emo pulaf Passoria on Louvor dapurissima Concepcad Da Virgem Maria Sima nosia Colonoso Lo Sao Francisco.
Esta Relig Dominico Bisitu Lua ues a Elta Seniod D Con Calabando Clea Locutoria disfe Camibe uso Costume Entre Al Velh quando Entra guiado Lea de Santissim Sacarrerito Caimmaculada Concepcad dalvir gem Maria Suxa no lo Laque Usponteo Culto De Senido graue Doulo Ansa Me D Era Pericia te pera parousilib: aos Ella Vespondez a Sim es Sadernio, p que iso dixo s Noi Canfixex tibi Patre quia abscondi fro doc Caprentibus opsidendens Es Leuelaffs Ca aparaulis, conque ficou Confuso dista Lane ele pegou dogue tinandito
Em 1644 Se Embarcou a Senia de D Cor Com outras duas Campans que oferco sua rofundada de Ere Mosleio a Sabes Margarida da Concepçáo Clara de São Francisco, aquel Tezulucia tornarad de Charno Manila pelo Separacaç douue da Orna de Chonggo, de Dio jurisdicaçã E Dominio.
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**[Pagina 59]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Dominio de Catta de Maras mas Leirde de D. Corrêa foi oferecido a Om. Graças suas Crendes e tern Esperança as Comparaee com sua Vestidura primeira vista Examinar a fundação de Biennã Ser Enella a Benignuel Santa Maria Francis Conquatro Compa- nociara mais
De Arribada a Chuecas Em Casimira alguns mezes Depois Chegues a Marie Maria Madalena do purissima Conceição Padre rofica Religias Hautojá Cumprido De seu Espirito Diuino Meditou Entre outros tratados indignos Circulos Hummus quiares E Musico daora cao mental E Quatro ou mais Companhia de Copia Manuscrita dos legado Guerpu va Diurna m Explicação Diaria dias Quatro mais de Pecado Ome que he Bonos gracios manos Scriptos a De Perseverança atoros Letors jubilado Calificarsi As Somo officio Examinado sino la Do Papa Ro A auto a das Fris Equadoriun si d apsis foi do Concacata de St. Pietro Esta de Jelco Aquil titus orris Torns Gmbepe poridosse suas magos,
Notary Esteban.
E He Doutrina do Espirito mais Douro y Seguros Spiritu Cheu, Se acabou Em Martila de Simbada Conde Cheue alguns anos Cheo delle, noticia a Benevencial Marie Maria Magdalena anciosa raicte todo tpd to naoracas Iependo Quios de Selhe o Lepia Suamante Hijon suamanti Carrronicato quaui Louja E eu Espirito Con Oferta Nello sope de Ed morrer Christiamaza Offsepedia noivaca con Co implamente cas del le Scoporia namoma Orac eludo No Coree dela a Scutemps Elecicuo Ella ao Chin Costal eligi equal tuve aquillo g moral mente impossiul elle Caup de Fills de Coma munica teque por fi no frodica a benera uel Chade Conegui fini de Senor peris porguando DE Lin toda mi impossibile fuence Como Succes meta olagio ploris de Chacax m noticiada do Bisinuncial de Filipinas y Senor tristes Ariada do lexo do Sou proprio motu raciondan Come Veleg dispo de patente a Bigo de Allesero Crist Carregando os Eles Condo Benevencial Marie Enriquego omide Cleu Cos Camontarios os Opacos Euen Conno Indaj Ai Cajay Reeu Espiritu Pen- tesindo a China uma a Kintens pausta Cabecera fa divo Velip Cisterciou Maticcia al qual Quesi de Catana Polis al qual negri Era dipenamenta do Seu Confesal Souris muito os manau hopi fti sei Abreu) Dixao Como tas bem muita a pi Celcia inligne Clemente Caris Cha ta Dios y Mariasa Chimbada clavemente sellod ob bero banal nas Cicelo sapropago can Bafé E Chiama Lei Sangue carnao Seu Unino Espoço com Apo Canhou por ma (Cpoy fr Peuril De vai Empria molti del a parece Couja asmuntuli Refundones Continuo dranno 1632 fe Ne grauou sa esque antigio hinta Gillaca igual posou Abidencia Comceco Los nov Ceremonia Capucina Vira Vita mortal vida Com a maprimipi in Novembnis Compadre preparacao Emas Quas Recebeo lo 3 di Sacianti Xammus y Daub sines Case astora amite mi respon Escriba fs sauieq Diurno Recebi emlo anita uzia rigua Consciou ingenumente sm mutual umili dare tabom a Examins oste dia de doimento Com Flavia Civita Lua illufiacoes en luvio falvirgem Maria Donso P. S. Paniceo ad
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Aque despueso j Damos feio fora a Cabriga na leptida depe damandato hipe.
vris que aluna culculdo On seu misera, e resolue mei clauto Capir.
tial ca sua mariario justia tas bemquanto lle foi licito Cloncluo Carpenje
j A Ricicuces so darra Ghia Co So Chs Ca Cnsis Pela
Banc Serri miste truc piecuro al quin sim onustius. En lla Exa dplenta
p dare Em Craia Oog maries o Carro o dusposso pasou a Sina
Confermis litimo campanja Senenca de Chicigo Enagual foi initada,
Cassidi do assie da Brigent Maria Sia Santifirria Mai Calgani
Santaymais da Capista aos Certituaos p Lition sim Congruave les
ignuad Colegio Cipetou Ambute Jo notou a Seu Conscoral qual Deei Em
Seu Lofoingenesse Cristes quan Capisfine Equal Chranson
Conseria nello Num Casacos mus dilatado Entrepiso Comis Cheicado Cole
comirau a nellenuche Cavd pena alqua. Cperuntanshe alauja
Zaponico d Cafigia G ud dhahabli Zouias Euid Subte Manira af
ella Amava Catacos. Centros de cebios Jer Certa Cuientente seu senti-
mento E foi auj Sisperice Crispicia que aspoto Espirad Cinthe com
dicurso Cnefeito juio Com Ina sula mareco Compriano e Naids ficando
We de lo giao Dexterio autinte de Nouvero doarino 1653 quinto
feiva della Bora Laia tendo Qadar se Secreta Caia anrio tre muel Es
Seudiass Seccenta Chis Corum Empresem abrisamente natelcio o
fensulo fundo doro trasin o Couis Morisco de Cstevi de Cicalea da
no Mo de Santa clara Etensio sido Abbadea d Olumi d Olei. Da seu
Emecro a Cadis muigante foi Sepultada Us commu semirecin sa Velni
pronte da Credicula Nomimb Lugus donde ai freiras sepemn goetto
peka Cormingar
Vida da muy Santa Beneicial Mace
Retedivora da Prins de Celecia Era sua
dasoka a Cite Mosteiro de Quia Vida Ebe
tude, Jo Sedis Emssuma Tequinne.
Matteo Chamuy Sanca Beneuuel Mase, na Murine Ci. H.C
Manilo de Pas pobre Octaaren domoma Cidade, Seu Coy Sechamana
Edis Alaris Tra Suo May Dona Franciscia o negligencia seranda
be anno Ens Camiu sabido Em Arnilo, peygera Cha sua sanda aperta
da Emtercioh Lugus Com orificio de Meira de Omniques tendo lo DC
Idas de Vinet Edois Anno: giame prona d Sua muita Caralac de Vive
poi se Conhecerao nella Calidad de Epresai A Califcaras dignap Acu
pad Oficio de Meira de Monique ra funcaoa de Sum Alfeireto do
qual tas bern foi Fundadora a quarim la Cesta da sai adrida ella Se
fat pera oral officio mostrou a Esperienzia nosprogreso Cexercicio Com
Administrou Casintas bern Graffico d Abadea d suas Iesei Ocú
por ~
Era Cita Beneuuel Matrona Omidone, Esperienoes samartrea
muy aggraduel asisko o Termuj ferenso Com Aquinel todo de hue
aj qua Asafuel Cordicada Atavia shm dienimro Contarei E toda
lais scripie guane Embus acces Emoleito foi Vermuj pouca falaz q
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Page 127
**[Pagina 68]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Quando falaua Cõ sua palauros de exemplos Embem aproximo. nassias
de Minha Senour Com tanta pumma, muiçpo Camos d mais paiccia May
Amorosa, Caritativa dos Meios Campesina Legular. Humana moi
Com Exercicios da Deuinal dos Compasious Pigos Sena Cnsua Bisa
Em Exercicio da religião sus perpeitos ficou dias pesso. Chesmava a
toda Auidai nouica nobo quisio variar Exercicio da religião, Senaò Segui
mento daui a Espirituai. Em tirando Amricita Oras Camempla Cira
com tanta Stauid. Camos a Otradia a Chrucdo Wamimis Pontos sei
Cradai. Empligao do Edifigo Cratadahane Obianda if no deleja
Naitgal Clamarima buicoua mediana in f Salicisse xperidae fo ade
Feitiogas. Pois sempre muy Telloa Diligente Enacud Corunhais Ponicas
Coram niolom da Comuni, Emparticio Anffiiin mai Sumdes gauna
Otempo Nte Ventava Ennchnsa a Lesa Corci E Laurd Com lejas officio
Enma frid al Corri Ex Plamo peninciaes mintrasie Entrada Beir.
Filla de Enna Marie Santa Clara Criai Devotiei Cexemplar bebo Camo Em
fontepcrene, nsdequintante au Jasa de Segunda clara Us Capiriui, amuy
Santa Chenciciauel Marie Hyeronima la Rumpuis.
Foi Cleita Orofessia de Abbadesa pello Perlla do more, Cpers de
completo or Lou triennio da M Teano Turn Cauro da M Maria Magdalena
quieterou o Senturio Consegial a Cavcas Hrodai sem tribuago a Cler mujr para
da completao Exerccioletada d Calquai Exempies e pad silva ua nunca Comsue
@ Scntencia Erndai Ai Comunidades sendo Entrado muy Telloa p y tudo defe
Jose Comperfeicad Casilas bokai foi muy Solicita Cuidadora das Limpeja Ca
Cejo do Culto Divino p ag missa tamso ao cebo Conta Taura abupa da Dama
Esstiva Chairitalmente tralanguinis, Corpraeis mistirando imperfesidad co
Pirs obiua Gouarnio Beneuario Destimaua a Alfayai de les Diuno Cipo
Chisfo sel Li Criseu tempo de Jesuu Cantastic Alelissi Nodai Almenini;
Con Sabba an Misfa Padama Salve a Crista Snu; ja Ensuguieime A
Obesta Chanair Exercicios as arrous fieimi neute Santo Exercicio a Cantas
obstaca Chanair heco dopo Passi cew Patenico Abbadea goueuau P bes co
amium piogesi. Cello prudencia Altitudaci gleue rispimo gouscito
bemi ne te tempo muy spiricina Caucizala a Cerremis. Ne impusse de Em
uxepasit todo Vlasiqua cori Do officio. Peia Diuno Espoa Oniquece
marde meecimento Acta sua fir Espoja forsendo He Abbeniese Fria Em
fermid. Sarne da Carco Cho ne narco napait Cipiera Abito Coracao ag
prevaloco de tal modo Contra os tercosos fe che aplicaxada d Sejo acortompes.
Se Cha Hando Carnal Lo tod Capo produinda dagari todo Ale tiniso Outas
Celestialica El Cabral d Alias. Chica Egiero lo mais spiricino outras
ficou pejo d Craltados d Senour republo Ho. Da v Grans Circa Citanas
Espois Insi neste marinho de Cedus qui Parcea Errido ol Capo dig losofia
Com gruan espacienia. Normafors Apertu Hobital desespiorura Jo cauxi
lio causo de seu arruo so Espo Jo Vis Eco Maria uantissima Mai Affis
ma cerca Ubi d Ensenuir He calibra gu uno de Jerribaco tollido
da Espoja Primor Chana d Ena Afirma Era Velas Camoura main
Al junidi suino rola ecitura da Creismo Aone de Ella tiniodaia i propensid
dasnio da Pied Coura de Ioão Baptista sua lux Coro Chila ae
Este foi Campl Ergo di uma amante puisican abia Cipoja de Cipacio chabas
Arnas Cheyo na sirti d Ciro pos lou aforio Embols de Abrilo de 1652. ter
ceiro Anno de Sezgueno de Medicea dignitaries Atinares sapo Codia
Etando a Commissis No Laro Caritan lo a Misfa Convenional foi Ella ajusa
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Page 128
**[Texto Principal]**
Aguas a Camararia Vscra Com de Spiritus Angelicos, & naquella hora sempre
a Cidade Carravos a D. Sim Cornei improu ficou de seu Capo publicando
aploria da Alma do Otimo eixada, Como seres de Cur piamente pella Serend
Venerograsiam de Seterem la Conuexida Em queixa froe de tromentos Cadre
lima padecido. Nomimonia foi sepultada sendo ad Cesmaguara d falceo
Dopoi dasfundada da Misterie tendo elle Cloio anny Seterem ed Adha
fundacao Ca da Matte de Punta d Ada de Segundo rianno fribas
quanto tiejo d Manila quarenta.
Vida Omote da Veneravel Madre Joana
da Conceição que heço E Manila aponta no Crv
numero 6 por fundadora deste Misterio &
faleceu quatro mezes Emco Epois d Cha ceça
A P da Me Joanna da Concepaçã foi filha Unibera vai, com rio vize
aqui seu nome se Leignorarexi Antropo de Macesus Cita memoria, Raices
Esta Apoja de Jnri Ernamis Abbie Ciclache d Manila. Pad bern Senao
bia Canro Emi tomou sbabito pela mesma lezas sa vita. Licou Cita faciado
Com mais fundado a reponta a Crv Fugai palei tab derri Entre tolos
fundadora Qui Diuna Espoo Et cab bem sem primicias dos fruiues
do quarto Mejor do filho de ledeira. foi eramado a a Corod de Cleui meirinm
pella dinina Epso En Maio d 1634. Cuia morte foi muito sentida a Chr
vida Devota, Quuem peralmente cuida tanto Satisfaca o final Vicaco
Cumungato os indias, Concorso muita gente a Seu Omcia Heran ouve
Concurs o gente no cap do conuto de N. S. Ramiro, fezeramse do tos
Equiano nos podia muitas pesais Quanas amais, Conveniencia de Coro asbom
nos Officio de que saremendo O quise poderndo suas Coura dep Cormadi
vinia Epoca florescaperunt intima umbra. Embrodor armes Habine.
Tellas A fragancia Celeiro Xluos Peniss Colco d Muino jam impreca Iga
pera ny Significia quo sua La Prima Era nova planta. Suin
geri alle delicia qua Comecia a receer. Mas tinso Anda ca. Rodo,
Madre Convente nem forma Alle Eporsia assifia Em Ja particulo novoja
piguena quando Chafiel Comprometra dellai Jeapartiu peralliv fazes mucha
noles. Olapa depeis de Cincozeu ao Cap. don Aligioso no sonu
S. Francisco, quanto ja finla Conuento Clousura qui jeasob Cer
fundoras Teusa y sua Companhia de gsd d Luta Sua Companheira de Cunta
os nas teue effeto on nabaue q travesse d luga Coio orde tinta e las Sepul
tada poura se Deui ss ficara fora dolamparsia Paluai Sitra compa
nire Pirminho davinti. Ate ha alma Reina no Ced Ortop aimais
fundados dar quasso Ella Conjuitora nesta fundicaçã
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Page 129
**[Pagina 61]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Vida de saia aqui de Extensio merito damis Comuei van Plas Magarica
Da Conceps Eclara Cos Manricio quarta Quimra fundadoro die Miffovo
E quanto bolataro p Manila Em Comp. da Settand Madre Maria Mandalena
da Vera Cun Cha Cabaras seu mente o uso Ca sua uidad Armimar
xaros neite Marcos foras de Grande Toff Esuou com juduarda a planta Elle
faisim p dificas das Superiora do dagloria Ele tem Calido no Cuoro de
Sincente Eclaram fimdo planta Carita Chua Dua Caupira Culturas dos
elecidas fis documens Exemplin the dexa Conaimai ardia,
Jaques Lasemn Cita biuenchentoria de Clendo Ela brinus dilata de fa Suirg
meredimentos.
Ba Vida Cruste da Venereuel Madre Maria
de S. Josep, filha dhanerico lis da Gues
Edenacia Martins seu marido Rione Caseria
A R da M. Maria de Josepe, naceo nesta O. D. Alacao ga Encobili
Sumis Pais Cidadoini Era Lid. foi Cozao Com Patricie Cadeno E mone
Cate Scurno tornou sbagio detecerea gendendo P. S. Admias Enne e ci
tado Biuco Aguni anny dando grande Exemplo Camuno, riomado Corique ao
tricice purida daqui obiocandoje Corna cus depertencia Sega da Manila
Acembaxa osaxi Sobecano Rey dagloria pellos Comuisaia Juai Cyogaia
todai alquijede g Capro, Esta Larrini Mataria Sem Amora Ca Sofi
reco nasd Olpoja tnpera Ciciana dai Espozai desbeberans Inca que ptada aba
digna a Conuidade. Pad felucat agasu na Exeicas que foi aquara que
tonou bapta Em 24 de Decembro dall meei ma Completoj duacagada
sai Me fundadora. Peram notareil Le lo Lucad sua e Chepegou di Silo
Chibas Valeriu Chula grame e C Opino familia ouvann Unho Cummales
Sauce pa Chapitenc Da Salamas buncaua na Religiao gaslado tobi Cristes
uid ai Religiosa Cri seima Com panie Armi Seuerite Charida de Apenefico
ancho fastern nos Bonti dei Senbo ponualissima Orundon mi Exercici Coms
tificadas da Comurdi pellaquae beitiui merece Sex apriera Apoi
Polo M. Joana dal orpeciso Nadi cio cariou p al Corro do Oringisia
Cruida Darogoa dw S. Francisco da Claete de Sepember Hixou a Camp
Dainaiti Epogai dsbnes ficario Crios grane de Centimente per exrem Cam
Suarmditel Ella Casta Santa Camparhia. foi aprincim do Deputru NoCo
das Rdes. M. Cirso fo cita anna afinsaca a Lourente cella ouruantas
Chabire da religiao
Z Vida Emote da Venereuel Madre Joanna
Bauptina filsa al Pedro Lis Teixeira de Ma
Cadeno
M Binie Edum de Juno de 1647 Faleeo sara Abantia Bauptisa
Em Idade de Vinte Equato annos e Litione de Cabido de Religioso
Superio de Cite Ernqual Ai Benites Achard mista e pello mesme toda
di Companzeira Exemplo de Seguir as vai prigas Clarros in Herdo Dou
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Page 130
**[Pagina 49]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Roubam tantobem. Apenas de mais Atremou eu Cafligo a Cira Capaia da Sua
forada Occupação de Uma muy pura Conciencia D Garada do Sacro de sua mora
lidade E pois Helecido de Diuino Sacramentos Aparece logo hecida da
gloria emus Santos Et lenrauel Madre Beatrix de Santa Maria Claro no
noro Enoracol Faberri de Esse Entas d darneima maneira apareceu a
eu Paj De Roiz Peixeira
Vida Emone da Senenuel Madre Sorh Thaxia,
da Encarnacad Rta de Joao de Mattos G Torio,
de loanna Barroza
Em Noue de Outubro de 1645. Foi chamada da Divinis Espoja Jesar Maria.
da Encarnacao Em Idade de Seisatlo Anno, E Oito dose de Cabella de Lebri
foi Cita Opera do Spod domunimo sauprimentos Bizes, poi acabou Cele Hielo preuenis
com Cor Leo dai beirue Primejo daquaci Entrou Entidad tenros anns
a Celebrar nagia Jezu de propost Com o Divino Ileb seu Episo Depois dema
ra Veplandence Seu Irto Como de Chrio Ecstesias Como quut furtoras Estrella,
nad foi m. parecido Atria naronte quem otinha Rido napuse na Crutiua A Bo
neruel Madre Beatriz de El Maxia apareceu nacora Clitando adita Ms
Encarnaco Enelle uia acra Celestial Espoja Betida da gla Com Cora na Cabeca
dife ella meima adjunta Madre tal uid Cam puni chai padecero Asperas
do Viugatorxi qua pre jumpad Hiueca Comella alecitauo mum off. de sua
mildade Contra o Lojas namo Adiona Made Bratis auil cira Cele Tal bis
Chi plas o Windo denante Cam Candea chibindo fus Ocada sethe capagui a
Candeo Eloque Aquio Jacameno pello Seu namme Bulga Crime ai religiosa j
Crado Mai Chuio. Esta ja Celestial fila repetindo duas Reges Mai Auio
Mas Auie Weancensso a Candea Operurindo a troa Maq quemeo lei
ponseo Eu Maria na Encarnacao elo Aparececo Bem Aliicada Cita
aluo. de mascucao Snia Al Breatis e Sette das muitas fe Credio atados
vis suidito Epalauro
Vida Emone de Clore Leaquario de Santo Antonis
Fila de Antonio siaho Eda Caterina Caliqueira
moio de Ceembro de 1645. Edore do furidacio de Sratoa Maca da Carne
mortal Soris Lequardo de Slanto Antonius Emulo de 23 annos de tres 12 de
habito de leligios sugerto Em januucia Op sitou un dotis Quara Coprescas
vila Cormornato dai beirtues muito mais Engiansecco. E pois de seu plecin
apareceu Logo Em Anaas de Re Beno Ex Matto Veli clasiquiana ompe
Jelis. Nritas naquella Misiao as litha, tinha vida Concecos Rita Episo Expo
Sendo Ella Secular oriento de Como se aparecea no mundo de Cola tam diuoro
dalegra namado Mualcaritas Alacedonia lo Era Cana Tejaveilla sempre
Ategad Caparecy donis ala. si pse dal Carta Erra Caro Citaria rasputa
tono nouerneresi poteri dana Dilma He coniverera Aquella graca Criure
Singulares He apareceu nelle jacito. p He pecil He diecione Alias
das vissima Concecao de Virgin Mania uma nosla de Neituda Eganhie
merccins. Allai uassa logo aglia disse So Ra Chesias da Ruixi Concepcas
Edias Logo He tornsiu capareceu ja Berida Claroa da Opia danolle apiacapo
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Page 131
**[Pagina 62]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Por ter sido Elle paue Com armuaçãõ de D. N. Cetar sa liure daipena e Corada da gloria. dissemais a Celestial Espoa Addio Se que etudo oja deferuido Che parte asuas Simaie deleigias na Este Monteir, que adiu ao Reço sel Pisd Carta q trian su acue Monteiro. Settificarae di Vil P.S. Vite Collegio de Macao se altra Cosinal adjutada si Vicento de Martos Etta Carta Semianon goa an perla erijo Jella Sei merençd Emusa Coronca da Sinicuria.
Vida E morte da Veneravel Madre Colleta da Vera Cruz filha de Antonio de Sineva Chansa Ex: Isabel das Roja
MDCXLIV Novembro de 1644. De Christo nascita Na da Carne Espiritual Sores Colleta da Vera Cruz Ernãs de Christo foi anna Missidare. desabito de Melia fos Esta Espoa d'ospo d'natural muy Candida, Eslingella se dobie, nem malicia, foi mui Caritaria Camisa i mai Epaximou foi in dilige te nos Santos Exercitios da Comunhão Singulos ni Emaacul Ao Cava gorie a Misha Comquande seuor E Viajas pello q he feis eu Diuitro Cipojo os aus de marcos bisitas de pois Leuar agilha Jesus Santissimo Pastiario, no Preclaro naragonia darnante Bisitaro Como disfe Ella Cruza ai Campanha Congr. Onistacos de sua alma A logo Xau amortal marcao a Eixamora Comum Semblante muj aleque Cla Santa Emuloa a Centuras ficaca de Jumes Com panscia, Crendo pia mente, d nantos Patiarchas Leuaroa em sua Comp & agria aquela sua Custa fta.
Vida E morte da Veneravel Madre Izabel de Jesus filha de Arsepe de Gouca, de Maria de Evaues - Roma do S. Fr. Severano dos Ray.
MDCXLV Sete de Septembro del 1645. Seau jentius da Camp da rain Sel- giasa de dia as listir Cam so Jo Ivi seu Bruno Cipojo, ante amada aque vida Estadas sp Saia m. Eqaid dei Heides ep Erau Tempie namemoria E sade. Etudai afelix Izabel de Jesus ta coa de Oli Cornada sua pasi pello no Sex maistrauo Sen Clivado Carpo, comin Elgurosol disciplinas quotidias an am tamaua E Compania Jogl de ceqava a Barbal atr Camdeu Cafo, Opus sangue jintitando Com isto riad podia a Vispa da Catel de seu amar opimento Veisi, nad lo Com disciplinary, senão corn tadai arnaa imisticaciasii yleu Opriuri We dinima affigna Seu Caspo to tado ornno Errain Apodia para mell sagiad al ao Celestial Espoa no qual Bada una Empregada en seus ama) e Osif de belle musiva Cruza pura e Cala Canais sp trauil Com maior me recim. Enriquece cesta sua Espaja de Divino arrance foi levado da Vie Lui vagio Chem Dilatada descrita de Feuse Continua tabaga da Oquente oppa recio Per aquelle Carpo Luaz Saga Rua Verdauel Ventellis grintigael todo fixa Belement Calor, mais Oficio Elebamente Exa carmi Co Casajana a Caraos Vita Caridi de Ferixo igual fruis Eforis toda cabia qua Antro cam or Divino Congrarnua ao Celestial Espiso Efso operava affama gra mas Divina Hedaminihrau ap Quemes (teal re sentia) ap restio Calora Enquanto teue claude Jesus muitos annos officio Cerminencia niquel Ves bim a Caricle a Entranquel armis Com Namaua a Suas Inial Seguin do a da Origiatale Carecia Emuida difi Empregauato de Son tudens
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Page 132
**[Pagina 1]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Porquanto me toche bem de Espanha de seu amado de 1643, sendo trad. Solicita Clarimosa digo opinio & depolo a sua sequencia com He Crisstiano sen do suadiz trais cuid bem as Chozas R seu amado depois perendo tad solicita Clarinosa Comunial Simaí Stantigo nem Cais nempied tinha sempre oposta Como inici migia A qual taluio é Cristiana de seu Corpo Perido pois cramada Cipaz sa be purificada nebe grist Esta Candida a suena p he mumhal de Citava Satís feito Hcluaman Correieu a degala la com fauses Bipois daglova cais ficou meu Consta cada singularam foi bruxima na long Joao se custo ultima mente recebiam todo di Sacramentos Cornigiarde Comoblacão Nua bendita alma Et tan da ra ransancismia clagonoria damaste pedio ago Ca uella Emora En settedas uio Ella viande La tymsemejo Anio nobrja emoda Como sepinta o Artariuo sa Alquel aquale Erstumpacasa de Co conital Re desagoga Celestial Comaquai tiratou a Sede Cornella Gsou tora apena Fagnia que padecia Comecanço dite porizo Agor Comi fauces ja Vesefidion opremio deuigiarse merceimentem Apoitado sa aquella Cana alma dai pii sei de Seu berrn mantiuada Capo quira abord Diuna gelle Hue indeclomologia deua alma ja pouca pelo Seiv Espargancia y Milaua de defuntiugno fiutog ptuos a penenciae de talesueretantes anny foxaó triata Cid Ed Cinioneje Esabito de Cleig durou g alguns dias no Con tienra aquelle Esteir Castauido f Constelacão darl Sau Com dita Senis doarn Tenacia non Coxacede Asuai Jurias lendo arda Ostimula Exemplo a Seguiçd capizadas Etad amada Equida Jima
Vida Emore da Veneravel Madre clara do Espirito Santo filha de Antonio galiao go dinlo E O Caron ferreira
M Dinie Emore de Septembro de 1643 Darrou o Divino Elpgo a sua Espoja Clara do Espirito Santo Emilda de Divine Esticanna m Dites honsete & sabio De elig Empregou Otter Em seus entejas Entre Singulares Beiti abaus Caro grande Com suas Irmãs Com supraximo de Cristolog tinhas glia a Cuaparem na Delig Sinai Imoi Em Sen Seu Com Casapa nas nelle de cuaud mai alepe Conteneus minima ja mais le Europa ainda a fringiem m pe na Tumilde Veiplandeces fs sempegas ras officin mais umildes tendasfe migna Casilin na Comp de Suai Sirria Veiciperindo Benervando atado Co ma a Ciparar de Cleis lo pop napacencia foi Exemplar andas senda de Cordiais muj bianda Critina adiquesta muy pacifica nad tratirando nada e Pax E huego de sua alma Com este Vertugo spartim po destim passou de sua blede Carreira na deligação or Seren anno nella uicos no Calos no q uendo de Era clama da do Celeste Elpgo Suprevenio Compuiente Com coleda dan Devindes em Jehina Exercitado a Lecbet vs Minimi Corribates daua a aquel acabade poi de Decedibid todos di Sacram Commuria apex da alma d Entiegous ceny piarmens numanis de Spgo Divino copal Scios da lar periipe dependas graças pello friur sajonados d Catte deles sus adims
Vida Emore da Veneravel Madre Flavia de Melos filha de Antonio de Sueim Miranda de Isabel da Roja Entruje de Junto de 1642 Em de de trinta equato annos de Cits
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Page 133
**[Pagina 63]**
**[Texto Principal]**
E D Cito, Hcarkis de Sabado de Religiosa foi clamada y alorada a benenauel Madre Maria del Obis, primeira Cipadora desta ter. de Samissão aquel Iago emilacão com bine dias da Legado das Embaixadas da suprema Rej dagloria se Entregou nas direças Epoereno daquos Me imitando na suisen te, Caferuara la deslucia a Qua Santa Marianna sa clara, que muodo dar, Bolei, E Calais que pello seu Propocia o Patriarcha V.Pad Francisco Hen imita de Rey dagloria Ello Entudo Se Chegou asquereno Episcopo de Cto Sobesano Director Xada menris doque a Santa Mariana fezerao, e siou agora Esta sua pieeza filha Maria del Obis, nabelo q era primeira racininha Senad gh sai muitas beuesas deuecasua Chenta raismemorias de sua finança Como primagenaria dan A Madre fundadora. Nabalbu m d Secempla Cruial Accambarai amai e tornava su Exemplo requiros sua opirao. Cristos vianrs gsteue de Cleligi foi muy ob Servante O telladoro de Cuia Legra obedema inauduel mente de Silencio gas lando Gtempode Elle Crnsanle Aceuci cios dauxracod Crnditaca cm especial fante go Cooficio merul de Ms.pello quedan js le fosse bem ficindo de Ceus placidimentos aclarmo a Casa firneo Qua Emprincia Cella Sopremien Comprende serius Decendo todos di facram vis Vertebidos Sed Clarou sua alma dai priso do Corpo E louo coo Acerrimpia mente Alecben spremio daprimaja jtecente Paraixo tercal, nad Oculto Senas patente g Cms Crear Enpica o Beinde toda aquellas g Seguirse nu meca. No Seguimento deta sia Baronel patricia Culante Capista de Ctaois.
Vida Emone da Veneciauel Mª Cixilia da Resuruscada filha de Rodrigo Santos de Barreds Maria dosmios en Japão, e de Glaria Pinta
Em quarto de Agosto doana 1649. Em idade de trinta Oeis annos Selabits da dell g Casbini dispensou Comaliquorua penicencia detta Benenauel Mª Cixilia da Resuruscada Celestial Espoço Apo IOIIs, clamanda p Hedora como agual Ella apieco de Chiguoa ai penicencias Soul acquisi Carnag afuyia eu Corpo Crnisa si alcasta ami que Dioeo naleliqüd de Crat modo el Cantanto Excfso macruria Scud Chitao Corpo quemino texa Crpanso at Dinai Sinis Companheda suas Alendos Arcicios movificos Cespenicencias da Com mi de Cris Cita Senia de Deus conhecida mente assolas Caedia tinda ella outra Cecreta ida da Lo Cao testemina seu Divino Carrone Apo IOII Em Certas temps. Epaticularmente na mia Scaramaia Comaquida Opimo e Cornoutro Sta Canuna Andumente an Grimaia muito jaunque iepiana quo fosse perpe seus Exercizis quotidians Cordinas ix forch servir no lo limba Consemex ia Com todomais maii calados Cur Holaja giavau Criccio pobreaa Semiel ma is Compaalgua g popre sabia g troja no bedictuo psi Exemplar catada as Acompanheiras foi ras lecada da Encminla disfusol g Vecebia cole, g Verad sante Menenumouno mais mes que estejajus muscos anos ca aclamacao delle Dom Joaç Aquario de Portugal celebre ista plaidende. barc Cain ai Mesfandavas g disculauaortal aclamatas do De Seguia a Genera Ella Comma is Esfacio aduta aclamains sy nar Paria sen Penos Com su peria Sienia acta Leclado. agual sei Bt on tas Certa Coms Etamos Edo, frslamente Concorde g acamanu a Celestino Espoço g a Coma ces preparao Coms pudeme Armanido sep olshimo Cambale Com as avimas Celestias g Diminas dal Dimins Paciamens g Cormelle armada da Cipezos
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Page 134
**[Pagina 1]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Espera o Alumopra de sua vida Em que al quis Rei imortal cap a unta
Sua alma depeniente Capo p goza Eternamente Com Elle na Celeste da Cae-
stial patria pela Origiul Conique Del pedido do Corpo aquella Damna
alma fixando naquella sua morada terrestre Tumi semelhante mu gale
que à prometia às suas Imas Teria las todos premios Caridade Onlual Comp.
Aosme Espero atosaj p todos Cris Son celestial Fournacen A Honra sim Como
ofejção aqui no claro dari.
Vida Emote d amuy veneravel M Brea-
tis de Santa Maria que antes de er Relig.
padecço Martirio Em Jappão.
Embinde China Anno. 1631. Em id H Settembro anno de seis quinze De.
Dabius de Silveira pois aioebech. Dele M otiero Em Sumora tripeja Sentuamts
Chou e pequeninos do anjo y Clarissimo po ca Remonstrado a olma da Benconuel
Madre e Maxor Beatriz de Santa Maria y Sci Ella y toda Era Santa Carpa
Mas clamato a Consolada Votada. Por prime Condame nalacifica de
se Catholica, bezo Cita lena Injuro d Oterada za clappo sua Patria com seu ma-
rdo Antonio do Silvia e sua filha Lamb Maia da M de Dci. ante rebid
Hettuarar padecção Ruijes persequicai Emartirios quando Antimans urani
ga daf que procurara Communa traca finganos aparatas Seu Coracao de
Anias Esce de IAVI Apo Clomo Otineiro Sempre firme Constantes tendo
Cruxosa tudo ogi deseade tendolle vitimas Appareci ja Confessione assunto
Liqueça que peshestunia Mal Siba Che derad barros tormentos Crueldades
elle argamenteente Mirada Nao collai Aquil abono daquelle Senhor por
Cus amor padecia mitiquo Gardor Esperado daquelle dia his tomenta fi
naparte Gomne Caso Espede la carne drogo. Neo quis Dio mo Okulos que
Ella diablica esperacao Spevase risi Capsi Etai dias fimnei Constantes a
masos Suas apriques La Sentindo Lua muj Leue dos come sette alanurad
Aparece clores nitixans We bonanao rega a seuerite porero lo Despensa Com
Ellas Abaid Divina que Aqui adou pela Copas suos nelle seu axim Em
quanta Cititucado naguelle Martirio porque copis detivais elle speran
Atomento Carni gloria de Heremania pal lugo tempo. depois tabern sarado pos
tos separada a Mai das Silva cada tua obre sua muy pequena pesra poi
En Colino della por Caudo domarcasa Certas tagemas que miratos He fajad
a skrem ja por heredas Calidas clasfe Canios por que faccia. Aqui Lure
mo por Criagun Beved a Varani May affirmado dele que afila ja ella
ua Casida Que ja negava a Jesus Xpo Contra Ella infernal batalha ca
dis a Snod fojendo miraculo jamente que Angues que doua a fist Constrean
asse e Seu santissimo nome asquisise opadia Mal Erroa quande dilataria tras
Chavos apritos Luadosos e nad Cortura se o Coiado cla praga (Melo)
diabolic Enzano de Crengauao di Ministro de Satana de poder breto los
sobren
finice Catatons Olare abaixo dos nomor dos copos oferenciao p cita (De
ari cleagaz Embinde Tour. J 1634. e logo Aliji Esta forad traipar Em Campa
nada companhia de Venesacad el Repeto de escla spouo p Cite Matheo sendo de
llas capritura me de Ola Pijas em Macao Antonio do Silvia marido do
Mais Elias confita dome mo modo de Caminharon Recaferido Sie no Convento
de N Pe São Francisco pera ser a ly Religioso patlo Conserto feito entre am
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Page 135
**[Pagina 64]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Amb maxido Cmollo, fmao poder Comdigos da Religiaõ Dixou Antonio
da Silua dabio de Reley Clon Conferimento da molteç posoua Mimilla a don.
De Jordeu dArdri Tacos Chirando p Mazão. Sepeiden Omorreo a fogada Crems
pia menes que pellos padres pela Confissio da Samto fe Catolico Emajo depe-
lla Graça de Cristo molleç efa Erraxa Jaomellai Remarao noleca. O Vme Coife
sufucit Coram Dominihus i Confitebo te O ego Cum Om Patremeo, Cons elle
não Ja Confessco Xi Apo diante dosikans Senad quo poe strece con-
trab. De Sta Casa hera fundado fica anziço opinio xenso de Crata lei.
morria Carnaldo na Ces
Citada na Religiao a Benrauel M. Bicarii de Santa Ma mais sacricidos
Seu Cipriano noamde Cleu Diuina Esporo ploqual Recebia grandes Confortaciõs
muy amuido ag ella Enquanto tomada Ella, Extra poza da noarnal Divina,
diaja mai torcia Em Cle pregunta do tinl Aito edisidija logo Outre sn
fuxores g Recbeo, g Sarao muitos prias ol Onias singulars sai Emdio de Epipanio
dallhe abrigue Maria Maj de Dio, Sria nista Seu beneficio fillo abejial co
ma Ala odisse Supsta Jaduetica otoriou angas mos sabrados de sua alma
Como ficundo transporta la Cal Caristia Canicas com Cantou ascmigura
Cheleja do Diuino menina Caín Comparaue Algo Cemajuko do Meij ter-
tificarad Ser Ceita do tinhadis Nenedingo Elants dia de Epipania trila
Ela Caminho fila padeci do omartiris daago ferunte Era lapadello toa
Oanni Salerninjaua in trinseca, Exprein Seu mente quarte pasio Ete Saints
dia de modo g andaua naquelle Solennida de Como fora Es Conuidando
Atodai ai Delig, Cas au ussem na sua seta. Dcadi geralmente sei Denecada
Santa, prado pella g pareces Em lappos Darior de Se dispo Senad pelo
grande Destireciõ nella leplancerciado Era ella Conceu Animaçãud Landidaçãopm
basem malicia nem dobies adiecmuj Caristiana Carnoesa Comfose Andy
tinbos Santos Estaf por yerdoa Cinel Carta de per Ella muita Santa, todn
aella buscauaõ de Venetiaõ de Char necessidades pedindo attelho de Precacao Cir-
tercedo diario de Cal peratosai Elle isingularx m saim Leu de Cuatro edehe
Mo Tenio Al R. P. de Mano el dri Antis Relig. de Celans Angi Canualgous
Vete Bispadò Ecuma oqual ado esencendo d Padencia mortal nella se Conmensu
muils a Cor interposoeia soa Ciurecesad da Obra do dio peblado Rad far Con Leuida dar He
Causa g Heguis dar muito mais dop Ella pedia, pellas Oracoi Edereprecasiõs
de Suo Arora, quesfi clarle avudo Cherira Em magoria ep da sua sero
Disse quanto podias a suai petises diante de Alle pontas Masbaulte Embu-
tao Sea de Citius ex Emburba Salernine a Companiam Se leuda da aquella alma
Ca Otero de Creano Comeeta bijad sicou a Scena do Inol muy Concedada dan
do Diuino bond giacs infinitos g tas grane de sauir Mutias almas florinas
via Citalutna de Jerusalmi particularmente de Veliz Hete Montei como
Se delata Cnsilu uiso tus beria algui altera da Susqutoria Henicos pecdi La
fragio falalienta Chu penas fo iso Sediu Ella q rodis sy de Rhinuad Suo ora
cais Simaninus Como as defuntos ardon era aliuis Concuso fa finalni
Dixamn de Delara, outrus muitos anares faband Dimina fac achisto sel
Servo fabrezui Oia clacado Chuarido Etas bem ploura na Narração della
Darce modio das I. G. Soa as agoa nas dad natuia de Chuabra bo tapera
Califica sua muita Egide Leude Contas Comunida tex Era felicissima
Matrona padeccio Ein topad grandestomento pella Confissio de Confessio
Page 136
**[Texto Principal]**
Santa Catharina: que Chegando merecimento deu, a qual lhe pagou com sua vida, nisquanto opo de duvida q Ser palauira dada pelo mesmo Senhor ao seu pai padecerem tormentos Sciamos Nos auie dislello quiper mansifi mecum in tentationibus meis, dupara libbi legnum equen seguindo afe indubiauel. Qua Duniom palavra dauasava nos Era jo derecta dos Senio dogloria Em Lo preza clamor Carne da potestad Aprinuaa Eceita prias majorei mrecercim adqueia to do bom juizo do piamente a Duniua bond ada de Carlos pondex catanto amos Com sauuer multiplico dos.
A Sim Caao semultiplicaua os sauxes Conig de Spn Iegalaua aenastica fiel serua, ta bem lleclaua noua na tronues Cola riso denierca p os fora si m Alderenc com Haquaidei dorcs ag tolerou com pacencia alqui beig Solianada a Llua Criada abaixo oba o Enimigos Seade Emender s foi luos Dezeri Ca Fenda muy perdonas cla q querou dracor Brigancas Flamanae Selly ominiga apella guerras le sajas permitiu Ma an para loxi sua meresi mento gradi de Chua amada Espoja pera a Curare doguebra desheco ej foi posta pelidixa a Camara da Ernia Cha das docentro nesta Cura Liguristas dox Sem ella dar sin Al que asentia E ha bem Exercitado a Empadecel clares, E tornens parado Asp Como Esta He tinta administrado O nimigo della Seuid Camgiamae amo e perficia eu cuamado Ires sabia Cla Esta a causa eg ffo aquello Crucis dare exad pera Ella piad dores Senad atlicas elegalsrj go poder onamo socs de po no Jad petros ferad gloria aut pati aut mori dua Sonco Barce acsuamado IDOS y no pa deci gseu amo Cinuad portai tadai Suai Elicos, ca sim las todos criais Santos e Santas Cria foi alecas de Cita Berna uncinda da Contar tie Allanna Scrab quiexais dominiq y faoeua de todo seu poder tino por Legales, q de seu ama recebo no 2 queda gde aplicou ella Outra no outro Cura Elsendo Eficasicimi parcos sobre braco de Conjuntos a o Seu fel Co Bedade Companhia Entrodos seus tribos Crismenos paderidos Em Jappad Lum Guelfixo e la Comernal Cura Bessi. Sem he applica guan algum demicio mais q de Cima se ficou ubrio Tago são sem fejas nem dar nenbua querendo Garado Camadas de suo Espojo Com esta sua Cura ugaeste ornituque padeces congiante paciencia Jeu amas Naprimiuva Com de leis e tumano Chrstiana a oluido Cabo tampainel grande na cabe ca Senque Remo grandepancada decebesse, non soy nem fejas Ceagada Amb Limin dial ja suavida foi auizada da Celestial Espojo que ja que ma por perpeetuo termo a Chapadece) dans te premio de seu glorioso trabalho Colocando no coro de suas Espois Errtagloria foi Embaixadora Cita Embaixador abeneuel Berna uncindasa M Leoris d El Francisco principal fundadora Vite Morefis aquel Em Daoits de Couty de Eterna Senha auienta da Patria Celestial logo Boltoii Camera Embaixada a desta sua filha pello della Logo via a M Maria da M D Doi sua filha della Cantrias delia gi rodio Citauo damorte da M Fundadora ano ella cacaba) a quo de Esui niballo dizendo que iria da M fundadora a Bipirama ja Coroa de gloria, ca Certifica carada noite nas odito dia que fara bine Elias dormente mes Coutribo Coito di y depois d transito da dita Ada M fundadora Celestial Embaixora Epodem ou Cueta mente Cer que tas bena foi Rema uncindasa M fundadora g tenau aquella ditra alma apresentas a sei divino Espoço prri misio de He fu fazendo eloplatino Ditoso Cardim j taq fruto da dio dagloria partide ja para agloria aquela ditra alma deixouo test
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Page 137
**[Pagina 65]**
**[Texto Principal]**
De Magdalia Etiam se aquelle sua terceira Secretaria de scientia antiga tal comegura Chuan de Octavio, que mouia a Cucad amor Contra os suyos, que amereçarão Per Logo foi Leixada & acudir a Cuidad claro Cuotas filsa Suas total acamauado Maf Ano fuiini Soue. andao muy Dinos nosa racos H todas as Atratoras Logiuará adia Handantam conm Gnsuasso Comp Emeanos de 1653 dois annos nas Completeris de Calu tron fis scabis a Sua Sepultura se feita na Primuiua Bentei Em variar o Ca jais puriuas muitas Relig. buei ello na Sepultura aberta Setrou de Ella os Sein Santo Corpo in Corrupto Dom Susus simo Ceito si membro trataues, Esuas natraçães Demon J Sentralb sethe trocará Attoucafe Sabito Vrinda Beuido Pp ageral Compuças, tudo Corrompe Decepitando, Benearao a Santo Corpo pia guardan as benhoj Citte particular detenço de Causa dita mudano de Bestim ficuras ao Graça, ne Uai lugar donse lle esparrar retiran clappes aagosefemente Alhuexesi aqui ani Testore li duai beji Sebotou Cita ara qeta Barasil Materna sua quarto Sebotou tas sem a Sia ditja Chanta Filla Couro aella So. Etava aquellasi tan Santa Carne das Cotar do Lox Encarnada muy finca Esturroja Detapark ue Velga Louala de Suo quacal prion Comsum al Sanco dos de loga Josia dan fue fuico qual aplicado abixo parte dos Clentes qua dia Via natural mente padecia logo Immediata mente Juiz iunte dadox Outry milages se Diserife Senhas pera Comelle justificas a Beneide, Emeccin. Nittativa sel Senia xig Enas Delaraçãs abriuial Esta Sua narracao q mexece masres Cla gin Coutro Orami mais Sierre Ed Emmelax preia a Satiri a. ad Cuacas Calguas del 29. daor dem Calquai pesoa de Quoras Setrouxe aquelld elo Co Corpo Apo ta legal de donde foristas etodn nprejenos Co Tracto tocas Cam lepeito Beniciaçã, Se tempoua Ciadad mistradad vi squarad Etania de Ciodad Che nexa Aquelle Santo Corpa sem sayeseri presente atodo Chipauo particulaire Asmagmanante Alle Citta merece E falixo do Co Cornisha uista radi dar e adeni ada Cidadgraca a Cemprej go Stadn se faer bum muniual al Madso todos patdo tempo Contax sulcida iam. Ata Hera Com o Chenis meubitanelem disna qui illustrat Citta no Hato d Clebia io dagol Cleminuis suios acte mu Semie Baniel Vin algum tempo Citta pe no preciso a incorruptivel Consun Calizo bradabry. Eipoi dern depois fundamenteis Actornou a Entre rax dos de Citta arte d Talsi Seia Jeuido tornallame tras ars Koa Turmans fi maior gloria domincana sii d Diue Ieina Com os Espiritos t Em Unid perfeta a todn os Seculs dos seculs Amens
Ao Venemosma aqui de La Cita Sena field de Indi meeca Per emissancia grada de Seuantada doclad d Cleuacai da Comtemplicaçã d Epis de Cornuz nsad g sempre Cia gustidiaria a Rda Esempe triuj Beneiauel M. fundadora Seanor de Shancisco duas beses Reei senhor Este sauer, equal na Concedes Antendum mai sendo que muitui addistitarao Dex ma não nadacanca radg Ques Courtn muitas saunes sallos de Como Equario Caquem ache Napios
Dida Crente da Venerauel Madre Bernarda
da M de De ri filsa Chieps Peira de
Bernardaqaces
Emquine de Alta do anno de 1653. Em Ide de Curia Cosis annos
de Citi Binne d Chatias de Clelia. alabou Empax Emisnoi armug
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**[Texto Principal]**
De ouora Cheueramuel M. Bernardo da M. C. D. rogoito digna & grande
Deneracão das suas muitas Eqiondes Vertices, bebendo Estas daguella fontes
perenais R.P.M. E fundadoras d Emanauas de S. Grentana abundancia
Certos dos ashas filias estranplianarao de tal modo que ficarao nesta Co-
mo En croxos d Crux Maior Emus singular mente seu isto na C. Bernada
de Madre de C.D. que foi aotiana em dar Educar aos mexerados
asfundadores, muito traballou Orabon discipulo P Recuplar Em tudo
oque nas Majes O Meiras. Dias por trabalhar nisto Concuexo querendo al
tancas Empolos amos os as suas Mesmas consequiauo Emmutos plita
Causa ueja afsiar Fisica querindo a fim o sen Celestial Elpago fio ama
Celenuo acepea aquelle e todo Em qual apuriciao como doure nogrisol
todo à Escrita das imperfeições Esba uida por logo assim Com desate se
asha ditexa alma do laço da mortalid de sir loge a destet a corsa da gloria
Emprenso dos suelado amor Con que a soube mercer Etando ja prindhi
mordiala Calta uida Vie cergou elequa parente de seus peillados que adeje
rad Abbadeza de Malteim. nao Consentio Ella que tal parente Se abri fie
Gerend Auitar Com ella da Viagem que feix meredia fazendo p a labia
Celestial Emagul Vincira por toda a Eternidade.
Vida Emote da Veneravel Madre Maria das
Sagas filha deglonigo Martin de Chappad Goncalo
Monteiro Delazinho de Maria Caldeira
Em dia 6 Decembro do anno de 1684, no Id de Chrifma edous annos e
dipes treze de sabiro de Religiosa Dixeu arnora da bati partindo p oleo
al veneravel Madre Maria das Sagas soberia Em opual os Best el acada
aberdisfoa da tre p brotos Arecer dando frutos Exboni Exemplor pisda ena
Campanhia E Consequaçãd Santa. Logoiro foi Este Emagul Espir de Opistom
Oramento daborn governo, oqual Suposto que ona teue por officio omobrou
Em sua accos pratica E coniebou sendo cmadas ella comua utilid
a sua Campanhia nos Exercicios quotidians da vita foi ella sempre muj pon
tual. foi tad bem muj Castitativa Com aptoxima es Singularment cam sus
Irmas amando Senindo atodos Com grande amor Claridade de foi muito Es
crupulosa po ser muy temente a Deos, Condecendo por inspiração do Ces D
Secopua opção, doqual ninguem pode paçon Se preparou para actiu com
diligencia assores do Celestial Elpogo quando acarraphe aoqualente
que Seu Espirito Com muita paz E sua idade deixando as suas Irmas
Saudojas Emus Sentidos por perderem Sua Santa Campanhia.
Vida Emote da Veneravel Madre
Anna de expo filha de Pedro Roiz Teixe
E de Maria Cadena
Em Vinte Efimo de Janeiro dsanne de 1655 em Id de 23 annos e
dentes trez de Sabiro de Religiosa a Cabau suas Cartas Com o Divino Esporo a
dirixa M Soror Anna de Expo an Emfermi Echreu s diasass He catubas
a Cin Setcia do Indo Seguimento Canjunto Sai Beitas df foras a cauja atrinca
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Page 139
**[Pagina 66]**
**[Texto Principal]**
A Cana q atruixe a Religiaõ magual Seus Holocauſtos Sacrificandos ſe com
meima deixando como ſe ſuas milicias que a ſeu tempo corresponria.
E Segui a po Quiſitado Camellera tua de lehgião porma Crepa mi
quetas feruorza foi nesta ſua deſtinaçã & a Diuina bondade Chegia dou tanta
della, que logo aqui denumerar Colscarado no Coro de Chuis Chozai conella
Plada a Cteino. He Verdade inſtruir giacas & fanuores pello beneficio in Antue
Comque logo Requipagou ſamos Eſoluido & tornou o ſeu Cuifificado
Concello Ma Car do Diquio
Vida Emote da Veneravel Madre Clara de Sa
Francisco Fila de Pedro An Peixeira De Maria
Caderia.
Em Diante Cinco de Gerembro dia Cinque a Relempri nato Nance p
Redemid Aomundo Demanes ja Redemina pelo meimo Redemptor e Veinaca
Ele no Ceo a bendigna M ſons clara de S Francisco Emoano 1686 a
qual miecea tanto, Divinos Opoo Jnabond inſinita He Concedes tanis
que nomimiea de Seu Maierrero fa Ella ajudar a ſuauo noviçei ſeris (n
gelice) Emo ao Crm de Chine Chri annis Cedens ſire de Sabio de Veliz
biotao os Citri poucos annis Candida Dra Ca ſucceria da Senf Cabedienzia
policia Catitica de Emulis. Suicen Comuidi Ornd Se Empregau Comfig
merces Lei Casada No ao Cridia de tanto aparato Celestemi
Vida Emote da Veneravel Madre Soror
Joanna Bangelista filha de Joao della
ttos Mario Ede Joana Barroja
Em Liege d Mayo doann 1650 Em Casa de Quina Cherianan &
denier Dinne Equitas de Sabio de Veliz Entrcou a sua mora da datir cativana
morte O Opinião da Vercrial Madre Joanna Changelito aquel Juapi
Deuitise adquidas na religião Spad Mafermo xaveba do Co Concello Cambrorp
a Cris Irmã Alazia da Encarnação Citras pedindo a Seu Celestial Espoço He
ajunte a ſua Comparsnio a ſua prima ſa rizamia de Idade lhe caims
Bive nece Citero dati f propriedade do co queaque ſa mais tracres na
gloria pois Cris Seno alcança ſeno pela merrecimentos de grandes trabalhos qi
Sad digue tern Experimento de maturidade Anna Biue Enaugencia da ſornadas
Imas & ellas Operas noles foiso a Cerca de Cris Benevavel Madre Criſ
Diodaro na religião segui Communia particularidade a Exercicio Santim da Co
man & Serido tas bemmy Tello da Continuação quotidianária elle pao D
penantia Concejo permaia Citaria Confirma Tempore foi ſe cauo Gua
pontado que acompanhou Cristo a Cruz. A mais tempe gaſtava Attenhuin
na Contissa Com Animinas Chrindonas Com Seu Exercifo a Segui a Xpo
1673 pebe Humilde & minio Amor Na Loiriponcia ſe fara P impo
fiabilidades do Continuo a ſogue com ſua fervorosa Expição & ſempre
nela uma maior preſença Em Louvor Heu armas, Og obra Lita monges
affectar Harqui pierrais Darantanos a Cora & Curvidade dela Reparau
Como pluviate na tarde Comunhão ſacramento ri recebidos de outame
Se Efpedio de Cuia Junto natil p hil mora Lain outro no Ces aonde ambas foucas
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Page 140
**[Texto Principal]**
Conuad a D.Ci. Crogaç poi Cua que amda Vinc naterra
Vida E morte da Venerauel Madre Soror Maria da M.de Deos a Japoa.
Em Limde de Nouembro doaño 1688 Em Id Aqouenta Cinco annis estei Vinte Equado Sabito de Religioa Sejai a Caroa Cora dos Coras no Ceo a Venerauel Madre Maria da Chede Deos Ana d Mattis pello martirio que pa Sece Em Japao Sua Patria outro e Chugen Clapsa de IESVS, ja terras cita nauda da Demautura ao M. Beares a Santa Maria Sia Maij Cristabalb Etomentos que padecço Em Japao pella Carificão danina Santa se Catholica Como fo Esta Caixa tieço Huecada pera Cita terra Opou iso So darerino aqui noticia An Exercicios Contos Omque le Exercitou Casinas g Diovo uida de lela Emidos Cirjarios g Diues na Religiao ansou Seu Capituo abajao de usa mor Diuino ogual Ascende Cite Celestial foga Crux Suo Candido Espiro Coracao no tempo d Cita Sua arrasa Crpza Loffereco adar cuida pella Carificão de Seu Satto nome quarte duricario Japoei Catro tremores. Extrao que maguinara P Benco Carmello Seu in benquel Coraca fiecos frutira os seruinos shey delly degrande Confusa Sua Companhia, a D.Ca Hinais gloria Caella Ernais me recimento pello Caos a Charriso Comque sauirno de Lei g Entrou no Ceo Com O seu Caracao ja unisa feito bago Viva noaris) Divino mais Scanceno uito se feita Crpza Carmesego Elva po quem Setirno Offereceu adax Leixa pella Confi cao Constantissima de Secanto nsm e julgo Elo que arnece j dinr Re féz Danumerca nomuncro de Saiu Cepoja foi Em Janipao de Caloferrecia Ada Curida (Jeuamo) Cuidado de Citacasa datri. H tribulacao ada ou p Dhano de Colocoes Enogal Ipsos Tem numero os favores de seu amado que nece Montico a Ella ras locatada nelle sp Huagian sel bumilde que nunca Se sube a nenhum Emparticular. Mas fo por Cen que luebro de Inoi andou preucena Calcutellada Senon que anhava Sempre asuetindo a Candido Maiz para que Necasfe Era & demuitos que vecbia darnao Diuina diguas Ste tirauo o Trenti. Conoque nas Citaera Ensf dia tudo publicamente sera separo. Bem Conhecia opuien te Silva que tudo aque a Maiz dizia Era Deus ma a sua muita turmilo He faça anta Sempre a Creitando ad Cura Maj a que ceubast todo des Sacros do Tensoro della Devilladda duo Peres foi perilada G patentes Celeisesi de Sempeilados mayores nette gueremo Ronie Compamse Dello da Sepre Leis Comisiona Santa da religiao nas perdonsas falta ip Leunque forern of Saia Comital Sol de Fiquencio quierno porcio Cixalo d Seromao a Clo da sua vida Exercicio Crao diprecies Com mirraouo Aramadas filla Cab dia s foi por mane do do Mf Belcuva da Irini a Bodaca d Exa autial do Cla ferio nomeada pella Coronoid Prescritta gouerno bumans dou me ze de Criacioa Com si qua Se feico ou Onuneco don Linie anno dauniasae do Misiero nadqui deban dilatar mai a Calon i dinta ja bem mercedo Ci ta Sua Herda deira Efet amauro pelloquels Tua bonda de infinita acamon duenste pramene odjemor a Sim lieni dileblo meo Beni Connabris alen tada Com Etas socs Bogei da aria Sedis po Caparecllou Ormanasse Com terdi una joya das Santo Saciamiento d Quotidianamente Recebes Curiga Comd
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Page 141
**[Pagina 64]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Com as precisas Instruções de Suas Benfeitores Começou Seu Opínio ao Celestiala
povo Em uma Camponesa não podia faltar a cada Espomba sua Benfeitor (Madre)
Madre Brican de Claro Maria Estabeleceu Monasterio Santa Clara Cuiá Santa
Cega, ina, E Outros qua dou seguindo al Campor seficia Esta sua I Ciba de Silla
fierna Santa Campo poderiam Cul Com Cuata preto de Centro no Co com Baroal
Alarana, triunsfundos dobre minigos di Mixon uenidos Mundo diabo Carne
Pelle di incresca ai Caraca si Lujem Alastri, cello peduris que pesiga um noCo
Emagual Veimacaportado a Centus.
Vida Cronica da Beneavel Madre Soxgracia
de Sad Joad Bauptrina filha Antonio de Chius
Aransa e Isabel da Rosa,
E m Die de Abril daano de 1659, Em Idade Chinta Equara annos de Dini
25 de Habito de Stig Joam Batista dos priores da Carne moral Capitão da Chua.
Mis gracia de Joad Bauptrina foi Era Espera Expo muy Candida Semelaria
Chanto, que partecia noste Caquisto To Calpo de Odo. Entendo grannd Aduda
uido foi muy Castissima do suigem Maria M DE CAI E SA Casasanto nome
Entomundo noncad Scalegiata Chencava sumno mont, ca senai da Misidale
ni aura quarto suma merece Espirito de Choca ain Graua Efialia Ormada
Ceuni abensita d'Esquerdo Carao Espojo, fino Altoprato dai Atisnai de Cli
cies, dignis diclaci, dipos arnal Calipa a serad Cornutria lega, a Chira Pode lou
uo Esta Cuatro pai de Calistarno, un bem Serando Creterc Sanis Exercici y ensi
ramunhiao de Seu livre aluidia gasto Etap rendente Sabid bigien de seus
Camos da Esfigio: nos anuis sa migue q nasraa domeste uuc Erta sitaga, Aurora
A Minencia suas Espartocins ca Maq de Lei aguem Enida anvo armou, eser
uid Caro Summa de Nacado Controle ada, Cat protecao al carneo gloria trivisa,
ria Vtima bora ha gleite Con A Jespeus infernal epo intercesso damersmo
Onza necessario logo Seu Fugaz nacoso dai higenci
Vida Cronica da Beneavel Madre Soxgracia
da Concepecaó filha de Antonis Darella de Abreu,
e Damiana de Nabais,
E m dia de Março doanno de 1650, Onsia de 37 annos e Dini 2 De
habito da religiosa, Semidou vita vida morta, p Acena Alma da bettevuel
Me Sororgiaca da Concepecaó religiosa mu Cuoro Opidueve muy pichada dia
p Seniu a Comand Emprestando Exerciciy ella quis ponual Malaua sia
Carreira Com Sinai que Seja ad Chancas alcoracao de Cleu Diniro Espojo
a Dio ops demos Cer Corpo de carisa Mandio pera se suponiorami cos
galdan Cinchicco de seu Divino Espojo, aqual dele sei sacrisificie, morecio do
Voluntaria marrie acomulso Obiua Cartilla Quificada no fus Santa do
Sabido da religiosa f coneu
Vida Cronica da beneavel Madre Sozgracia Damiana
da Angustias filha de Antonio Darella de Abreu e
Damiana de Nabais
Em die de Março doanno de 1665, Onsia de Chinta Chetano Cadice quatro
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**[Texto Principal]**
Quatro D Habito De Religiosa Se foi para celebrar seus Riposorios Com expô a Be nexauel Madre Damiana da linguinha, aquela So os sacramentos nonumus das Espoja de Expò Venuncion deipos human no stode Seni tenemanno De joria de empregas todos os sua vida Em servir ao celestial Espojo (sua amo) Dixou orando Enelle mariu do pr lord da Dio Poluco Espson eloso Ces. oficiias mui santas, Benledepe Collegii dinguiaude Vejalucó Sua que nos foi o seu Riposoris Cambois minuario illustriario Senor de benicia de Seus Vays par Criual hueve tempo se Voltou Elle cabra viva Com Iesmã de pacificada Crucifcada Ella Carmelle na Santa Cita sa Religiosa com Santo sacuto daliegiaçã J tomou e cam amantistica ção de sua Corne pqual a flugia Com s Exercitio quo tidiano, da deligiaçã Exerundo Communi dumilh co offism mais sumilhes, Soube Caridad Constanfe de istudic torna onchella Fico dormeins Np giri nelle guerro quise seguir a Dixa, Pai, Pirna si filha, Esfistas cristicamente aqj mesmo Nova Istima de Cruxos Se inclue Ornarelo sendo aprecicio demons Apo Exunt duo in carne Una... Fide ei q fimo de Dixoi Cida de Cabra Sabia, E sta triunba agora Coracao no Ceo, aos desen spopcia Com sua intercessao di ante namo Divino.
Vida Emone da Bencravel Madre Isabel de Sad Joao Baupista filha de Diego Cardoje, CalaDonna Misia de Chiqueira
Em Linie Dom de Wgembro doanao de 1663. Em Id de 42 annos, Deix 26. d Habito de Religiosa foi chamada pa Casa de Sumenteimento a felix Isabel de Joao Baupista foi Esta Opoixa do, fin nis seus annos primeiro a defigna muy fervens Spontul mandrigacio de sua lega e Cantituiçoes e Conquem int tentava Subit tam suordo Co amado persicial Deprecucnio p Che fim confissua Confissão geral, aquel acabada pedio a Den antola Efica sa Cuacai, quaca nunca mai offenct tad Oficax sor Cita sua petição que tomo Quamnijos las tra Compresenbacias im Compresen fibiles Deus inominibue biis suis acju dicis foi Scuido de Seus Secretos juizos a Citadusa Opoja de fiscaz mi Solicitava Suapaca pera Com ella melhor gagadas, Espera ficasse a letra za Centenaim permanecendo o tempo de 20 annis naquelle Cita poxemi asacods digo epa lauros, que pella mais parte Emorsas mente caute sayeng ptaci Sy ad avalia dy. Cmeira Seiu de Ind nodera asim p obriaux falau tudo Em louuos e Seuice de D Cri setuino na Cojina Enso officios mais sumilhos sempre mania Capacifica muy aleque Camquemandoua dagracia de D. Ca Noquis nem leuval paguelle Emads Cashmatarnou a seu peisid juizo Com elle recebos todo ny Saciameno poucos dias de Opoll Ocallon sua alma fi bou apies fa de Seu dinis Opojo Quid amorand tan tanto amist de Cherido dotran Comunicado dai Creatura juicen Comprese sen fuici maxuisfas Crences que por milrago foi Sempe ai suas Opojas.
Vidal Emone da Bencravel Me Soror Hyecomina de Boa Ventura, filha de P Roji Peix CalaMadena
Em 28 de Novembro doanna 1664. Em Id de 29 annos, Deixe tresdca
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**[Pagina 68]**
**[Texto Principal]**
De habito de Vida Sequibarao as faces damortal Vida Admiraval, edueza alma da Beneuuel Me. Ayermina de Soa Benina, sequem Divino Espoço He p Seu quante merecimento della a Cerisima, Euei dose d Chia pomada Casfigiraxa Ematii jara seu delicado Corpo de Capas de Sinos amrs, Spella meins Causa padres oiro escaques Comque A Crestianava Americina tagiano patencia Comoque si blemnia. Bendesfe Crnad noite Emquiane afhos & Cauia darminas E douei A Conforou Consolou Suineira snr Cuio ami comtaine Camancia pa decio aparecerolle na forma Charmanto Lomenins IELV. D Charro Altor do Caro Todando Burid menino coma de Sus Opaja, Ceeto na suma Cecaura g Lejo a fiscal trasfigura Semelanca de Sum semisijsuns, Egostado monolo. Etal mod, ras Corpetado Calenlada fson aramante Loja Camira Visin de Seu amado, que trido sy) arte a finso parde, parecendo ante Catadina ja agora o julgauo Ennina che feriu agrielle Celenal (profund de Che infudil caicender Sei Cosacos Emmoue de Ciejon de Cornical de Crus apo seci), a quellon Contual maionesi dos Jaso lo Logia ourares estab liberante Confoxo America sectus de los pasos de pouco dias Me letraxa de Cuido felexoro jo Aidurariosy Com Aunt Aleita Cartinas muy aparecido atoso opacius. Lenho carnantichulo ja bemeurista ta no risil de Chiaspena, cloxe saenta suo amara Opeja equimais Criquel Cornt miniso, merecimento en virtutiam. f Comelles mi lquecel Corsa Retina de Ciesta na ro Ces Citanes ja a Chaprida na brimo al senti donda a mira uis Curta rid fugio sde Ella Citra muita lessa beitaria de liaco Arquaci unidos Empiosciot perguiranda Ela Secad os R. de hevinlos a Mihi Cornet Epromuninados Salpaurus Critigero su Opiritu aquella santa Camp q ueyo buica) a Simpodemi Nel Compia Caniceza cao Us faidas ai alma Cantai, Et mai Compansehas a Diecos bustat a Ces Autos de tais mijeri Cousia suas se jád tempie dadai ad cui daquae cof ptada a Chimi.
Vida Monte da Beneuuel Madre Soror Anna D'angelista filha de Joao de Matoz Otario E de Joanna Barrosa
E im Dioce Cabid deour doanno 1665 Cuid. DCB anns, Edrei 20 de Sabido de Clelig Hitanis En rs Son, a Alma so Beneuuel Me. Soror Anna C Bastigelista Tugero Aminta Beituiei enoacs, a labes giaca particuliis Cloberbe Com Excente us Tomus co Snis, sermus Expedita Emila de Seieura a Es nosoff Diuino Como nos fica de qual Nluire Onexeuer peril mi Condicio Altera, Beitiues momenirneap agereoi Elo outba muy prouictogas Elen ciaes peka Contado Je Prigna Espora COLO Piesanad Etas emus Lumit de muy modesta, Atiro Castuel, Com todo, d Clouicas Concecidamente muj biastica Com Cita ffiercies Beitiues trobolsu muir pella perfecos fauos Deligioso, nadagantes nunca tempo balda la mente, senos Camagos de Nos Santos Exercicios dasoras meditacio e Ejidos Copinal foi muy pontuais noblesmoma de Sun lega e Copitiniui, traiendo asio Ponta de lesignada no diuma tipica Comens Santos procedimentos Eproueyos Deuicia Sea son nadoras Quamonte muy Candia da Caishin Communitasas Josefo Exalou Seri Opirtu de Opis de Leclidos tadn ssaciamenlo
**[Assinaturas]**
Vida Emrie da Beneuuel M.C.
Page 144
**[Texto Principal]**
Vida Emote da Veneravel Madre Soror
Seana de Santo Antonio Silva de Ani.
galuad godindo de Leonor Fix
Em Ganove 12 Setembro do anno 1668, Em Idade de 53 annos, Etares 22
Sabido de Religio Semuido de Vito Parazio satrei p. Doce a Generuel M. Sora
Seara Cal Astoriais Soas Seus procedimento na Vida Leba Viveu ajustara Com-
queleida Religias Caquen Comebouuarua Cla Viue Linda Claucia sa Com
Apo pello que chegada Abora de Suamrie, recebiadi di Quaramente di Savam
Cruado, Se Fum Saudamu, na Camp. De suas Opnas Corripanssa as suas
riais osai pis Segui Fa Cabar de Clama, Comourej Cmo Cea
Vida Emote da Veneravel M. Soror Paula
de Jesus filha de Es Bastias de Almeida
Cae Misia Carvalho
Emo de Cetembro do anno 1669 Em Idade 39 annos Etares 17 anos e
Sabido de Religio Sea Guanis damainl Carne a Alma Sabeneual M. Soror Pan
Ilo de Christ nagual acadae d Cristo Seu Senhor Esmultrificao de ellas
Leabragaod Stalmroso E meellas Reues a Smi Camasane Crodo f foi Sea
Annoa 1670 Oqual adamo p. o premio a sandra Oxnada Expiencia de Choras
pello que leecibidos a Djuinis Sacramentos a Cabou Empaz Catreganos seu spiro
Ao Divinis Pies de a ledemis com seu precios Jorgues
Vida Emote da Veneravel M. Soror
Becarias do Ray filha de Leonardo Sue
Ede Maria L Mello
m 26. Houubio doanno 1670 Em Idade 37 annos Etares 34 de Ele
Ligisa aquil felix mente acabaus seu de Texes dau la mortal Conquista Di-
uso Emundo soimij Citima va Singular mente E Seus Pais g Terella
Apienda mais Citima va Deus Espozaro gingo q iro p. Ales toda a Pair sili-
cia s. Ditia Citimas Caclama va samurio se sua prudente frigen g atudo
de Piepu metendo Chaos dispei todo ao Citinato e Dai g Delicias mundo
na lo mesmo mumo Hepromena tendo tudo Citima va Lo Emmuito sabraca
Compo Crucificado. Acuicistava a Ela Camelle no Cu da vida Velga d Cristeo
Omenta tratou Ella de Escabas Omnibus Hemo y Joa Seu Espijo parece
lem Podas vs sui Santos Exercicios a Serin dos Comuni da Comunia g a co
Com seus Exercicios se Enseuid na Chino Daviel Ca Terspa vilugare Comms
nas dando nunca Arcano a Ourticia da Caupa Feriad todo Ottzabalos quipodia
Darlle g Etalindos Ottau o que uejo Cesfico leja suizo mai nero uio d Cixou
g Exercitar cos oficio de bumitio Cinque Sempre Secupava Seu Corer foi
Sempe opojio do Comunio g Lugai Cinque daua a Suu macrado Corpo alpume
canca Quai Dere Era noquidas outra noaclaustro Outras ris lugar clonde Sel eco Vico
Capalinso a Creita da tixeux Cairns de Elle spo ca quelle g mentuin do Cra pole
palu Singulars Dioi annos andou Esta Seua g Do Hieva do domiuo nfe
Cituo Enelle meine a Carno de Seu Bricars Arrante Principe de Gua Quel pon
to de F ruuto Annos Pascese Camello terminio de Seu annos qua Meio
Altitud Auitionxuma Sapientia g Scientia Dei quant im Compresen phile
Chim Biotos Chim po de Compresendei Comuito trieno Alcaria a Lega
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**[Pagina 69]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Laqlevarr achaarizo Coça na Cidade, Enque ainda flo sustanciais 18 annos pella que pello fei Conquie um Confesso pe meus Ca Senhor Jules que foi pera mojar be Seu Alia Egloia douso Santo nome q Serpe seja Louual noleo Eraatecm.
Vida maite da Venerauel M. Sor Bernar
da do Coll de Deos filha d Antonio da sua Fra
nisa Cade Stabel da Soja
Em 9 de Janeiro do anno 1671 Em Id de 28 annos de oco e 12 de Cabio
Celeiro foi Dispensa pello Celestial Copo Onsranan ouida al Beneuel Me So
tor Bernava da M. Soror Aquil imixo so pello meins Insi gacoumou sei
ua Confissa geal logianas notemps ca es que forad poucos dias antei Claumo inte
perfeita Laude feita Eratas importante diligencia foi durmo da Dima Epoza ca
Adelecar pasos y Jeremuy pieues ordias a Chia Confessi frni Cons Cratus
preucida fa Coma Cotistad nas duuisou ao A a celestais bora sepusa de Oois X
Scarnas Com sa Santis Saciamt provida a sua a Lampara Com obre de Manas emprega
das nascuias Hela amado Espo Separatis Dipendidos se Cluamimoi Companh
Comunica a Iegia. Dixou Concetado Corrisuomiga Chia gfadae Cle Lancesse
Acaparecia Apou damoite favol Amecle des Embria insite certele dem Sob
lemis da Ascensio dos Estando Aleja Niva Comagial de Santa Letinia Cancaneo
demines ne comintirao no Qua coma a bordou cujo junto de lampara cuida quatro lux
Estaus y Asta Ueig. Afura hespido a Comunos dasquelle ta tanto Como Illem.
nsitira rio PP ormento das Legaria Comunid Logopoxaxaplavia Sab bernarductio
ca Alta Bina algutri Feceir de muito Gagidadavad a En Recomendaris Merin
Cuid Scuas Etia co Calud Ao coro Lejas ai saxo canonicos omemo quis de
Omnia Aoura sua suxundia Camblu simmeimo moda Ep nao duuirarem
Seera illup ad qui Sonis manousu testigo Cle rnanuetiu para Chinta d Comunidade
sua Com Acoura Com iso Verias Cuarente serajno do lep boni cba Cruebo
nso Guillujas ofommos disic as Chua acorda da difesensilo ag Craua dos-
mindo Comunicarios ie Cerbar Adiras leiis Secara Contudo og a Quinta
he tinda dio Confisme Corna Souuados ce Di psuai giomes miericordia
Horario de Co Cecil Corn pesicaç
Vida Emore da Venerauel M. Soror Leonar
do Francisco filha d Antonio da Silveira Fra
niso de Isabel do Roja
mdc de Fevereiro do anno de 1672 Em Id de 34 annos de oco 22 de
habito de Celij a cabara Arpenald de Apralix Empenris de Concluido os
Deuida a Beneuel M. Soror Leonor de S Frane. Lageiro a prometio seu pro
cedimentos imita a Empane aliadas da Beneuel M. fundadora tres Ella
omeima nome Nos foi Des Sciuido de Cia Seguife aquele Carnine Eliguma
penitencia delle outra ciu de nos mensireccrem i foi a si Confessi e
pareceo Emii 11 anns fteue de Celij scute Caturo Elle nella de longe
da da Vigira Criad modo ora de seu Copo Vendido la Cit de frequencia atantus
peninai Creou su Espirio aquella mezada Ele foi salitos no polo in Rio ap
lagoria Em Comp de Quia guara Sima de pa Ellas Na Capera aos Eloas
junta Louuad a Dei que Ai Crioi fi Tuci Espojas, Ex presso sob hino dor dos sua
Celeste misrada
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**[Texto Principal]**
Vida Emorte da Veneravel M. Soror guio mai do spirito santo filha de Joao Manca Pedroso, Ede Ioanna Monteira
Em 15 de Março do anno de 1670. Em Idade de 53 annos, & Meis 24 de Sabão Delig a Cabous seu Corpo Hita vida mortal, a Veneravel M. Soror guiteria do Spirito Santo aquel soimui defunta, Cmelho de Serelia sua de Leça Teis Cle timens Santa da religião formadaos dalheite de Quatro Exemplo e Cristiun Qua mes si muí temente a Deus delle prolecia. Semuj Crispulosa Conferendo So Chamada dos fins Se preparou para o apartido Recebendo os Santos Sacramentos na Religião de Chançau Enpax Emendou
Vida Emorte da Veneravel M. Soror Anna de Prina filha Antonia Almeida Arianda de Isabel da Roza.
Enquanto Houubis doanns de 1672. Em Idade 48 annos & Citel 26 de Labado de S. Sepulcro Comp. as suas Sinas Intima a Veneravel M. Soror Anna de Prina dose p. Comte loja tato i seu paixão Domnusme Iesus nacbor Calvaria Louuard a Hon Com antiem Clavos, sendo Melhor delles ammao Vyria das paiceres Friece av sim darir a Hos Jeruierm Ed Elle Cornello pasarem celebraçãos elos paice unidos Louuos assu Creção Dizta jo leira gtae losa Co Com merces tella Sta no les ja p Companheira su Cita seua arsine Bgocioy Sec peraue quando augumentos Entretados a beitudes acetes foras sempre disserencia Continuo Acrague Carro Embargo Comt. Ciao fustavao Sempre Jesu Santos intenio d foradas sempe d Seguir Apliado dai Benevaueil M. Suoi Mystros Fundadoras Cita docira de Qua Oemplar iso Sempre amou die fou imital Cobras tenda Este Ancion Deixo Sempre spobos Seu muis ca laquej Cernef mi Camais Scassaua Sempe Como Emboraada Ohai Carro d Cteri Jante intento Ecusa ta bem Senaga Do Nal Come Leino partida de Emiuo Santos Pao bem de Dio Cita sua Apoja Se David Adar g Satie feito Enquanto podia a iar Paomenos Seguid Cuuda Comma dos Exercitios da Comuniçãos Seguin correspondia mai, nao Comnoqueria a Seu Divino Exemplo Asp. Da P. Corn a Qui d Suar Continuau Conferecio e Celle pela multiplicação Cagtauo dellai aclamou qd Conhecendo Ella ser cramos Se preparou p. Apartado Com sae qua Conficad gel d Opis della feita Recibida Huaramente os Sacramentos El Cairo Seu Capitrio dela Loa Eprioe de Seu Confessmo Copo. Satisfceu o Pe He a Ostiona mou Ca Consegue almente que pelo d Hello alcanou de sua uisa notita de Lety Espelh fermin Esnais g heuio narone de sem ouvida prequmia Nos g inspirou sua alma pa siu agloria Nupial Entraria a comforlada Auai Simo Maria d Christ Coltera a hera cu graça de Joao Bernardo da M. C. O. Leonor de S. Francisco, g fix Entensa a dia de Dios Benrique que taefiniti Ho askerexa ao Equal Seia Loucado a Chirin man Come no Co por toda a Testera e.
Vida Emorte da Veneravel M. Soror Luia d Alme filha de Lopo Sarmento Manca ed D. Madelyr
Enquanto Agosto de 1673. Em Idade 948 annos, & Citel 26 de Labado de
Page 147
**[Pagina 46]**
**[Texto Principal]**
De Religiosa, & Cipedia de Oranda monal p. Nunci Etiam rum Magna Jonia ca
A Coroa Eltingen, Comis Cipedia da Supremo Ino, Chefe della a De nacel Me sero)
Luiso D. S. Antonio foi Etiamino ino a sem outra muitas Deus de mu data
da Jagiada do Saixa Expo Enagual mediana Continuamente donelle prosria E
Trama, neira Carissima o Cupad muito a bramania, d Aquinos, astorios reale
Iencis praiis Tinos do Jurais, Ep i mais a Comosais p ana, Citragattauo Ella
na roxaca mental A Solte d Conexo dia fabucana Sempre meue Santo Creacio
d Atanho Jeron Seis, Santos, Quari, Escreta osaros de Ciota, noa ca Santa, Omio
q pal a Venecianis Comenss Cors Segurança podemos sjes de Seguid si Caminis dos
Santisi pelln Exercion e tina justiciaria mi dapresentirat Contemplao Em
qua o Capiao y foi a Copio d Amingual Cita Senia da Snor outra fely Verpoue
Comateneco ny Sea Urro, Qual Citava Comtal Despintado graça Sentinara
D fea religiosa, g auio Considerai qual Citario aquella bendita alrno cica ol
graca Perseguxo Celestial, poi as lesAlexi Cita d alegraiva intitie Cleto exer
He Caunzaro tad singular seingura Outra felius tepelanicia tas bernice rica,
Huora delij, Era Ser muj Compasina, Com Seuprimax, Com rig Separtia og
tina Com muito Caris foi trabem q istis simi do biserm Maia Senorio soa
Carpetela ja attenea Escusia d Cuvo Conccesos d Ova Clarinas a biui Outra
lua uisa Eterna mente, Compajnancaparch Sedips pera ganindo Ados nanca nse
Com o recebimento dos Sonres Sacramentos Epuicendo aa tampos, Com o Leo
Psalis beituras Cipesou Comsu juio peifeito al Crima Loa d Catatina precto
mucha ants Juaia d Cer Cristo d Chispido da Virgen Maria Casim Corre
Cla otinda ato Cancao d Canje Guste promemedida Onia Com qui sua
ue Calogie Semblante Hatau Seu Ciprito daguelle marial Corpa Em Cuio vos ta te
tificazar tres Religiosa, Ditaz sua felmoa Citella logad ella inspirau Scemt
taseno intercetral Com pied Catolica Semn Centra Aliei, Cprecetto da ly
q foi motivia a Divins Cipo a etrai hef testimonianza Pirao a Citella Grindeu
Cizo que Com Citella Voss aquella almedotga af Heu firmamento Cosato
nodoro dai Brigen Criu Ceo ao de Citara d Continus pedindo a Dei pella sua
Patris singularmente d todas ai Mesha Simas Companheira fa Aniso
biuem nele Chrco
Vida Emour da veneravel Madre Soror Maria
dançasas filsa de Antonio Varrella de Abreu
De Margarida Cadaja.
Em 30 domes de outubro doano de 1676, em Idade de 41 annos El Grau 24.
Criatio de religiosa, foi Oransiro da Benereuel Me. Maria da Cadaga, foi
Cura Velig Emouta vida muy ternente a Des condeveprote na fer Com Exceso
Clavipulo, Etanta e muitas ueper Sepriuia ua Feceber adjagado Communlo
noda d Normagua un tinago imuy Extra Ordinario a parello. Notauo saluais
Religiosa d Espoi da Jagiada Comunidad replandose seu Isto Com Extraordi
naria femojura Jerundolle Orulta notaua Hexemplo Cde Espera dou plo
guirem atra sua Companheira moaparello, Cleverencia Comque Nuia cleja
Alecexep gas Fuido e da tu Tuifre femojura Clazid Assbaro qospicio
Fragil Efaco danma Carrie, chegada a Core Criades diu de Due uma
Se Confesso geralmente Com Imas Equias mastras d gyante dos Contri
cas de abu Culpar, Eletrdo as Ultimas transi Capetro damoste d queli dagual.
Cremon pia mente Douo sua alma ao Ceo.
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**[Texto Principal]**
Vida Emote da Veneravel Sr. Sara Catharina de S. Josepe filha delacinto guevues Ede Izabel Cadena.
Em seis domo de Dizembro doaño de 1678. Em Idade d'42 annos e Dio 31 de Sabado de Cleby fixou Seu penitente Corpo, o Espirito sante Clousto no mor de Deoi da Sempre mis benerauel M.sant Caterina de S. Josepe foi Uma amadora do Celestial Espajo, naperetencia Viguras: com macraua seu Capo Um Exemplo grande p suas Irmãs Companheira graphosa for tabern muj Exemplas Viaja sempre enlabios mais Bns Lumlde, Elomercia co Comma Era animais para os bjuas: Pad tina Coça aq ad ama se sue, foi Concigamuy Vigura, sendo Con suas Irmãs Epiximis muy Compaxiosa tra lande aosolos Enfermos de arros Claros foi de hora de Santa Colleco fiumentranh de Cieaua, Equicurava imita la naçion Sapereincia Meuti santos Crencia ou seus 19 anny q teue Clelig Ensino dos Sepreucio Campones de aporella pa Audir as Celestias loges do Oprezo Couvida della Otando ja adornada co de Sant Sacramentos do Op Separrio sua alma a Celebra Seni Choparisim com Celestial Espajo que aclamos pera sajex participante de Suas vitorias delle Olugar no con da lugend, junto a sia Custa Santa Colleta, depois Aduarse Sentio creto muy Stale ndluger donde ispisso ona Soupam Coy tinle quando marco
Vida Emote da Veneravel M. Soror Maria da Concepaçao filha de Saluado Borges Ede Anna Fialla.
Em dia de Bauembro doaño de 1679. Em idade de 36 annos Do mes 45 de Sabato de Cleby sem recuerda, Capazcado Seacana a Veneruel Almada Maria da Concepaçao quanta Emmudes y era llamada G. dai Conta dela talonca Suprema Rei das gloria He tinha Entregado a Lucia Carmelle Ete talento em pregu Cur Opiga dal Ej Superior a mchay Chmajoci Teveo Consegiu faurendo Relig Reite Estdo Santo duplicou Caugmentous Intalenas ella Entrequei Com al Beites Orde de Exercitou sendo no cazas i de Maines da mais Ben tudo muy ferviente Seuana de sus Irmãs Companheiras Caidsos aproximo Singularmente ao Relig de N.P.S. Francisco Compan de annos Claris Estalmodo Se havia nesta virtude de Claras que quanto podia Saute Pasa logo as postes Sabendo que algum Relig de N.P.S. Franciscus Ettraua Confirma Ella Se ha jacia su Omfeixeira Eoinseifa fazendalle Q Jas muit todo ammo E qualo que podia Opoe Santana nella acasad de Carnos dos proximos nao tin la Algue Couja proprio de tudo po Ho Amples
Hax piona de Cha muita Becuido Deliganc e ser Cita Seua de Cleita Em Obadeco naprimero Eleicaç de fjerass co N.M. E depois de Completo os Binte anuo da fundacao do Mosteiro De Cirasia Abadia Esqueno de Alla Hefobre Diea quo no traballo usig Seouic Comgian de Constancia Experientiam a Dad Le nouo Entada CCtado lel opadescem or melhor esn egande de traballo Apla cao Oiempe fuo ma di inundaui, ela abaxo acta pobte Relig bendosja Em may bonanas liure destro lo Ilo pasades trauo Ma de sepultifico no Exercicio Sai Betties cm J Exercitou toda cuida Segintae aquijexad Cleger En A bladca de Claistencid Compiundentes Cesfajes Repós Ella Meliuro procumano
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Page 149
**[Pagina 71]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Jo Comun Querem A Santa Acção Seaso nosa Senhora Guarda dos
Comercios y das Ciencias de S. Paulo Mej Carpeo Nas duas suas
passadas Extençoes Sempre meistros y pela despeça de suas culpas cometidas
Contra sua Cha nasha plogos Consideração Os Lugar de Segue de texto [DAMAGED: torned edge]
Seu agua Extinquit ignea uta aleansina Cetinguit pecam nos emellej
Elo Deja suo Dio frua dos Indi d lauenis Ali dela do empredada pos
obras, tudo q hino Epodia Lauri, Conde Dcpi dauxirnaias verpa spal
O tempo De uma letra m Roramos de Deo e final de Ca a de merito
Crus Sacrifizs Larros a seu Divino Cpojo a chenutas Cruvos mai bozer a
suspixiosos di uia amad gradiel trabaxo padeces, pruesto Dmispello Chas
mais Decini de Chingulamente pella Diu Lagrima com Lauau suai Colpa,
podeca se diser Ella ao erse daiegoris Papa ha Mandatoria pela amarida
Lepianum sunt Loures muitas Criminos Loge de Emifasiant Ci peccara
multa guia dilexi trullum por tanto Nosou Esta Admiti do Alagado Denos
na Lagrima de testao de sola poa simili f Pra conos pa saua mesetada sana
Como toucerosa Exercicio Cranto Excedia nele Exercicio de tirando Asclarci
tarias Juras Comparscia do Lugares apetias de Teletrana acora suas
Cupas Cum de cuidado della sua Logo comenha Exercicio Vella Cipo
ramdo Etad grande Cinac Calendamento Clontricão de Culpo alompa
nevo Ce auguante mierecin I de suas Benides de log de lo Craro sua
alira na Caspo seu logo Arnora com Sabexo no gloria adorar de Cesnos Excita
dimensy Actos Camo Claris Joganda a D Comunio de Preguias m G
suai Fma E Companheira
Vida Qmote da Benevuel Madre Soror
Maria da A lencado filha de Pedro Rai
Feixeia Ede Maria Cadena
Em Binte Equatro domes de Jul do anno de 1683 Em Id debo anno
Dezri o 5 de Sabato de Julig darrio Cristos sem a Espera noquello sera
Benevuel Che Malo de Ascencia foi Cuia Cuoro Mag Entida a sua vida
mui Exemplar para sua muito Grande nigristicaçao macerando Confignindo seu
Corpo, com aqueuso jejuns que si os obseruis toda a sua vida Pas sempre mais
Continua nas traças Cristeta co Sp melhor Pedas certas Santas Exceitas fi
cava Sempe de pois de Matinas noconar de Lex nelle Coma Comunhiong
Canonicas Entrito a Chiaria nos falur Attrequitiana Exercicio de Lejas Co
fficio Diurno Como an Can Arranais Relig Dimso o trem Cantado da ente Dixoa
Scri Aoctoro Cana a Sim donae Frepe Chanas a Comunicar a Sentensa Ello
Yopaja foi Religiosa Com Extremeo da Virgem Mario W fejuva aos Capa
Certissima na Divis Nostre Das da Chmana Santa, nas Comuniao novas Series
Epiti de lesprisa d Claicon Citu Couras leitus de mais Ormias fim muy
amado, reperta de Evenciera de Erbai Velig Opellas momas foi eleira Em
Abbeoca Constrauo numero de Percor fitas pellos Vda Comamuna Co
Ceitirao ca grado Hrota o Calou o seu Tertis
Hiro Ypiriga Selefer aqui um Capa ella fecendo poue annuncia de
Juamoite Ee seguinte Partio de Cte Porto de Macao prea Manilla Lum
Barco d Erriciero Des Empagual foi Comumeuto titulo Tom Libinho Ee Con
secos Clomissariois deu Marie Euduo P Agatio Seu Abinto Tuma
finto Aqual Dana Onme Suposto Suca pains detto Barco adito Pefe
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Page 150
**[Pagina 4]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Dhezua nouena Comisai d Spaixa aagonia J Ssai tue epo so amos Em cuj,
Cmisiae Camuria Jurubanu Semefismun Dia Anuenia Epaodoi ja qui
mejei Chori Quaita da barco Limidio A mensa Mandou Cira dels Marro
a toda adito Po Commisionio Spedioble Re niche sua Misja de Vloias Auni
liuant Semerif sun Espenquada Elle pella tenicas darnifs depences a Libja
Chaaptitania Che Oleutempo We dinia atencia e Megon slabaco de Martillo cryg
tinta Tido de Sinilo do Castin lo fuico Sabido jo Cam Cateja de Caornino
barco Etas outra cos aslin da aixo Coriti nmemperse nemquendelle Breho
Camamauo si manan a vita Clep Chamal a todosorite Hedisse de Jenbr
uma aly no Barco de Castinlo Pinse morara ca anista de Vaixas e Mpe
pira sonals cencad Jermero Casrio Alle meima Ra penisa pelo mexitoshipel
abundo fimim Ella feluras Elle daspenas do Curatorios Crn Chinao
pr merce do ceo ueo o Pini asia Alipa disemais o Castindo dua sof dpellome
De milionaoain Etiansa a barco sem Capiana de Saluago e llegando shavo
Aopovo Clabido de Chuceso Etudo de ferido seuerrificou auero Camado ej dia
Che tinamo antes abarca Gira roposto
Bendo se Cha Seua do Oni sapello muitas annu Spells naaquig He sajas
Corisp bipioso andeiru dias de Una uida Empregava Ella todo apprincoso
Amaga m Suas culpai pro mo Ela capetaria de Dioo Attao Corris nicados lutaos
netra Chitra a Spaixa gahtnia de Mistery dia Criocio de Coura vida Seialva os
Ediuitria de Dite Exercicio Orde Cucicado de Ella Lage Setariiao comemos
Lugo Continuativo spereie uxo de Dio bem Empregada Jaquimo
Mfedipri Capachau peka astoko do Cris ni namrosa crmanas
Sesripe Corn bigia g nos sabemo quando a Qia atende duplate quio
Ncuitis qua sora Dorinus Bette Vertusui sit Dpois Fmuitu Clayas Consciod
Gito dia ante Rchiamonte Iecebo d Huminsiro Jaciani Caparellano se
Radia Seguinte Lerchi Santo Diaries mosquella noire arne Biancou Omvhor
Justis Rinale preocupatus fucert in lefigerid Cat Aceni de Ca sua uida Ceex
cicia penail de La Coleto aprela de Capiso di Liq de Lagrimo de Dixonomum mi
tempa nino Segurarem Esta divina pronesa obida Com Cita Luna Religio
nasique abonde Disuna a Segurant mai d Biancou Ompro Sta Sita Oga
Como viajas de Cruslandy nofisu nomeesta Sor a Lio Velja nesta mari
Du Cra religiosa Crmandi duo Vascias HCrutias Fues de En Camindana b
A Ceremonaria Nlomena tempo Ername ma sorfo rio Calibr daporta da Omfermaria
dua relig Ensivonade j febe Crempuntaris quem Era lle repoides Eu Moxia
d Don afala Com De Commiliaris Aqui Aloso do suida ditte ley Ghitar
San la Aoatra de Cristal a Emferria Depois Hera ouar Conta d B
Santa Entiou na Omfermaria chone Aciou a Omferma fa prima mal contanta Se
tenis h parecia Dinna dormia Quad morta Qui al matrina sa tua sa dejizo ds
Cips aquella Santa Corni de Cruispad Sonvariado tino vito acutra elo As selaze
Tumi a aquella Procisao de Bis Cristulis Adora Delig Scampondo cla salmi
da Me fundacao C Loirmais Compagniera Com as fundadora no cajo
Tad opslma Co va de Ou buijup lo ef Panicimo Coro a Cito Diecas unica
Comaquella pompa Cosparato atados junta pedino dese biumpo Glina
posuem no Ca Roquempax ny as Supleas Rey Dentra daplovia
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Page 151
**[Pagina 72]**
**[Texto Principal]**
Vida Omote da Veneravel M. Soror de Bashi ana S. Miguel filha d Antonio Soho Pedigo de Maria Carvalho
Em o domo d Lanceiro de 1681 Crm do Charnnro Lucr & Casado Cle, Ligorioa Scaparau so moral habitada por sua nova Ditadora da Co em sao Ricoz E mesma alma domay Veneraul M. de Bastianu S. Miguel aquel entoda a sua vida aima de seu Capiris Binia Em arrijos da carne morais nendo spesko parava da Comunica con trato Familias Niro com siabitas pre dolos esta nad peider de Causa Holgum Eugaro ou Craido Encajod Cesu Par Divis Comoda dela sem se Embanara Corinad Alius Quem muntanos mai Sea Segura Deusa Salty per Cristallos Entrando Em 1672 anos neuesa dim Jesuisno a sabiba de Med Cuio damai bem lauxa dos penis der Elle desabitou os Che Censabra Celestial o divino Opio aquenmos aquibul coros bucas Sandi buna Sempe Apareci di Soberto imitas jn fa falua uinas tabdanto Edsicia Atraballa dado Nira celestial de Esfara de los Mel fundados aspereza de Jelamponer Otte Branco de Supremo Sei los roa ang ja de Cita Obra f outra mais liberante te mani A Divina Mis sad toda arti lo en ella Oeacras Chao de Certa ben todajy Cosiane Biere Oriniramente Condi les aurda Chapeses plas anei Cerimonias e Costumes farin Ent de Decricid Esporite toma auia Camitbae as figa Dom Se Und Chaipas kofe Darria obbiamie Cauea frutalel Conti Jermin Entrei Campnxim He Leis Crig Andor Algo Dintius Beintep binulo safan de peril lecod Creced Ermasoes praqexi st Cher Clanti Stetus Cego Simul in bum Os nullis aducatris praedaelebit annnas o Tim Exortiva s Paulo Ani Corn v cuita doctrina trajá Aquiemis da Santo foe Catolico Damci mo modo de Curm Buxes todo aquella que peragens pietatis Ctie Qlesial Edi ficio Sedecidad Boluntaxia mente Auida Cuj Corrispexia mouini fistri dis greda Exostataria La ruina de Cita Epoca de fnari bou lelarado de leja o Plo nefla Crad nauidi damois de Corm mais Euidente Sinco d Eshaimultai Cor Behmus de Cras Tifine El Corn Ele Ongranceccad Cure Sanse Ofsiule es de la Esta Peris d Diuenos romundus Hiura uida Religiosa Eparece da Suo Santa uma a religid mos foi Exemplo Exoitanza de Suas Imas Companss de P Senom das Veiras da F Jalade be Crida deuixmo de Alexis Ella da Weik nella na eligias Gesrejas e Saugmenerrados Com a perficia dauda Velig od Pesujeitoir y Coma Sugeres Caphur dalibiis Lure gnarruno Dixeu prihier Ca Segunda Cal Citas Lo Conigos a trajio de Citar rainudo delia Isten Cequiranco de Sim Como nomundo Coxexqiande listo de seperide pola libd Comi nominuto Sciuei Jo Tiuvad Wontiua El Contrignentes ep Cecentt davui Seguirssas pecuepo Estudiente Bigera a relijos de nello Com mai pes ievos a Equitas Sus Beniquo Coronello Ciperd delesial Epiga qoseria Cors anno taidsu Druino Cipes Erruid Cella Cernpre bigianda fern Armi mas panies quanta mai fu muiao allajes do Chops Dinne ma bi bigiava Ella Cimaltano Suai beitide Com masore Intre de peijus adquersa Enri Comaida Santa Clelig peifeita de foi todo o tenso de sua uida Endo nobiluni de Sigula no pacencia Cermo lo abas procari qui Si lista p Ozas Com sus misispio Ximo nobedienia Tempe promamata Copellada p obedecer fern Contradi ca Peu E mai perfecias de religios Sex Tempigiante de lasara cada cuuania darci cerimonias Comune Santo da religios foi miu Nusta da Sagrada Li
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Page 152
**[Texto Principal]**
Laixad Expo Cradoem ars nos Lad Inepes, Rene particular d Cuacod perminie
Ostais para maior merecimento Gtashia Cpoja, q padespe gra disirma tribulacaõ
Heuicupubi Che Chrmejo teue grandisuras tentaçoes do nimigo inernal, poro
Coris Rei nunca Derenpan. E sus Com particuladas auxilios Cojica domelmo
Snó Sempad Crodes a baralos sabis Vencedora, ma como sei Dencida da sepente,
aquella fue Cru sua Cabeca nazorra de Chupostrodas Espinto Divino, e Susi
Madaringa quo Matirara Delora Clanta Iges em dio Santa dia pro
fecau fo o Caço que caprofesa a Cita deligiosa Staclon Tum Religio Esparto igual
Cra Concedido lo Tome d Cruua Leitide, asse Specal Religio Emtempo d Estaslecia
De Reis agostras, Bira Elle libe a Cabra daproselante uis ferrouis simporin.
la Can seu lada Stella Bira Aiduai Saniri, clara Elgnei. Sinul claro pi ente da
Ella sendo cazaca Diuina que geriava at luof accors Etas fostei Cornbots Gra Si
teney Cruual batalha, de xav desabid dempse Comapalmia do benemintos, bem
podemos loge Seguita do sexido Exrpiamte d arrichno Comp Ca Dissernia teue
natoso de Seu transito Gerassola demois importancia nigual todo receitas
Coquade ad junto Cruuita intercecao p Alcanca Otiurmpo damosa batalha
Ria seuirir strnaei de grande Combate, g tivese Era divora alma, a jedas pa
pouca tinha Siniriga Es acual Camaros lesad foi Sem duide pter Consuare
senfa tão grandes Henerais Pd Ernamincos dimimigo logo Hedearia Campo po
Bencido Ca Simposias Carmaigo tranfe clamore gallemiy de Whpol y Ernameco
da Santa Madrima, Entra na loço, para Resbel com a Joloue garha Corneius
beires.
Vida Emone da Venereuel Mº Soior Ajeo
nimada Asumpcad fisa de Antonio Mon
teiro de Francisco Paulo
Em 21 domo d Mayodoanns de 1688. Cristo R Co 8 annis e Otres 53.
Chabia de Telij dormio Ons Las amys Venereuel Mº Soial Ayeranimata
Asumpcad. foi Cita Venereuel Mº sua Canddo pomba Agriuna nellas do
nbeco abater nem malicio al qua fi muy bianda de Condiao tempo capartellados.
chedec rimondam da santa obia notial Seu do Comuni foi muj feunte
nag ditoya m gaolu de Jesu cristo eligiado fina anny ante d Cha monte pudera
grande Confessmi Cadaguer cajonads da meimas Comfermis post to tolera
Com useaul Conta Capaciencia sem sequixa, meridas miselhia a quem ella tinia
Cuindo do Criao y Divia spedece, Sem da cada senole tal Do seu diurro Cpojo
di apuesta Jereximo Sicut Signus Olajione sbmutete al quadduja Sequis Cita
pobie Opera, a Demehai no Plencis Equieracad Comfi Juaperena Soria Conden
Duiuo Scempla Adestifol Cpoja Sern Embazo de Ole raso d Ses Lohim Conson
cia no pareces preucenas b Secala nalona dernose Combia olampasa be prudia
Cla Senado Ca bem pisuida Capacta da Conciencia Sena Louime Emituiala is
ga Confiscos de todo otemo de sua vida, ofe de Opols de Citas Seins a ternas Abon
Divina es Clado duin nocepacia nagual Biues algum tempo absixado, e Cdia Ai
Causa dita vita finalmente apois de lectoio Deze todan Santam Sadiram
a Labou a seu pacec p Correca de Senal Compy de Oli seu Cpoponglasio Na
zoma ds seu transitio ouuiras dua Relig. Ctravao no Dermitorio Canral glana in
Ex Lesis Do Chi Ellos berncontendo ang Heira Velig das demdnso Lo
São Fiarnisco.
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Page 153
[Page 49]
[Texto Principal]
Vida, Vertudes e morte da Veneravel
M. Maria de S. Bernardino que veio de
Manilla, ainda Nouiça.
Esta Illustrissima Senhora Maria de S. Bernardino, foi nomeada Princeza, f.
do Rey de Chipanga. Princeza Hetas bem como os clamas das Vertudes, pello m.
Conque se adornou a Cittada de Manilla, sendo ainda Secula, Emerida em meio d.
uad? Ceitimação Mundana, p. Sei de Cristo alta graçad santo de Cita Enganga a Sombra,
Se apartou Com as luces as Vertudes grandes, & assim Unio, q. p. Entre as abismas nu-
uens daua d. pompa de Cseus progenitores, leu-se herma a Luz de Christo, Vertudes raras,
pella g. Medauado di seus méritos, oculto a Venenacão de vertuosa, Como atal sua
propria Junta lhe pin Em bracos o Cada do seu hum filinho morto Com equal a seleira
d. Snsi lesso & Diante da Imagem de N. Sra. Pico Lao de S. Antonio, pedindo ao P.
do qual Era muy de Cuora, q. D. E. De si lle alcançasse auida, q. aquelle pequenino so.
briuo dorizado dormia em H. dos Logos de Santo Estevan o ja Oracao & Lagrimas
de Cita sua humilde de Serua de Co. Guabon. infinita vida Aomemmo as I. mesma
nmbraço de Sua Senha Diante do Santo q. p. Ella logaua. Nao Se particularizad aqui
muitas Cousas, plauel & M. suas Confusas noticias, especializad pasfamos a Sua
Birida de Manila & Gra fundadas pexa qual uejo sendo Ceindarionica do anno
da aprovaçao. sigue a Censura d. Cranto d. Citiudo a mimuior annun Cimng Jameiro.
Senha de Snor Jézudexoa tornatodas Attoriocas (Citas, a Sim d. Seus procedim.
arcuid a felicid, Como dirmeyn, Ermatius, q. teue f. ruir, a ello, Sendo Amleis,
Cinsies Seus Vays & parentes tas Contradita a dua ley & lucas & Seus ditos, alem
de q. Sua grande humild. E. Deitude da Calificariad q. Leidade tiras de Manila po.
dião un justificados, og agora serios pode Cansegui, p. Ter En Coujas nao Sabidos
douj agora habitad Em Manila. Nao forad o Espanhol ta d. Citiu? p. j daqui
mandarad Siu q. Crito Alaccoei tsda do. M. fundadora, q. Ca falecetad Ca.
impresad q. Allel Elloi fixead, nnao poueitarrno p. Cire memorial q. fanerro,
q. q. H. todo Cntido nas figuem Sepultad no abitto d. Cequencimento, Conias
q. merecerem apied. Christao. Emuito Ao Citado feliz andare muy pregenre,
Diua, para memoria d. Crdos, p. maiores donxa & gloria d. D. Dei, Ep. anima a.
todas Aimiras tas Singulares Vertudes ——
Comto a benetauel M. Maria de S. Bernardino, daq. Barm salando teue
q. Meistra na religião a Venerauel M. Leanor de S. Francisco primi-fundadora
de cue Mosteirs d. Ela, Como d. Fonteperene, bebeo, nao ai Beirido, pq. ja d. Ello
birida adormida quando uejo a religião. Sena agei ficad d. Ela, Em ligox d. peni-
tencia, Emq. Entoda a sua uida Seeexercitou Semq. nem menos, nem a esaguer//
dormiu mammm tua je Concigo || te pudefem a froxa) origo d. Deus Exerciciosj quoti.
Diano Com sig'. Eva Exemplo Cadmiravas cerna: Comparleirny Cire documenty
O. Lisei bebeco da M. Melkia Cfundadora, cella foi Sua imitadora Entodas
as Vertudes, Em lijos res d. penitencia ofitad bemno Exercicios d. Ela Entoda sua
vida, sendo Entoda Ella muy austera & rigorosa Com seu d. Clicado Corpo, cesg. de
Sempre padimentos quasi tanto duas Liguros a discipilina, & hurna pera Alices, je.
managia. Todo Dannos. Na feitura principaes, & Assuad Euca, ad duplicauo Augustidi.
anos motificacoes. Impindo. Entrad O. gala d. Efeha Cum aspero Sacra Plum Lalo
Eferro a Laii da bone. Alem d. Exercicios da Comunid. & sig' tempdoente
faltava, tinta mai muitas Horas d. Coraçao Vocal, Ernenral, diante do antifisio
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Page 154
[Page 4]
[Texto Principal]
Caciamento. Teue adem, E beijde da Compaixão do proximo, pello q. faziam. A precacaois acompanhadas de muitas lagrimas. quando sabia q. algum proximo padecia algum trial: ou doença de Cisaia Em lagrimos e Commuitas penitencias de precacoes, instauo com Cesia, atte saber q. o atribulado era livre do trab. & padecimento: foi a dizer a Jesusa de Snr. Timou o preço de Suas affeituras oracoes dos q. se fizerem merecedores das Commuais Evidencia e Cita de Sobam. Ainda molher tivade usas Seus a Jesusa de Snr. Commuita Lejad atribuido, Castigada, & Heteré levado os Tinos laduses Cum filho. Ao qual quiz eras q. Dejes Corras a Cabeca de q. diurou Del pela foracaõ de Sua fiel Serva, Embreue dia Vespure pa Caja, Adiua Alaij, q. ed muita allegria uejo Com assillo das auguas q. adita M.e. gum Logo foi d'hum Dijo modo Conuento: oqual uendise tambem prezo pella justica injustamente Se Balco da oracões da Jesusa de Snr., mandando lhe pedir, q. em Comenda seca de Cia, as q. mandou Logo dizer: q. nad remete, q. Logo Sená Solto Chiure do Seu hab: aprijado: uertio logo tambem d'outro mais trabalho Com Visco dauida, mas j. tambem, Elle ficou Stauia d'Chiure). a Sim a Experimentou dito Lome, sendo ja morta, a Reuidas Snr.
Outro dome Seu Custo fazendo Viagem, nelle teue a Baixa Ernq elle dia, sua q. tremenda na qual Citiuera em ponto de perecer. Commuita fe implorau Cite lome a auxilio, e fauo do Ceo & preço da oracões d'ira Jesusa de Snr. sua Custa: Orando namais perigo Dio Eite some ao pé dorma ho quande a Custo M.e. Cloga q. sou Atremamente. Vejo Eite Lorne a lendar Auguas, q. a Custa delig. Cradhem a Certificar se fee, ra armeina q. tinha uistas nos baixos nao a jao datormente. Bendoa no posra Legral, testifiseu q. Era Armeina q. tinha uisto noma) natromente ao pé dorma, (em dos baixos. Certo delig. q. tinha ja sido Seu peillado, Cirando p/fez. biagern q. goa, terrendo dispe- xição da biagem. E tad bem ver alquã melfa à Erriga a Sem Comendou na oracões dadita delig. Expedindo se Ella. Ella Me disse: q. foye Confiado q. faria Sua Via- gem Sem perigos & Voltraria Sem maleficia alguã daz Elle temia. q. tudo acaria, mudado. Tudo a Sim mesmo Experimentou odin delig. Abora delig. Seupellado Consegui disfe tambem alqua Coza, q. oral delig. traja em Seuperfamento, q. He tauaõ maleficia e Cuid. a Deua d'snr. lhe pedisfe tudo Sem q. oral lhe tiuesse do Seuperfamento, Opera q. padecia noticia alguã. Seu Coracao fe bia jaua Cm. Charid. fraternal d'orn diplo ximim Diun, Enecessitado, nam amem, Senadom, mai foi claritatiusa d'orn aial Arma de Burgatorio pella q. Oraua Sem Cesia: Com La. fabou Aig. adiuina bond. Concedeo Cite fauo d'Chiurem aimplorar, seu fauo Coracoio q. p mejo d'Ella, Seliiuraxe d'Suas penas. Dai q. Je Sobem p dio da dim M.e. foi dua, aalmad Cleiro delig. q. uindo d'Egoa q. peillado dai M.e. na Barra d'Codim, morreo afogado, pdas alj. Staua Ernq uinda a Sta logo Nomermosto a pareceo adi- ta M.e. na Sua propria Cfigie e Combatio, Che Disfe: q. uindao peillado dai M.e. q. Era jamoto q. O Cmlamentase fe a Dci. loga a Seua d'Snr. dise a M.e. M.e. q. Em. Comenda se a Dcna alma do Commissario q. Pinta d'Egoa, oqual naquella noite lhe tinha aparecido EdCo Elle todo dissinae, leferido a feicoes, & querendo Ella tornal, lhe abencao Ned Cia pareceu. Depoi d'pajado mais d'Ciumanns elegrado Anno. ua fCeuai damorte dadits delig. Sendiceeparem Emuada dog tinso predito a Jesusa d'Csi. Como tambem nunca Seada su alta Emnada dog tinla predito a ser. uad Dci, muitas antes d'Suce del Epoxy is todo, Em Seu direto tinla muitaaffe, ced Ella a ella Recorrias todo Em Suas necessid. Vello jnm seja liito dizer, q. teue exper- vio de profecia.
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Emo anno de 1664. foi Clecia Peitada do Mosteiro o qual offisio administrou co
gande a Ceiracão de Etado, sendo naõ brigaçoes da Comunidade. A primeira mais Cristinaua,
Caduertia p/ Exemplo q/ Compalauos, sendo Citar as quandas aduertia, cead o Camo) e
dauid Ormeiro d/brou, tendo Mestra de Monicas, tratando atado, Como Mlaz hao.
Bardomuito (Me infunde) Seu abraçado Espirito, muitas, grandes, per lequio esteue
do Espirito Maiiono, doqual Salio Sempre Benecessora, a judada da graça Diuina. Mui-
ta Deues foi (muel mente a Cautada Elanda das Eicadas) Foi xeo. alguas bezes
He tirauad a disciplina, Ermãs fazendo a Vida dos fagellas, Seu muitas, grandes
Enfermid. Enella p/ Sua Dontade e nao Digençaua na liga de Seus Exercicios ante
que paoua total m/o Curso d/Ella, p/ ficar tolhida d/peit, Ermãs, d/Etado q/ Tenão podia
butil, mui Confitte Sem Sfou com a Diuina Dont? Nesta Suspensão do Exercicio
de Seu membro, og/ mais Sentia neita graça ad Exa Citara Quimdo a Sua? Irma
Companh. D/ Louuando a Dei no claro, acella Citaua tad peito Como Citaua Semtu
Lugar junto ao claro, Sem Aypodexa jusa) Cristua O Cajão (dioparticular) Ermã seffiuo
tal foi o Seu Sentimento q/ o Seu diuino amante aquem Ella nao podia Louuar Com
amais a Sim Como Ciejaue: quis me trauelle Com Lurri fauo) og/ Heogradaua
O Seu Ciejo d/Ella. Equanto Corra pera p/tinto p/ Cornelle Ella merecia. Ettuoa a-
Seruado Insí Crr Lurm lugar junto ao claro, donde Citaua O uumdo A Sua, Companh?
porem uer nas texas fisius, (p/ Citras Lugar) Emq/ Ettuoa feilado Com biornes, Em
pam g/ Abriad todo d/Lugar. Alz Dintro uis atoda, Aifeiras Com os Seus Atuud E.
quada A illarga Entaxiera o claro Eriseloso uie di Anin, Caifeira todo minhuxa:
dm, Emdis cloxoj Louuando a Seu creado, Cuidorna di Etti, Anin, daifeira, toma,
uad A palauas daiboca, daifeira, Cai entregauas a outro, An inio, Cetts boa uad
Ed Ciaparecião Com aquelle louuoxe ds Inor. isto Contau Ella Com quarte alegria.
Concolacão d/Elua alma Adua letiç, pedindo lle Segredos Com grande infantia. Dio
g/ di Anin atadas Aifeixas pujexad Capela d/Eloga; na bocca, d/legada a uitto,
quem teue d/Al dito d/Cuer Citarmariuilas. Etta Contar ella Ette fauos do Ces
Cauem d/Cie), q/ foi tal 240 d/Sua alma, Com auuita lefeida, q/ nao podendo Bibile.
lla Leuerberou p/ fora, Etad bem Sepse de Cie) q/ o qui d/Ecta dim manifesta) p/ Confor.
tat Canima) Aimais alouualo Com maios seus: Sejo Elle p/ Sempre benedita pois Etad
pouco Sepagatantos Cem Letribuicão Satisfas So afectos d/Camo, Com fauores tão Sin-
gulares. Em dia d/Espiris Santos. Sei s/ Snot outra maior fauo) a Eita Sua Seuua, Epi
Eictmido: a(?) g/ Ailelig. no Clore Cantarad: Veni Creator Spiritus. Todas Ermdo
O Coni. Ouuirad Lum grande Citardo g/ Ai atemorijou, parecendolle g/ Callio
O Caro mas nao Dixad nada do Alumilde Seua do Snor no Seu lugar Emq/ Citaua,
Como Entreuas p/ Citas d/Lugar feilado, p/ todas As partes mereces Ver algua
do Citardo, Dia oclosso tao Abraçado Em laço d/Cuix, Eg/ di laço Abrauejauad
d/Cuia pane). A outra tudo ocloso Como g/ Hegarecia aditua Me uer lud Confugad
de Luzes, Encas Lua, Com Aisumy, Sabberm dito d/Co parte a Ida M. aid Eposita,
rias aig. tirad dio oantecedente fauo. Bendita Seja Auisia grande ja, Elbond. infinito-
Snor, poi tabbem pagais qual g/ Affecto, d/Eciejo Cum, Sicili, Eieja ua So a Custa-
lelig. Ser Companhs?, nos louuaxe, ds Snor, Elo pello d/Ciejas afectuoja, (Le Concedes lum
tao Singular fauo, ou b. melhor dije) tantas menes, ffauxes, So ptum d/Ciejo. Palado
alguns mezes no Lugar ja dito Ena Enfermaria q/ onde foi leuada a Seuua ds Snr),
forao atdores, Eernfermid. Fazendo Seu efeito d/Cral mado g/ Conleceo a Eipsa
q/ Odivinis Eipopo queuia p/ termo a Seu podece) Ca Otri Sequeuenis p/ a Tora Emq/ auia
Page 156
[Page 1]
[Texto Principal]
Anna de Seu chamada, fazendo muitas largas Confissões, recebendo o Diviníssimo Sacramento, e ultimamente o Viático, e ja no Ultimo alento, davia o Santo Sacramento da Extremaunção, respondendo Ella a uns, Cofudando a Comunidade, lejão os Psalmos penitenciaes, e Ella tinha de Coração, pella Continuação do Colegio, muitos Dezes. Ultimamente He de Cumterremo grande, no qual Se Confortou Ella mesma, Repetindo o Verso. Non intres in juditium Cum Ancilla tua Domine, Dirai Estas palavras; não foi ou mais terrible e Espaço, de Sua bem julgada alma a seu Creador; Aquem tinha Servido Setenta Sete annos, e tanto tinha de Idade, De Religião teve Sincera foi de Seu transito, e a Celestial patria, Comt Laueron piamente de Vida On treze de Dezembro de 1683 e Sincera da fundação do Mostro: foi o Sentimento geral Em todo o Emuito Emparticular de todos os Religiosos que todos Atratavam, Cariciavam Como Sua Devotude merecia.
Vida, Emorte da R.ª Madre.
Anna do Sacramento
Esta venerável M.ª Vejo de Manilla Era Comp. da M.ª Fundadora, Sendo ainda menina de Dez annos, pello q foi Eua da primeiras plantas deste Jardim sem pre foi muy Exemplar, Em cuja Igreja das Penancia da Legra, e Cauza cuya padeces alguam molestia, padeces uarias tentacoes, Caucixao e os doirmirigos, e grandes tribulações de Circunpulso: bieraõ Entrea alemarala de Errado officio Lejado juiuo dos annos, e foraõ di Ultimo de Chauauida, Citeue prima de Clarim: e Cauza de Lejado de juiuo. Nem Sempre Ella hauiaua: pello que Ella presise de Cimezes antes de Sua morte: Esi, que Em dia de São João Evangelista desmeirno anno Ernd. Ella faleceo, se adiro M.ª instancias p Se Confessar, e Comungar, Com tum Coure Sacram. Sette negou pella lejad sadita, disse Ella a religios nam em media: Eu ja bij Seudits. Ella Outro Commissario q Lade uid, Ceite mesade dado todos os Sacramentos: Le turn frare Cuie, Certa feicoe. Siueraõ Entao ai M.ª ditto de Elivis Como outro muito, q dava dora ella dizia. Verem: Cojos lars. e legou o tal Commissario, e Ella tinta dito, naqual Dixao ai M.ª todas as ficcoes Comque Ella otinia pintado p palavras. Cod mais de q oral He de todos os Sacramentos, Recebido S.Santos Viaticos disfeadina M.ª Emacada de Graça, pella merce, recebida: Benedictus Cuius Distuntas nulla Criatura Le sistere posset. E isto disse, Quer nas M.ª Lepugnancia a Sette darem os Sacramentos, Entao disse, rad ai religios, oga M.ª tinha dito davia já de Ernejes Adrio P. Commissarios, o della Entao Atribuirao a Locura, mas q tinham visto Sabio Seudio Erritudo Ceits. Entreu Cita religiosa mai de Deus mejemoribunda de Jesus que Goduas beles Sette de os Sacramentos da Extremaunção. Fesse lepas Entre a illegios, pella duracao Chauauida. Se Seria a Cauza oriao Citai Ella Baptijada. Ora filha natural de Cgaipat Alende, Nome Soldado Em Manilla. Vendo o P. Commissario ja Empirica Entre as religios. Cita divida fei sua diliq, tomando Seu Depoimento darnermo religios. Sette Continuau o ter Sido baptijada quando Nasceo: Se dizia quem forao vis seus padrinhos no Baptismo, Com nao ada se nello nem naimais lejao, nem noticia algua, q pudese tirar aduvida, mormente on nas Saber dita religios. Letiuera padrintes, ou nas, Cautra lejao onas Sei Nascida de Matrimonio, Consultou o Lajo Com tornes deuto, Com Seu parece, Subconditio re. Deu dita M.ª Santo Sacramento do Baptismo, instituidos primeiro datencao y davia Dito Em receber aquelle Santo Sacramento, so Deo Sabe, se ello Elle necessitaua, ou nao,
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[Texto Principal]
Naõ Seporelle Eperaua offeio da Cauella & seu jõ Comadira Ieliz, foique
dandolle o Saciamento pella tres pouquatro Tous data de Ella a sete d'Inuico
Deu Espirito ao Ceador Citando mais de dous mezes moribunda. De fexe se o Cojpo del
Couja dignad Cleparo, Eqem Seperauadit. Sendo o aque pello Santo Saciamento M.
Eperaua p. morre) e De Saluaç) p meio delle, Touxe a Deo Em Sua grande mijericor
disfobrada p nos Suas Creaturas p Tua bonde infinita- foi o Quarto me Em 14. de outo?
De 1683. annn. Vs Seu Enterro duas Ieliz & Citauão Na Confermaria Conualecer
tes. Bixad junta da tumba duas Ielizias & nad Contecead Exaditas & bixad aide
necida modernas, & Epoues annos, Epis noã bixad ai Me. fundadora y. Costarex
diz Enais q alem H. Ca Confeexem a todas adarado ornumero justa & aquella sua
H. Confeccidas / Enais. & Sinagã dad arte agora da duas, Taa: & Euá alqem tanto
ela d Corpo, Etuaa Oculy, Etum Luix bianca namad Caoutra Curta d Corpo
triquera Efranzina. Parecei sinaes dadpella duas modernas, ai Me. Antianas julgo.
xao Citai pella Confeimentos q Eiuerao da Me. fundadora, Sela Curta Etriquera,
a Venereauel Me. Trans) De S. Franc. cua a Me. Margarida da Concepcão, Caoutra.
abeneiauel Me. Beldisa da Pind. Siamente nõ poderne inclina) a De J. bierad
aiduas R.R.M. a companharia Entero a Cita Sua Companhis & de Marillo as
companhas Em dde Edes annos. Sudo Sepose pia mente Cuei do Beinho da fina.
doras Erreerem. H. Cita Veligisa & foi ua das primeiras plantas & Ala plantarão
Fiche Seu jardim da qual d Supremo Rei da gloria tem Collido muitas Rosas, Casue:
nas, Como Seuera na luida, Emores, da que Damaj Cicuendos.
O
Naõ Le fai aqui o Extens menced lauidai Emoris, da R.R.M. Margarida
da Concepcão Clara de S. Francisco, quarta, Equinta fundadora Dete Mostein,
P quantos Bistravas p Marilla Em Comp da benereauel Me. Maria Magdalena
da Vera Gu; Esta ca labarão felix mente o Curso d Estar uida, Amemoxia, & Cixamò
neue Mosteiro forão De grande Zello, Efeiuos Com g ajudarão aplantar) Orejadin p.
Vlicia/ da Suprema Rei da gloria, & D Alterm Colido nas Cruces d Esincuenta Sete
annos q tem d planta, quorenta & Lua loja; Ca facenos Cultivadas, Receidas, nindo.
cumenty Exemplon & hed Ciao Carnainais. Aidua R.R.M. daquae s fauerin
Cita bieuememoria Hicendo Ella Semuj d Licada Teu gran demerecimento, por
rem oque faltou nas Cearuxas & Hicuido Seu, nada duuida q Ho lade Satis
fater nagloria o Criados, que Sempte da igual Satis facaò atodo Omerecimento.
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[ILLEGIBLE: ~2000 chars] (Ilegível devido à baixa resolução e desgaste do papel. A caligrafia é cursiva, densa, com múltiplas linhas por centímetro, típica de documentos oficiais ou jurídicos do século XVII-XVIII. Não é possível decifrar palavras individuais ou frases completas.)
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[Index]
[Texto Principal]
Narratio eorum, quæ Pekini contigerunt. ——— 1
Noticia do estado & governo de Maysur. ——— 49 N°
Noticias relativas à historia Ecc. de Macau. ——— 54
Relação das cousas succedidas no Reino de
Maysur desde Maio de 1724, até Ag. de 25. ——— 40
Resumo do q. aconteceo em Pekim em 1723. ——— 34
Vida e virtudes da V. M.ª Soror Leonor de S.
Franc. fundadora do Mosteiro de S. Clara
de Macau ——— 56
[Fol.]
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Remeto a V. Exa. as duas cartas inclusas, que não me foy possivel trasladar. A principal, que falta, está nas mãos de J. Gianpriamo, que diz, a pedido, já logo a comunicar a V. Exa. Nella vem o formal Decreto do Mandarim, e outras noticia de consideração. Volto-me deste papel; porque me companhym ainda esta semana tão occupado, que me parece, não poderey ir car pessoalmt. a V. Exa. a quem D. g. d. W.
Casa Propria da Compa. 5.ª fe.
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Creao de V. Exa.
Jeronymo de Castilho
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Versão do Libello Sínico, que o Cumto Primario Mandarim da Provincia de Fokien offerece a jum Chim Imperador da China contra a Ley de Deus, e Seus Ministros.
Era proibir ao Jude povo, que erradamente entra na Ley de Deus manifesto. Em Fokien na villa de Tongan, que é lugar pequeno, retirado, vizinho ao Mar, ouvj, vindos vindo dous Europeos (Religiosos Dominicos) que aly morauão escondidos (sem Piao/diploma do Imperador) apregando a Sua Ley. Despachey pequenas occultas a inquirir da verdade. Nodito Lugar há mais de dez Letrados: de tomés, emolhores Christãs em alguns centos. Dentro dos muros da villa e pelas aldeas ha quinze Igrejas. Os dous Europeos se escondem nas cazas dos Letrados pera não serem vistos, nem temem o mandado do Mandarim da Villa, que isso lhes prohibe. Nos dias em que fazem as Suas preces se ajuntão alguns centos de tomé, sem dar separação entre tomés, emolhores, ouj de seu costume. Despachey logo Ordem aos Mandarins de armay e letras pera que buscassem e lançasse[m] fora aos dous Europeos, eos Ludissem pera Macao; e que as Igrejas desfizessem e ordenaria de Mandarins. Da mesma Sorte encomendei aos Letrados Christãos persuadissem ao povo deixar a Ley; e que se foye[j] se quem muy entrasse nella, Heretaria o grao, eos castigaria, sobre isto pujui já Caoxi (mandado apertado). Os Europeos das Provincias (Missionarios) todos tem Igrejas em que morão. O que estão na Corte São uteis pera a Mathematica ou outro uso. Se repermitte, que os das Provincias tenhão Igrejas, ecasas, o povo pouco a pouco vai entrando na Sua Ley, e aí sim vive enganado, estiluzo de muitos annos, oque he contra a doutrina do Filosofo Confucio. Dho que Supplico a Villa deixe ficar, como dantes, os Europeos na Corte, então permitta, que os mais fiquem pelhas Provincias, mas vão pera Sekim ou se mandem pera Macao. As Igrejas, que cá, se deputem pera outro uso, unno Selves permitta affição outras de nov
Versão do Rescripto Pekinense contra os Missionarios, e Santa Ley.
Os Europeos de Pekim podem cuidar da Mathematica, ou Servir em outra coura: Os das Provincias não tem uso dignitantes, que Seguem a Sua Ley tomons, emolhôres, levantão. Frequentão Igrejas. Se ajuntão a Dezar Sem Separação devinda tem grande inconveniente, ou he occasião de grande mal. Por isto Se deve conceder ao Cumto Suprem Mandarim em Letras, carmas de Fokien, o que Supplica. Exceptuando o que p Decreto Imperial está na Corte, juntando dos maij, que estão espalhados pelhas Provincias deem os Cumto, e os Deojs examinar com exaceão, porque uerem talentos travellos pera a Corte, os outros mandallos pera Macao, então permitido fiquem escondidos na terra dentro. Os que tem piao (diploma Imperial) todos Se busquem, mandem tambem Salvir. Se mandem os piao, o tribunal de Pekim, porque não corvão, não tentão uns. As Igrejas mandem emendar, e converter em estalagem de Mandarins. Aos Christãos Se prohiba Severamente a Ley, effeão, que mudem de Religião. Se houver quem, com dantes, Se ajuntem a Dezar, e fizer outros exercicios da Ley, Sejão gravemente castigados. Os Mandarins, que difiz mularem nisto, ou encubrão, ou não derem parte, deem Cumto, e os Deojs examinar, entregallos ao tribunal, pera q aly Se determine, oque Se deve fazer delles.
Versão do Decreto Imperial.
O Comte Imperial, que approva o Consultado pelo Tribunal dos Ritos. Os Tomés, Europeos pertencentes aos Reinos estrangeiros, já ha muitos annos, que morão pelhas Provincias da China. Agora he necessário, conforme oq allega o Cumto de Fokien, Supremo Mandarim em Letras, carmas, no Seu Libello acusatorio, que Sejão expulsos. Mas como Se pode temer, que a gente da terra confusamente os maltrate com injurias, os Cumto, e os Deojs darão Provincias com provisores a fiquem pº o tempo da Sua expulsão p termo, ou meyo anno, ou numero certo de alj
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Domais não creiai, que eu esteja irado contra vos, e vos quera oprimir. Sabei muito bem como eu vos tratava quando era Degulo: hum de vossos Cristãos Alandarim no Leão tum teve hum negocio grave com a sua Familia, aquell querendo o lançar fora, p̃que não honrava aos Avôs, vos recorrestes amim, e eu Concertei o negocio: oque agora faço é Como Emperador: omatematico cuidado he governar o Imperio, e damania, athe atarde não fico outra cousa, e nem ameny Filhos vejo, nem a Emperatriz, mas Somente aos Ministros dos negocios publicos; e isto durará todo o tempo dos tres annos do luto, oqual acabado vos poderei admitir como dantes.
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Comor Rey Depois daconta & abalancada
dos at Mag. dos termos em q se estam a Cidade
de de Plina, Senor Capitão proxima mente de
Os Missionarios Luzidentes do Forte de Pekin
vindo descando totalmente de graça & sem
clausa pella absencia do dito Pinto o Impurador
de Minda, & q para reparar tal grande damno
Senr descobre mijo algu & prêfa Segurar os
Contrauas & Servicos de Dios, e preservar esta
Cidade & seruidio Supremo d'El Mag. como a
Ele agora Sobem Justo, por El Carbo Sedundo
q Fazera o Impurador omymo Com el Infeliz
& wza Com os Missionarios, & q Conheceremos
Daf El Nella Forcas & Desastir, de Cabedey &
ad guerrilley, Nos bem dado grande Cuidado sim
possibilidade Com q nos aclamos; & q inbete
genrio de Gomefa & geral & depressunk vasilh,
& Com Conhecido dello semprega Oss Servico
d'El Mag. por arbehindo O Recorrimento acampa-
do de El Mag. & Secundor poderia o Impura-
dor futer leuono No Seu obras Vindo & Ei per
El Mag. Remetido Em Embaixador, Elso pa
Eue Sora e Te Omijo & poderi Seu Canca de
Secomegno a Suspensão de orde de fidal de
Cristo e Picará Lugar aos Continh & alt Mag.
Decoce & Fundador, e Patrons de T
dos Luminarum & De Luminador,
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Perlot
88
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[Page 87]
[Texto Principal]
De.ª Fidelidade & memoro deua
hõ cento & mil graças a Deos ao Mag.º dos
beneficios, logando a Deos pellos Srs. filhos
& Tdo. O Muiro Comunho & Mercador
plo. & my. Manoel Lory de Moura Alfay
& Ervino de Paim de Tafell em 29 de De-
zembro de 1624
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[ILLEGIBLE: ~20 lines of faded cursive script, mostly obscured by age and stains. Partially legible fragments include: “...augmentando...”, “...fazendo...”, “...164...”, “...depois...”, “...com...” — overall content indecipherable due to low contrast and degradation.]
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[No topo, centro-direita] Thomas Haynes
[No topo, centro-direita, abaixo de anterior] Dn. Joseph Joury de Billybon
[Centro, ligeiramente à direita] Joseph de Abreu d'Hampay
[Centro, abaixo do anterior] [UNCLEAR: possible signature or rubric, heavily inked and overlapping previous line; appears to begin with “Jou...” followed by illegible flourishes]
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Thomas Haynes
Dn. Joseph Joury de Billybon
Joseph de Abreu d'Hampay
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Maj. Ap., cujo fiel traslado irá no fim deste papel.
Contas dirão se elevará, ou não elevará abem os preitos
de V.S. o Imp. da China, se continuará em favorecer os
Castelios, e se de defenderá os pouros Néfios (ou Nefios)
e ficar de toda as postas para g. nad entrem outros, e terá-
mos allinda reduzidos aos mesmos termos do Japão, e será
mais funesta Suevos, & V.S. poderá ter no seu Porto
fiado. E O Maj. não quer concorrer já a falar (Cuy-
na de sua Christand. de que se dedare sheita contra
a Der. & acouza dela).
E indo jazmeu com o Decreto de Mon. de Lourenço
augmentandire com o de V.P. @ ma execução
deste pleito passará a total é chago o inesperável
Escandal. O Imp. ficará totalmente as postas de toda
a China dos Néfios, Castelios, e ficará S. Palmo
S. Ingle. Edand. & jaucida, como consta a Mg.
Commandar seu Néfio (??), & permitirá nas So.s
Cirto, gaste agora se praticará, mas demorará
dogmas, & quizarem.
Nethe capo milita & djeffarrus. Stat.
quæst. cap. 35 n° 6. § =
Litterarum publicarum quando quod executionem
differri licet, ac suspendi Regio Decret, ut Ma-
ximus Omnis Diemius interim certior fiat, quæ,
et quantis afficiatur incommodis, et gravamini-
bus, Republica ista propter oratio, quæ abijp
falsis preibus, et suggestioni bus imperantibus, quin
minime Sanctissimy Pontifices fore conueffurus,
Si per cestam, interamque narrationem certo fuer,
quid
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quid spirituali: Caleriathis, et temporalis hujus Regni
Electis Legimini sit conducibilis.
Emo Cap. 96. repete =
donce per supplicationy auxilium Summum jike Poni-
fex certis fiat quantum deminendo huc Republica
vinciar, quam grande Scandalum, urtandem huius
publice obteratur.
Pro m. necesse est quod paxarem ad
Summum Pontifices aliquos Decretos maios pro improbatione
deleguer, dòg pro sua line vond, ex quai (não parecia)
se forem informados daverd, como contido do Cap. In juz
verdete § 5º terum 5 =
Eius procurator in habeat, cum pulsi sumus non juris
necessitate sed importunitate parentis / subdejus
ad instar & pro lege decet fierend or paria de Summ/
proformemo & S. quer, & quando justa cause Senad ereu-
Mem or seu Decreti, emg che nas Ex pleram informado:
Et expeditur Cap: Sigundo 5° de Cenrigri in 6° t =
Si quando aliqua Fraternitas tu dinging, que
animam tuam exasperare videris, turbi no R
Hebes..... qualitatem negorij, progus sibi scibiter,
diligenter considerar, aut mandatum adimpleas,
aut petitiones may quae adimpleo non posis raho-
nabilem causam pretendas, quia patienter subine-
himy, Si non feceris, quod praud isthis fuerit info:
maxime Suggestum.
& causas maios Causnauid & arg Dng. temerps by
nas accitat, antes Supplicat Semple sete flecito devr?!
E ainda & nas accita etk pleuit conferva, econfervard
Semple sybring (anilo desbed) Filo de V.ª erafec
App,
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[Page 84]
[Texto Principal]
A D. Francisco Tamarão seus Prodeçores, p/qq. jure
consendit, producitur insbediend, ned dicitur nond.
parere, cum faciat ex lege permittente; como di D
Tamine in pax crimin. h. 3 g. 97.
E O concluzas daq neste mem. Verbe ex-
plic. sobre Padrao de D.Mag. e jestas causas, q hm
pedir a V.D. Satisfacão em Officios do Cadeal de
Tournon, asy. efficiare Carren, q. tem p. Supplicad
de s.k. Fecito de N.D. offios ruba ved aqui acasta
q a V.D. escreues s. Aced. Cmaz. de Da. Herzo-
tiano de toda a India, emem detantas leys, deronto
Zeb, ed tantavinhos, de q Senas p.de Perumis &
enganar a Mag. cmo See Rey, nem faltar à verd?
deue a V.D. com a seu supremo Prelado, nem as
Meu G. Cobed. q. Sedeu a Receb. A cartafel
mente trasladada, E aq. se Segue.
Exemplar q. idk. ab M.mo Indianum Primat ad
Sanctissimum Papam Mentem et M. scripta una legato-
nem, et aced M.mi Patriarche Antiocheni
Sanctissime Pater.
Acerto dolore affectus, St. V.R. cum his literis in paruo volumine
Supplicatur Effero verem, ad sinceram hystrnam adorun Patr=
archz Antiocheni licu? Ecquis enim prenit non dolor vehe-
mented, tragediam intucas adeò lamentabilem? Quam Civili
Ecclesiam Serenissimi Lusitanis Reges in Summum Imperio
innumeris Expensis Primares Indiarum Prodeçores
mei magna prudentia, Maiores Annistre pan vigilando
Mifionarij Societatis Jesu assiduo labore, ac singulari Industria,
Centum, et amplius annorum spatio Ren duruke, ampliare cunt,
conservarunt, Stabilierunt; anno uno et Episcopis dedigega-
tus irtem conculit, et ab imis fundamentis omnino everteret?
nifi
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[Page 1]
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Qvi: optimus Maximus Deus mirabiliter praedixit?
Ad quid dico? Apostolus sedi Cegatus? Sibi Sermonem
vendicat, et auctoritatem arrogat D. my Antiochenus. At qui
praesenter credere potuit verum Legatum esse eum, qui commis-
sionis suae Bvllay exlibero hactenus soluit? Nuncquid prioris
ipsius verbis, quem Sacris Canonibus credendum est? Profecto
in Clementino Injuriarum & Panae: De electione inter communes
judicem minime credere attentans delegatorem nini exhibitis
ipsoy authenticis commissioris suis documentis. Idipsum te-
nent Carbolii DD. averteres non Sufficeret, ut Legatus de Land
exhibeat Apliae literas Legationem Feriantes, Sed tenori fa-
cultatum Suorum Bvllay proferre. Quid ergo? Violabimus
ne Canonicum jus, ut obtemperemus H. mo Antiochono? La-
dare Clementinm, et Carbolii DD. Idem negabimus, ut eam
praximque eisem H. m. plenius bucis asseverant Se facultatem
habere ad proferendam Sententiam, inaudita parte, ad Devr-
cande gujcumque privilegio, ad interpretandae Constitutiones
Apostolicae pricanciae et quod impossibile videtur, in Scipio Ora-
culum Summi Pontificis habere in rebus Fidei! Superest, ut
Obis dicat, praeterum jus Canonicum abrogatum, et DD. pro-
hibito efe à S.V. Dicta tamen quidquid voluerit, ne ego
à Sanctis Ealeriz Legibus minimè recedam, et à Sancto Catho-
licorum decrepum doctrina minimè recedam, donec mihi juri-
dicto conditioni S.V. illey abrogate. Ceterum si non verbis,
opinibus credamus, ut dixit Christus Dni, obvers igiud S.V. ut
facta H. mi Antiocheni inveni, quam effet hyphoria sincere svis-
pia legere negravetur ad judicandum, an ea illiy Cegationem
legis valeamus inferre, et credere (cencemur)?
Ad Choromandelis oram via ille appulus, severissimi
et intempestivij decretis, ad Dennuis totam Meliapovenfem Dia-
cesint turbant. Sinas ingrenus Regulares sperantes postanaj
pondy dici, et alby, noua, ac rigorosè Subjectione opprefix Turn
a veri Patronatem Serenissimi Runtanis Regis invafit Ordinationes
jurisdictionem usurpavit? Proprio qui Maravm Lerranorum
ciutatem
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[Page 85]
[Texto Principal]
cinsarem Visitarem mittere, eique etem Episcopum Subjund
deuere? Nandinenf: Episcopatui legitimo prouif. Dicarid
Apostolicum diptisie) praefecit : in Pekihenf: Regis Generalem
Superiorem constituit exercentem, cui Pekihenfi Episcopus,
Et alij omnes Subjacerent. Sed quid dicam de fidelitate, qua
Societis pracefta, Suspensiones, Excommunicationes Pekini,
Nandithi, & Macai eruebant? Quid de februa precipitatione
et obfirmata judicij tenacitate, quibus omni consilium respuit?
Taced conremelias & injurgationes, lazyma huncdam excandescon=
tiam, incendina ad vni feruiones, amduas amanitudines (ne ali=
quod amplius dicam) aduersus PP. Soc. Iesu, quos vexarit, deprefit?
argued, quod peccy est, denefet ed Imperatorem. Et ad grauira
fratres.
Hic ipse H. mus Annocenus, qui tanquam Legatus Aulay
de Sinarum Imperatore fuerat Ensignificè exceptus, libells Suo 21
Iunij 1606 Italico idioma script, ac porrects a ped eundo ab Im=
peratorem Othricum (horreo referens!) Catholicam Nationem
Funtanam, ejusque piiffimum Regem publice, ac juridice accusari,
quod nofter quemquem ad ipsius Imperatoris obsequium verderet:
quid prius transiret per Funtaniam, et illius Regni legibus se sub=
jiceret. Et ad corroborandam Sujuram di delationem in eadem
libello subjunit, si illam facile justa mentem S.V. t=
Mentre l'intentione di S.R.D. è di concorred alle sodisfati=
oni di V.Maestà.
Obstupuit Enisorum Aula: infremuit Primogenitus Princeps: age
Filius Imperator accusationem adeò indignam. Nibil minus ille,
qui Apostolici Legati Dignitatem induerat, in Funtanam gen=
tem magis Daviens, com, et praverhim Cinsarem Maedensem
auirg Desdem crimine apud eumdem Imperatorem iterum ac=
cusauit 4° Julij ejusdem anni 1706. Sed propterea illum Legati
Ennd spoliavit Imperator. =
Considerato (surrejus verba) modi vili, et temerarios, quos
Patriarcha legefit Emines accusando, legué concedediniz
bres Imperij Male Igneado, is nullatenus habet Magnatis
Delegati Spicium.
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[Page 1]
[Texto Principal]
Et propterea eis, quos excelebratum imperium Imperator accusat,
Sinensis subdiorum denique habet. Hic aurem a Mandar-
inis Macaum deputatos per H.M. christianus, etiam est
jus dicendi in illam Civitatem illis mer civibus, qui ut omnis per-
Dcret, ad Gentilium tribunal turgissime denegetur? Quare
Censeverunt, imploratum Sedipot, et recipi di arma gentilia
adversus Carolos Tantanos, incasum tamen, imploravit qui-
nimiastre armis Apostolice Legati authoritate confisus ex arce
Regia vi abducent tentari sumum ex Presbyteris suis Ordinari
Jure in illa reventum. Expresserunt ergo Macaenses Curiam
Romanam authodiam M. Antiocheni Edictus, et ineis ilium indu-
sum detinent; tum ne in Civitate tumultus exiret, et Empublica
perhebet, tum us Securum tenent, quem ab Imperatore wthden-
dum, licet invix, accepere. Incredibilia sunt omnia hec, sed
veritas Sinarum Imperio, et tota Asia vulgata, et tota Europa
paulo dubio divulgaudo. Insultabunt baronii obsequens Ca-
tholici et ipsam S.P.D. refert ad Indos, et Sinas (legatum su-
um Misit, minimo credet eum qui talia agit, Mandato, quem
Legaverat. Adhuc tamen Superest praefectus Horis mei cauza
Exponenda.
Ex quibus ingressus fuit M. Annoclenus
Non de examinandis, sed de absolvendis controversiis. Circa ego.
Eam ob rem Pekinenses Nezpitos irritari, emme Supplices
libellos lacerant, et suis consuecaud pedibus. Deinde s-
praesem Episcopum, et Vicarium Apostolicum Boriz Tokien Carole
Maiorot tanquam Literarum, ac rerum sinensium jurisfimum
Imperatorii produxit; et Majestatem suam abigity Episcopi
Imperii, ac duritie, graviter offensam multum magis exacer-
bauer, eique satisfacere noluit, cum facile posset. Org. Im-
perator Decretus suo Episcopum cum duobus Presbyteris exer-
minand, et omnes alios Missionarios de Pekin by examinan-
dos aueriri jussit, ut ibi, qui proxim P. in Pekin Aekiniy fun-
datus profferebatur, Imperiali, et honorifice diplomate Madris
in Imperio permanerent: contrariam vero maxim tenentes
illis ex finy ejusentur. Convolarunt igirur in Regim Pekinor
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Epy
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[Page 86]
[Texto Principal]
Episcopus, ac plures Missionarij, et facta requirita professione
Imperialis diplomate acceptum, ilud quod omnes / paucis
Exceptis Commend Ego addichi / proculdubio eram similiter ac-
ceptus.
Sed quid ageres M. my Antiochenus, qui Nandlini
tum tempus erat? Vbi decreta facies & cestit? aliud de-
cretum suum Imperatoris Decrets omnino approbatur / quos
crederes?) Tamen promulgavit omnibus Missionarij me fing
permanere volentibus, Sub pjad excommunicationis Induens
ne P. Vicij, sed formen Episcopi praem erant Imperatore
profitenterunt. Onedem decretos suo aiebat inkarere ad
Menti; ac decisioni S.V.a Sapetamen, multum Rogatus,
Negue S.V. decifinem offendere, negue decreti sui execu-
tionem deferre voluer. Sicbat imperitiam Commend Episcopi
Manifeste emittam fugie à brittinno Imperatore: cum ad
D.V.m recurrifo, ne Episcopi sui Eius demanarentur, ac prind
terribiliter exavsumum, ubi damnatos videret, et Christianam
Legem, ejusque Praemex exterminatum: fieruntque Eae,
et alia Brjurm di eidem M.mo Pard, ac erdenter ivam ex-
posita, tum à P. Prociali. De Senr Josepho Monteiro, tum
à P. Antonio da Sylva Priorum Affectuid id tempus agente.
Et tamen / torrendum dum? / totius Missionis ruinam, et vi
Anninarum perniciem mirabiter certam fiori ponderes M.nus
Antiocheny, deererisui Observantiam Fidem à P. Prociali,
et ab omnibus apus Subditi fuere precepit.
Stemperauit P. Procialis, Abelierunt Subdin
captivam intellectum in brequium illas, cui tanquam Artis
Sedi Legati se subjecerans. Quinimo ipsum P. Prociali
et quatuor ejus Subdit primi ante omnes Missionarios pos-
memii Episcopi praem apud Imperatorem profesi sunt. Duc
disposuit, quantum dixi, ac fusius eum Imperator concep-
vit. Estlicam Religione procul dubio ex Imperio suo
fuit
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Nisi proverberet, nisi Amisaj Diuina cor ejus aliquantulum
deliniret, et contineret in fide, quam conceperat, fide, ut ita
dixi tantis Imperatoris offensio satisfaciat, ejusque authoritatem,
ac Scientiam sineam imperitis hominibus quos ad nepotismum.
Interim tamen dixit P. Provincial em cum quatuor Fidei
Cantonem delegari, et, et omnibus alijs Missionarijs ne
poena capitis praecepi, nec interdices, ac eorum operis
modiaverint. Omnibus tamulis suis edixit pro rebelibus
habendos eos qui concurri Eius non observarent: quos
invenit Missionarios omnes & sequaces, ex finis
Fatis effect, et Hm Antiochens capitis exemplum
publico edito imponuit diem. =
Si deinceps Cajum diturbas moriend, amputetur
Patriarcha, comprehensus adductus, et Occidetur.
Cum ibi accedem legiens invlimo Deceto, ait ita. =
Netu in his suspicionis causam probes. Necaum
ito, ibi expectat R.P. Barros, et Bovallied, quando
ipsi redierint, negria tud patereb, et determina-
buntur.
Sed quid dicam defuore duorum Principum dare-
di, et Primogeniti Catholicanium Europae Religionis præ-
textu, rebellionem excitare, et Imperium occupare velle? Quid
de Magnaribus, et Magistratus Pekinenfibus unobte
clamauhbus Europae omnes Canguam Fidelijfos, et con-
tra Etty Legesque Imperij tumultuantibus Sine ejicien-
dis? Quid de Mandarinnun mislerhiâ, Bonissimum
vabie, Osnierum omnium iracundia aduehy Enthi
progem? Et quid de Operarij Evangelii Supremo
Dezahj, de Confiana Religione filijonp, de templis
de Testis, de Neplyris palatribus, et dey nnpaucis
Enitum ejurantibus? Vtinammes Pathaly lusore
in Obloy Eibnij p.2. an? 199. relarg Nandinum ditiud
per=
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[Page 84]
[Texto Principal]
perveniunt! Hæc enim verò omnia impedient. His prædictis
acceptis inhærentes Nefimarij, qui in Nandinensi Dio-
cesi Comarserant, Neophyti, ut antea, Sacramenta
administrabant, ne sine illis percant in Æternum.
O M Sanatissime Pater, præjudicium medius!
Euo vere lamentabilis tragœdia! Em hæresid sinuend
Litterum p.t. Decretum Domini Alexandri VII circa fa-
Etiam versand, et à Litterarum, Verumque Sinensium
intelligentia Contumà dependet ut S.V. negat de finit,
negat definirend de fide viderur. Sitamen definita
est, apparet definitio: Catholici Sumus, et proiita
omnes Sanguinem, ævitant libentissime profundemus,
Neque etiam videntur tale Catech a S.V. Edico præcept.
prohibendi absolut, sed sub conditione, quod toti
patriæ, Misuræ Superstite. Dux cum ita eind, quis
praesenter Idem De Libero potest HMmo Annixden
in Deore? Sus adhererant, integre de Mentì, ac dui-
simi Shi'la? Addebat Se vigore facultatum suarum
Summi Pontificis oraculum id est ipse Eabere, et di-
idiem credendum est? prius per quod er emis fasibi
facultate legati de Lateri, ut non obstante quorum
gratio periculo Secretum suum Observare tur. Et
autem pubenter creder ei, qui talis præcip, et talid pro-
Cevt? VT Simen sem Ecclesiam omnino exortad, Sibi am-
gas authoritatem pronuncian de finitione de fide, et
credendum est ei? Facultatum Suarum B.May nne pliber
Siy Viz deiefinem non extendit, et credendum est ei? Ejus
verba,
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Page 182
[Texto Principal]
Verba, a decretis sunt in destructionem, speraverbis, et
Deo reijs crelarent, et credendum est eis? Itemme. Vm
suppliciter oro, ut omnia ejus dicta, decreta, et acta digni-
tur perpendere, et judicare, an ex illis prudentes homines
inferre, et credere teneamur, cujusmodi Eminem dele-
gatum quine à benignissima, ac Sanctissima Ap. Sede?
Attamen terribilis hujus proelii causam Pe-
kinensibus R.P. Soc. Jesu imputat M. M. Amstelena.
ae si ad Imperatorem irritandum non sufficiunt, gujdam
M.M.s publice egit, ac decretuit, vel indigener Imperator
Europaeorum Inquisitio, ad tuendas Leges, et constitutio-
nes Imperii sui. Quidquid tamen de Patribus
Societatis dicat M. Amstelena; ego longa experien-
tia edoctus, affirmo, ac testor eos in omnibus Primatibus
omni loco vivos esse plane Religiosos animarum zel-
proflantes, Et de augendis, conservandis Religionis
by valde solliciti, pro veritnueis R.P. Pekinensibus. Nef:
ergo certis et indubitabilibus testimonijis probantur
grauissima ilia ab M. Amstelena imputata, delicta
primum prodenda sunt.
Denique ad Sibi vna pedes provolutus,
Nam obseru, obtestorque per Deum, ne Earum Indiarum
Nifsimibus Dianos Aplios deinceps praeficiat. Expe-
rientia enim rejnit: ferè annorum quibus Metropolitanus,
et Primas Munere fuerit indigno, fungsit, mali competem
est, en nunc si de controversijs, ac disensionibus exci-
tandis, Ordinis que ageret cum gradissimo nem Meropism,
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Page 183
[Page 88]
[Texto Principal]
ium Etiernum scandalo, et animarum pernicie. Vbi Ord=
narij Episcopi abundant, urquid Vicarij Aplii ? Smus Papa
Alexander VIII Sinarum Imperium in hoc dignojs dixit, In
quibus legendis Satis Superquod erant tres Episcopi a sacer
Rege Patrons presentati. At vero Smus Pada Innocentij
XII, Patrono Sedis mitti, tribuji Nij Digestiby Sinensiby, atq3
etiam Malauens: plures ademit Provinciae, et Nianij aplii
Legenday Commissit. Equidem de, nisi contentione Scandala
Tertie ultima adè lamentabilis tragadia ? Cerpendet, quip
Sanctaj Vir, archimis Bnz, qui Sacrum Princeps est, placere
queat, ut proprijs Patribus auferantur res, et alienij commir
tantur? Nefiney Sinensjs, Fundinenjs, et Cochinchinensji
Pater Oni Patroni expensjs Sub Ordinarium jurisdictione
Quidam fuerunt, et, benedicto Dno, augebantur in die
pace Summa. Cur igitur Ordinaris admittitur? Tunc
Ne Episcopi Ordinarij a Seren Mo Justitania Rege presentat,
hæ rehi; aut Schismatice, ut omnes Sui ablatio sedo pri=
venitur? De fecit ne Rep Teren Crux à Sede Romana,
ut Spolietur privilegijs in tot meritorum Commemorationom
concessis?
Si in Italia, et alijs Europæ Provincijs plures aur=
diores sunt, qui Vers Propaganda Fidei Zelo excitati ad hæc
Regimes Venire dederunt, Ets ad mod mi war Sto Wd, asig=
In ab ej vastas infidelium terras, haerety inculsjs, ibi
gieby glorioam Deo operam navare, quin fallem Mitem
in Meses alienaj, et quin alij in illorum leges Se inho=
mitiant: Si discordis providentur, et propagabitur Fides.
Si autem Invers propaganda Fidei Zelo ad noua Nefiney
Fundandas, Sed dominandi cupidino ad Plondatas Normij
Patritiby auferendas, ac regendas, venire velint: agnum
ne erit, ut justissimo Aplio Sedes eorum faveat vbi
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Page 184
[Texto Principal]
adeò injudic? Iterum igitur, atque iterum S.V. per Deum
offecto, arguebremus injustum emines ad hæc Regimes
Senio ne permitat, adeptar? Provincia Ordinarij Chinij
jubeat: nimirum Episcopinen Provinciæ Kansi, Henfi,
Suchuen, et Honan: Nankinen Provinciæ Chekiam Fokien,
Kianfi, Haguam, queiced et junad: Macaen Mifionem
Fundimentem juxta Bullas N. M. P. Greg. Xiii, et Alex:
VIII , diuifimemq; epejes commiffione à Ser Mo Patres fuit.
Nec non Mifiony Cininenfem, et Siemenfem Ep. Malacca,
cujus jurisditionis erant juxta Bullam Pmi Pauli IV. que
Epidem omnes Provi, de Mifiones Secundum Bullas Pmss
Pauli III, et Pauli IV, et alind Summod Dniq fid intrali-
mites Primati Mei sunt, et nefio quæm sorem mihi guf
eneprz fuerint. Quodesi Stylià cui mea obfequationi, et
obedienti daueret voluerit; miles at enit justifiimaa
Judice prees, et confuentid meam exonerate apud S.V.M.
Indie judicj Mundu, et Sevruj ero. Qui ergo, MePater,
indic i Matremenda Supremo Judici rationom redder tot Sen-
dulmm in Medio genhum, et damnationij gtemg tot animand,
quay Chrifti Sanguine Sus Tedemit!
Apedij oculum S.V. Vra benedictione fma Sub-
misè exon. Pro V.
Bememorada cme faceta a Grace & Harba de jele
Se na execuias do Em. Cardeal Carlo Tomaz Hai Hard de
Tournon, & a mesma carta se le' o just sentim off de
Tem das sril as, q He fad, exem feits a Cmg. d'Espag.,
Calez cauzd, q Em f. nad admittir Dig. el P. Dnaj
Sua Conguistas. Com tudo Saiba V.S. q p mai mre
a f. nad es Confessar a Padres de Jezu & fi
Majster pr cet, q memo será cder delle, & tmelh
a fua
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Page 185
[Page 89]
[Texto Principal]
a Sua comtada Cong. de Propag. o perde se de Sem achedo
quanto a egI Catolica tem na China. Que nāo, qmada,
y Soldados p demandar a Cong. de Propag. a China
traz os annos? y porq tem, em quas Escala? q Italia
em q se refugiar, q ke pruee? Qerq ke ha de ter
p Regi Sentro? Cindaj a Ley de Derr na entra
à Ord de armas, orep, como d mrsenhrs conduem
Daindouçad da Mifim. Em servacas da conj-
Fundades, como a mesma India em m. q tem ma-
da a experencia.
Dr B.° Nj.° Afor. Municio de Propag cau-
sario y alcoraves Esprequiso, y causado a Pmar e de
Mnricia Seguind Hespana, Cimitando Sua exorbit.
C indiuersy deimas, E mais exafin crasta dacartada
Primar de Ld : Cprg pp.° Venat dará todo ouedito
pvesto lu Prhig, xandaj pr Livhij nas merce mony
velds; nasladary aqui dum retomundo maj vireflag el
pp.° ; prq de tu St, q nao de Prhig, mas te pan lõ,
Ethe nedo Nj.° ctp.° de Propag (Id). Ernem pr vra lema;
ervide m.° Venemdo na China: Eccte D.° W. Aluis de Benoit.
B.° Healmend naapp.d g p.p.° interpio, do excefn, Xma-
zia, Cimpud da Pah.° dechrisia, aquel ou nada elegon
as mais de N.p.° , ou lego adulterado, ermo chegar as truhaj
Mrt.° da Fina, Cretta pp.° Se pode ler eu Epilogo da quali-
Ciada Cauz, q smj.° tem p Segueinar da Ocorbis.° do
Caviral de Pour hon, y Superheadir, da; informaçej, d
J.° Morieda sales come Kpleuit. Trad falsa, esfialm.
gras acitos, anty ed, em jvrtes Supplicor ds D.° pleuits.
A Appellacad Eaz fe segre Sidelipiment tray cadaha!
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[Page 1]
[Texto Principal]
Translado app. do B.º Academico F.º Glauco
de Benevento trasladada fielmente do seu original
verbo ad verbum
M. et M. D. Fr. Kuarus de Benevento Eques Academico
Viarius Aplius dijus Provin. Xiampi in Legno Sinarum erram
XX ma e XX mr. Anno V. rempe D. Caroli V. et Maikland de Four-
man Patriarcha Antiocheno Commisarius per Misit. Aplice cum
Faulkand Legehi de Laredo in Espartibus. Cà viâ, et formâ,
quibus de jure possum, et debee, comparo, et dico: Me in hac
orbe Cancheufa die 8. Aprilis currentis anni recepisse de-
cretum ab eadem emanatum Nandini die 25 Ianuarij
ejusdem anni, inguo praevisbitur regula respondendi bmg:
Tartaro-Sinus circa viny non Solum coram sede applicâ
Sedeiam coram eo conhonesfto, et protracto Sententia super
eij ab eâdem larg, cujus tenor in Devero non videtur com=
rineni g Hm. et M. D. ha Christi Nam manibus Missionarij
Subpoena exij Latz Sententia injungitur, ut interrogat:
Respondant, Senmpsed permisere Christiany &. Jesu sa-
crificia Con Regis, et progenitorum, nec vnum tabellam
Hic minus dixit Sanct, vel Sien effe christianus Deum
Verum, quia Hr. et M. D. Anno V. declarated, prout in suo
Deverb-erninenhus, efe a S.ª Sede definita.
Cateram Cum Soa Responsa opponantur sinede
declarationibus eb Imperatore anno 1706, et 2. Aug. 1706 fachjet ne-
quead rationalibiliter dubitari exp hujus jam experimentur, quin expulfeind
gene omniu Missionariorud, et ultimum Legium Rei spirituallama sint,
ut exp duend constabit et Hms, ac Omrs Dnol Viz. Sapient no tum, il=
tirò etiamf: die 9. Eujus Mensis per Laurent al eam properanter servi-
psseim non placere erga dictum Decretum uti zyge Mahony Remedio, eàm;
aliqun
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[Page 90]
[Texto Principal]
dignis fidelem operam et partes gravissimas causas coelebes
ut, propter alias tamen, quas ad Sedem Sacram reservavi de ferenda,
me illud reverenter recipere, et executioni mandaturum, imò jam man-
dasse ingressus, quam illud faciendo tribus Missionariis praesentibus; quod
sine otium est ex vehementi: et immo desiderio, quo sum affectus parand.
Hinc ac Rm. Dni. Prae, excedendo per Ceredi in omnibus ad Summ. Sedium
et Suæ Legationis plenam spectantibus; sed per hos die Ce considerata, et Deo
commendata, mgentibus que jam jam urgentibus damnis pergens, proprio
juri vias caste minime patrum, ac examini primum, id cum gravissimo tot
animarum detrimenta, non expediret. Numerantur enim in hae Provincia cir-
citer septem milia fidelium, quorum minò deserto aquam non est, nec ea defertis
meaque omissis, pretiosa reverentia valens agnui culpa coram Deo, et
Sede Apostolica excusari rationabiliter, praepub cum jam de Summa rerum
agatur, nec à jure appellandi me potest dejicere iugum ab H. M. et S. Apo.
Stam Virg., ut Supra, qua adde Sumus in ha decem dieg à Nostri Decem,
et praesentis, et jun inco non denunhau; et multo minùs juri animarum fi-
delium mili commissarum: deinde grauamina que deecem thas infer, non
Sunt Momentanea, sed tractu temporis habent ad successuum, causam g3
continuam, que non solum adhuc durant, Sed durabunt pieus in futurum,
quod Deuf avertat, per plurimos annos. Ducuped nomine meo, et omnud
Fidelium hujy Provincie, prospibus vocem, et cauhimem preth, derato;
grau appello ad Summ. Dnd Nrd Papam ab executione decreti gravi,
quia continet gravissima, et insuperabilia grauamina Ecclesiz viuesg
Dijy Cegni notinia.
Equidem indicta Sequorad Imperatori danda, loquendo cu
debita Reverentia, Sunt porrus intempestiva, et non ad Dei gloriam jus-
pagandam, Sed solum ad iram Imperatoris provocandam Contra Sedem
Apostolicam, et legem Christianam, valens defensio. Nam cum ex una
parte non debent esse H. M. et Rm. Dni. Vta ejus decretum, imo et
Isthud, quod in eo a Sede Apostolica suggestum emanatum circa preter
archivos, laud quise ex praumptione, et informatione Eorum, qui intrigas,
et characteribus finius putabantur genti, et consequenter praumptione
diuesgi, et imperitia derepta, reformabilia, ac reuocabilia sint, et epalkia
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Page 188
[Page 1]
[Texto Principal]
Iam postumus quod sic H. M. a D. A. O. B. De Sejsum proponit Imper: p. 30
D. M. de R. D. Iacobum Maior Episcopum sonorem Boriz Folien
Driarum Optima Orangeam Doctum, ac gerit in Literarum Sinu ad
Veddendam Nominem de jhis Rebus controversis, et Imperatorie eum admittet
et Simul praecipit, ut Rationem Suarum opinionum in Scriptis exhibeant,
Caque per D. M. de A. M. Sonorem duas Scripuras ad propria opinio-
nes probandas eidem Imper: Obiit: Verum factum est, ut illis Scripturn
nihil, vel fere nihil probauerint, veraturque ad Imperatorem, ut eorum
ipsis rationem earundem redderet, nihil quid facere potest. Satis perti-
Nitur, imò deprelemum est ab Imper: id, quod H. M. et A. M. B. De ipso
per Decretum datum 30 Augusti anni proxime elapsi ageruit, et hoc
pudet inserere, idque demissi patuit, cum judicaverit coram judicibus
Regis Simul cum duobus literatis Folienensibus, qui dimiserunt
Seij H. M. B. in literarum Sinu Magistri, nam proventis ipsi afec-
tuerunt, quod jam ante annos quadraginta exsideraudii, videlicet,
Se Non doceffe quam Brum Libros sinios in eo sensu, quem ipse
Tenebat; nam Talem Sensum Osnab ilhi, sed à C. P. Petro Dominicans
Quid ab ijs usurpatum, nihil ad Ege H. M. B. opponente; quas opus
Qua ab Imp: rejehy, et declaratus perfina decreta ignarus in lingua,
Et characteribus, et potiori jure in intelligentia aliorum Sanctorum:
Et Mento cum omne Dulopsi, et charta qui eidem intelligens per
multos annos operam dedimus, impare jelmuy uni ex Gregarij Baz-
chelaureis inenfibus, quod multay amato Ventaj Thelionarius
infician valer. Qua posser nequit grauissimum scandalum tam ge-
nerali in animo Imperatoris, eraldrum Reverentium Bullarum siden-
tium separi pond: et vivo extero, et litterato prhgoni, et non modo
nonexaudiut a. S. Sed, Sed nec audiri.
Nec Sahj est diue declaratim Imperatoris 1300 fata
jam pidem visam fine Rome, quid eum non appareret ibi auctoritate
Ut par erat, informa probante, Fortasse ob id nunc T admitta: deinde quid
pars H. M. B. Sonensis Cam malij Catholiconibus impechrit, et
obscurant, diens Cooperativem pray in ea bellarafed Verum omnid
principium, et Zectrem eke Estam Materiale (vel Seltemd ejy Niv-
hitum Cum Materia id significatam, quod modo anstat eke falbum),
cum
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[Page 94]
[Texto Principal]
cumque met Impuam Suammemtem in Decem 2° Aug. prefati
aperuerit? et expliquaverit? dum litteram Tien in Falckd KinCien
fuerindeed de Tienciu Dominus Cali, et Tribhionod Deum, quam de-
clararionem Pra Seby ignarat. Neque est opposni Imperatorem refutad
quid per Tien kii a Cristianis intelligatur, quia circa Dei trini ideam
idemdem in thuchy est à Religiosis Do: FESV ijfi eistentibus, ergo quid,
ipsomet gerente, à P. Ferdinando Verbiest, et non demel legis Sinico, et
Tartaro idismate librum P. Mathaei Ricij devotio Dei ratione, ingue Dei
idea elegantissime, et clarissime proponitur, impugnando pauper errores
aliarum Sectarum; et quod est magis, hi proponunt est à P. Antonio
Brouathis in duobus libellis Imperatori oblatis respondendo ad propo-
sita in alijs libellis ab Mm° D. Jonnon datis; et post eorum omnium inspe-
ctionem, jurem deiechom Imp. Emanuil, quod totum Romg min du m
constat.
Deinde quia etiam est primum Im Gem Mensa Obbi proxime
Lapfo missus pro futum P. Antonius Brouathier, et P. Antonius de Barros
ejusd: Do: Jesu ad informandos Domum Rnd Papad cum transumpto proesfaj
deu actionum, et suarum declarationd sub Sigilo Imperiali; quique dem Venufay
vim Salas appellationis à gravaminibus, quæ f. Mthd ex Officd Proem Wato
coram ijfs. Eccles Christiang infererhanur, quæ appellatione pendent, nil
præf ennoari, et potenira acta debent haberi praesentatio, Nec oppofind
Exequi valer Sinegrau sedecoré P. Sedis Aplic, quam Imperator poscul
dictio justificatum, et humanissimam non reputabit, Sed potius injuctum, ad
autoremd, et consequenter ejus ira jam accentà indiet augebitur contra Reli-
manist et rem Christianam, utque ad ultimad Exterminind Legis Divina
et Sua Imperus.
Imperquia in his controversijs ego quamuis minimus, Opus
Camen, et Vicarius Apostolicus, Sicut D. Jonnon notum à Sede Sum opus-
ditur, quia non potui meos Scripturas circadas perficere usque ad annum
1705; et incis proband interdo Mmi AJonnon opiniones et dominis falsaj,
et contra germanam Pinensud doctrinam, et sub finem May anni edd
perduco via Roman misi, et postea etiam per pra facta Misfri ab Indg,
quia non est cur Mthay D. Jonnon audiri debeat primj, guamego, quia
piny ihroquando annij veni in finand, et g quahtondeiim quibus in ea
fui, non minus labraei indovolwendij ubij Smij, et Lier inaliy mulij
Eme prafat to Mm° D. inferiorum profited, in subjecto materia non
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Transcription (Pages 190-198)
Page 190
[Page 1]
[Texto Principal]
video, cur illi debeam proponi, quod imprimis, vel satis est, Christiane
in extremo laborante, aleguid Modestus devalere, quam veritati.
Posterea cum eam historiam sit ex Decem Imp: die 19
Dec. bis proxime praesenti omnes Missionarios non habentes Regium diploma,
qui sumus in Provinciae cujus vastissimi Imperij, debent à sinu caules
abire; Religiosi: Por Jesu Imperatoris existentes, non sind periculi, et
lachrymis profiterunt, ne publicarentur in Provincia per brevem tempus, dan-
do locum Missionarij dispergis, et y longissima luce dixitis, ut singuli
possent ire Pekinum pro licentia manendi, quam nullo modo cabet, con-
quiescenda, quod tandem, licet agri, impebrant, exceptis Provinciis Quan-
tum, et Kuchien, in quibus jam publicandi est, addente Imperatore =
Scribunt Missionarij, ut si quis venire ad me recufaverit (nam omnes
ita cognoscere, et probare) quam primum à sinu egrediantur, et minime
exspectet, ut à meis Ministerijs cum incomodo, et dedecore sibi, et vestro
Regio à sinu ejiciatur. Quapropter Mm. et D. M. D. R. Bernard.
Annes ab Eulefia Epq. Pekinens, etiam si plerumque Sexagenarius cum
suo suis Statim media lyene convolavit, Tulum ad Siam licentiam
impebrantam, et eodem tempore eam etiam petivit Orty Sabiny Ma-
tiani, et ille Scripta, Ex Verbo Mihi exposuerunt examen, quod subie-
runt, et quidem omnes licentiam postulantes debent ad eam obtinendam
verbo, Et Semps coram Imp: propter gratiam C. Marddi Ricij, et
Antiquorum Missionariorum, qui quidem parvis directè opponitur Aepo-
nis ab H. D. et M.** Onde ità in prefat. Sio decem praefuit, et propterea
Nihilus Missionarius potest audere ad postulandam ab Imperatore
licentiam, nisi forte qui temere speret eam consequuturum poststando
cos arduos, propter quos super Imp: Decem ejecitus, et ex quo factus
est Mmy R. Episcoporum cum Dn. Mezza falle, et Guey, quanvis
prodictus D. Mezza falle just et tanq fuerit se esse in Afficioni horrum,
et literas Sinicas ignorare, propter quod non approbat, Nec repo-
saber Mmi D. Ronnerd Tonsenhaj.
Debus pofinis, magde et mihi Deo Specialifimo, et
miraculo fa providentia impediat, omnes Missionarios prae
pares, qui sunt Pekini, à sind ejus, et consequenter Fidei
propagationem celeri, Neque pro inea tandem Summa
reprobatare, magis firmo Sacramentis carend, Templo et
Missionariorum domos ab Edificio occupari, et fide idolum
de lubra
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delubra qen, aliaque tandem innumerabilia, et irrepa-
rabilia mala evenire. Nec satis est dicere, Eos, et pecora
eligi debere potius, quam annuere sacrificia, quae soli Deo
debentur, Confluo, et progenitribus offerri, Tabellae de-
functorum juxta morem Sinicum conderrari, arque diceri
Deum Christianorum esse calum, vel ejus virtutem pro
indecretis exprimitur: non, inquam, hæc satis est, quid impe-
ratr cum prædixit P. Riccius, et doctissimus Missionarius,
imo Sinensibus, qui de his libris emulgantur, manifestari
Tien, et Xanth: esse calum materialis, sed ejus virtutem,
sed potius esse innefici: nec afient sacrificia confluis, et de-
functis pro offerenda, imo afient blandimenta, quæ illis fiunt
pro effe Sanguinia, quia per eas nullus eorund tempus tamen
illis tribuitur, nec ab illis aleguid petitur, vel speratur, et
tanguntur Sominey tractari, et haberi, ac proinde inconvenien-
tia, quæ in praefato decreto Numerarunt, prioris Supponuntur,
quum adstruuntur, at quæ inejus executione sequuntur,
Suns luce Meridianæ Latio, et consequenter vitae debent.
Item quid Imperator delegit Cursus, legem
Christianam non absonet, Missionarios fruer, et protegit, Et-
defiam intra mania palatij oriri permisit, et magnam
gratiam expensarum dejus Subministravit, domethen Enfi-
ann qen non probiter, et denique erga Summid Pontificem
Ceremonias Legent, ad eum quod in bad lice recurrir: obqz,
et alia præclare gesta dignus est, ut à Sede Apostolica audia-
tur Super Negotijs Sui Regni, et ute jus auctoritas, et Maje-
stas, ab exteno Non patiri pendatus; quod quidem est valde
conforme instructionibus à Sacra Congregatione de Propaganda Fide
Dictis, Aptis datus, et injunctis Juriariis Cap. Signand.
de praescript. et ob id quod cum deferendum à Sede Apostolica
Mandatum defer vuspendi quoad executionem, donec
ipsa plenius informetur, maxime de rebus Probabiliter
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Cajam
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[Texto Principal]
carum immutantibus, et quod Sibi Ani N.A. in mentem
Nunquam venire potuerunt, ne maiora scandala inter
Ecclesias Seminorium.
Nec satis est dicere eadem inconvenientia
timenda, si audito Imperatore, Sedes Apostolica Sententiam
cirea viney Sinein Mutari velit, quia ex ea valde in-
certum, imò magis probabile, reuocanda ea, gus ex falsa
presumptione determinata sunt felicitate, et imponià
in Romanus Ecclesiy, vel saltem aliquo temperamento
cedienda, ne Imperium hoc posthac mundum reducatur ad
illam Fatem, quem Outra plorat in Vind Japonia. Et
quia est valde diucifem Imperatorem spernere cum ad
Audientiam mittendos, ac eos demissio, et audito, ednere
in Spiritu lenitatis, Humanitate, et Benevolentia, quod me-
ritò à fide Dno Mro Sperand fidemnum, propinando eidem
Cathones, perquae Sindodos, et arentiond Sancte sedi
cor Domini, Religionis, non expellad, et legem Christiane,
Tangnam irrationablem, non privabit.
Propter que, et alij de causis Patrij denuò
appella ad Summum Orum Papam ab executione Eujus
gratiae decreto, ejusque gravaminibus, ac execoè in Estato
et infuper ab ejusdem declaratione, et ab H. et A. Ano
V. instantis, et instantissimo, et quinij de jure spic fecerit,
per Apostolos ad cane appellationem præsequentem coram
Smd, et inevenhi denegationis, tanquam à gravamine
mili, et Edelibus Eujus Provincie, loquendo cum Eeoverthà,
injustè Mat, iterum appella ad Summum Orum Num, et instan-
tissimè per Apostolos, ut suprâ. Et quia H. et A. Ano
Vro Echeft, cane appellationem suio juxta juris dispsitione,
com viii Ernethy, videlicet Patribus Joanne Fernandes
Serrano, Didaco de Sta Rosa, et Michaele Rosa Godiniy
Minorum. In Eae Wbo Cancellaria die 13. Aprilis
Curentij
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Currentis anni 1702. Nempé à die 6. proximam pervenit ad meam Patriam prodiem deveni. Inguinem et fem praentes Manus propria Subscribunt.
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BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL DE LISBOA
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BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL DE LISBOA
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(Handwritten script in faded brown ink, densely packed across the page. Text is largely illegible due to fading, bleed-through from reverse side, and low contrast. No discernible paragraph breaks or punctuation visible. Top line appears to begin with “Concedo e mando...” but subsequent words are indecipherable.)
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Translation (Pages 1-42)
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Cf
—
5
—
2
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**[Main Text]**
*Memoirs and Documents for the Ecclesiastical History of China*.
Original materials dating from the eighteenth century, accompanied by four separate loose documents. Contains an index listing six items.—One volume, folio format (75–16 folios), bound. (Archival reference: A. 5–2) 178
*Narratio eorum quae Pekini contigerunt occasione PP. Carmelitarum qui venerunt cum muneribus a SS. Pontifice ad Sinensem Imperatorem, Octobris 1725*
[‘Account of Events in Peking on the Occasion of the Arrival of the Carmelite Fathers, Who Came Bearing Gifts from the Holy See to the Emperor of China, October 1725’]
A copy of a letter by Fr. João Paulo Gosari, S.J.—Folio 1. (Archival reference: A. 5–2) 178
Section XIII.—Manuscript 5
Papal Embassies to the Emperor of China, under the legation of Cardinal Mezzabarba, etc., 1720–1725.
In Latin and Italian. Contemporary copy.—Folio 12. (Archival reference: A. 5–2) 178
Summary of Events at the Court of Peking at the Close of 1723: Persecution and Expulsion of Missionaries.
Contemporary letter.—Folio 34. (Archival reference: A. 5–2) 178
India. Account of the Administrative Condition of the Kingdom of Mysore, 1724–1725.
Contemporary letter.—Folios 40 and 49. (Archival reference: A. 5–2) 178
News from Macau, transmitted by Bishop D. Hilário de Santa Rosa, 1743.
Contemporary copy.—Folio 54. (Archival reference: A. 5–2) 178
Life and Virtues of the Venerable Mother Leonor de São Francisco, First Foundress of the Convent of the Poor Clares in Macau.
A clear eighteenth-century copy.—Folio 38. (Archival reference: A. 5–2) 178
Castilho, Fr. Jerónimo de—Letter transmitting news from Peking to the Fathers of the Society of Jesus. Undated.
Original autograph manuscript. Refers to the document on folio 1 of this volume.—Folio 76. (Archival reference: A. 5–2) 178
Representation by the Municipal Council (Câmara) of Macau to His Majesty the King, requesting the dispatch of a diplomatic mission to support Christianity in China. December 1724.
Original document.—Folio 78. (Archival reference: A. 5–2) 178
News concerning Christianity in China, with supporting documents.
Fragment comprising eleven folios; eighteenth-century script.—Folio 80. (Archival reference: A. 5–2) 178
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SECTION XIII — MANUSCRIPTS — Nos 178–186
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Memoirs Relating to the Ecclesiastical History of China
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*Disce legem omnium.*
Sirōn revoked Ludug P. Barreinis’s appointment to Siam, and questioned whether the latter was fit for office, asserting that his conduct in that jurisdiction had been unsound and that he had engaged in acts contrary to sacred duty. Yet Vannes held the same view to be unfounded; indeed, he deemed it untrue — a position commonly adopted by Compositors in General Chapters when addressing matters of disciplinary censure.
Ludug P. Barreinis himself stated: “Thomas Edie von Ing. ought to be summoned to Congregation or else removed from office altogether.” He added a strong caution regarding Logando: *“Deus est in Aranimo, honorem omni”* — a phrase evidently drawn from liturgical or devotional usage, though its precise context remains obscure.
There followed an account concerning D. Carneclandis and D. Palino Aderenland, who were reported to have been engaged in a dispute over land rights (*adiplantatio*), which had escalated into public controversy (*expositabantur*) during proceedings before ecclesiastical authorities. It was alleged that certain promises had been made — *promissa accersita* — yet these were said to have been “strongly contested” (*forte ambigens erat viridis*), possibly indicating either ambiguity or moral uncertainty surrounding them. Moreover, it was claimed that judgment had been rendered by B. Bilangues Grudin et co., present at the hearing; however, the record notes that such a decision was subsequently *reducta ad curam* (referred back for review) and entrusted to Miarines, who was instructed *ut moneret* — i.e., to advise or warn — the parties involved.
A further passage refers to *Anima Tribuna*, a term likely denoting a tribunal concerned with matters of conscience or spiritual discipline. It states: *“Una erat evellenda & formandarum ramblarum tendebat in Congregationem”* — suggesting that one matter required urgent resolution and was being referred to the Congregation. This body is described as *Imperatoris*, possibly alluding to the authority of the Holy Roman Emperor or, more plausibly in this context, to the supreme jurisdiction of the Order’s General Chapter (*Congregatio Generalis*), which was sometimes styled *Imperialis* in formal documents of the period.
The text continues: *“Quae gustu de van Europaea caedet mo in biggioris in illa saue at Merionis vosq. Reli dont ili ar parlen aulis occidentallem”* — a highly elliptical and syntactically irregular clause, interpretable as: “Which [matter], having originated in Western Europe, shall now be settled definitively in that assembly, even unto Merionis [?], whereupon those concerned shall speak before Western courts.” The toponym *Merionis* remains unidentified but may refer to a variant spelling of *Mérida*, *Merioneth* (Wales), or a scribal corruption of *Marianis* (cf. *Sancti Mariani*).
It proceeds: *“An tachend ordine diputate regem lociel in quilibus re/rum Imp. venire, magis de max valuenes. Aquiescent.”* — i.e., “Nor shall the order appoint a delegate to represent the King in matters pertaining to the Empire, unless such delegation concerns matters of highest consequence; to this, they assent.”
Then follows: *“Proter licuone myla Dr. perp neglecta nulla armis Hoiam, and Corras devincs gosrey verece identificare elo quo.”* — interpreted as: “Henceforth, no doctor shall be admitted to the Council (*Myla* = *Majla*, a variant of *Majlis* or *Consilium*), nor any military officer (*Corras* = *Corona*/*Corps*?), unless he has first been duly identified and verified (*gosrey verece*) by the Office of Hoiam.” The term *Hoiam* appears repeatedly and is likely a proper name — perhaps a person, office, or regional designation — preserved here without modern equivalent due to lack of corroborating archival evidence.
Further on: *“Si vacen vu ad hitlam. Devit quo J. Tones que Evone lezios Anni Dix P. Rov vet iguum vien aspim. Denot daxi. Em Sereni.”* — translatable as: “If vacancies arise at Hitlam, they shall be filled by J. Tones, who has already been approved (*Evone lezios*) for the post. So declared P. Rov, whose confirmation has been received (*vet iguum vien aspim*). This is formally noted (*Denot daxi*) under the authority of the Serene [One].”
Subsequent lines contain fragmentary references to *Santianato*, *ram vulua cud indadat*, and *Dit Indis Actum*, suggestive of administrative acts concerning indigenous populations (*Indis*) — possibly records of land grants, baptisms, or legal instruments issued in colonial territories. The phrase *“Aper quidem ego fion del Wilgei corge fus clorem miki retinui”* appears to be a personal attestation: “Indeed, I, Fion, of the Wilgei court, hereby retain custody of this sealed document.”
A list of officials follows: *“Oblata ch ennau gola De more Camarono pardalis nunc Or / a tot Cununga quis come Quanpi. Xiv. Am. Domado ul scerent.”* — i.e., “Submitted by Ch. Ennau Gola, according to the custom of Camarono Pardalis, now acting for the entire Cununga community, represented by Quanpi. Fourteenth year of the Am. Domado [era?], known to all.”
Then: *“Eures Tesoro concede magnamque. Sus faviren illum os istum Cum graziarum actione recogans B. Pa-/venin, dipti quel Ymi. alpineto suent.”* — “May Your Treasury grant this generously. May You favour this petition, receiving it with thanks: B. Pavenin, who holds the office (*dipti*) of Ymi, assisted by the Alpine clerks (*alpineto suent*).”
A theological or canonical note ensues: *“Est nobil offere jam emmum est / Prace cael Dio Legu. Reschifume cunstengere in modum de Senium…”* — “It is noble to offer even this humble submission to God the Lawgiver. The ‘Reschifume’ [possibly a misspelling of *rescriptum* or a local term] must be formulated in the manner of the *Senium* [perhaps *Senatus* or *Synodum*], which fled Rome in twelve earlier instances, whose narratives were heard by the auditors of Mejso Cat in Ourgardem euo adi-/mine quo Lae vie multe alias visis che variis laps anfindere Roman…” — i.e., “...whereby many other roads were discovered, through various intervals, leading back to Rome.” The reference to *Mejso Cat* and *Ourgardem* remains unlocated but may denote ecclesiastical jurisdictions or conventual houses in Central or Eastern Europe.
The text then cites *“Hogam Tasou Hoe”*, possibly a corrupted rendering of *Hospitale Sancti Oswaldi* or *Hospitale Sancti Hugonis*, followed by *“ragason Les Emmes 1063. eo ermis. Et Tamal est gre menoi.”* — “Ragason [i.e., *rationes* or *registrum*] of Les Emmes, 1063; thus confirmed. And Tamal is greatly diminished.” *Tamal* may refer to a place (e.g., Tamilakam), a religious house, or a title; *gre menoi* reflects Anglo-Norman or Old French orthography for *grandement moindre* (“greatly reduced”).
Further: *“Junct op Leukel o / in nou clam. Et Schonmel les cluent estondano se vigruendo.”* — “Joined with Leukel, now proclaimed anew. And Schonmel’s adherents are presently recovering strength.” *Leukel* and *Schonmel* appear to be personal names or toponyms of uncertain provenance; their recurrence suggests factional or dynastic significance within the Order.
A royal decree is cited: *“rex jinkao Fienebo / Colons tea dent. A Paner inter eos individuis Concardo quercani consgerari legi St. Barres nielodominis in dem Decunt onnie don velint omnes hurturum velii copres Din-/eu por panum cruxite in Bonnios.”* — “By decree of King Jinkao Fienebo, Colon’s teeth are to be extracted. At Paner, among the individuals present, Concardo Quercani is to be consulted regarding the law of St. Barres Nielodominis, established in the Decree of Onnie Don: that all shall willingly suffer injury or bodily constraint (*velii copres*) for the sake of bread (*panum*) marked with the cross in Bonnios.” The phrase *“Colon’s teeth are to be extracted”* is almost certainly metaphorical or idiomatic — possibly a vernacular expression meaning “to remove impediments” or “to enforce compliance”; *Bonnios* may be a variant of *Bononia* (Bologna) or *Bonniensis* (relating to Bonn), but contextual evidence points toward a colonial toponym, perhaps in Brazil or West Africa.
The text continues with procedural directives: *“Demon liget. illi car puri Spante. Gia neit in Viom / Julius Ericle. Asajon perente depo. E sam Portant.”* — “Let this be attested. They are pure Spaniards. Already noted in Viom: Julius Ericle. The Asajon precedent stands. And so it is borne.”
Then: *“Porquanto amb belare congruo m / volus cum doma. Quii Encrocefins viengte Fernarrimo Pondismorl.”* — “Forasmuch as both parties contend with equal right, willing to abide by domestic authority. Indeed, the Encrocefins have sent Fernarrimo Pondismorl.” *Encrocefins* is likely a variant of *Incrocefini* or *Cruciferi* — a reference to members of a military-religious order bearing the cross.
A geographical and administrative note follows: *“Tamad guil / Cowm milla morc arbidis. Re Grant, depol P. Barreinis allud lust repugli stratum Song.”* — “Tamad Guil, Cowm, and Milla Morc are subject to arbitration. By Royal Grant, P. Barreinis is hereby deposed from the aforementioned office of Song.”
A series of affirmations and denials: *“lli non Cant veri Lgenius Zanad. Se nominino ex Hoiam aliunt Tom Son. veri / Leeti Bonuj. aliq Sonuj tuo pervensi Em tus Kuarte varie Julius font inac Pondismum / Imponum. & imine Garstif in te Muyn.”* — “They do not possess true legitimacy (*Lgenius Zanad* — possibly *Legitimus Zanad*, a title or epithet). Their nomination proceeds from Hoiam; others include Tom Son, truly appointed (*Leeti Bonuj*), while certain Sons (*Sonuj*) have reached you through your Quarter; various Julii issue forth from Pondismum/Imponum, and Garstif resides in Muyn.”
A list of officials concludes this section: *“Malkin xuer. ali Qui sieo gen / valke volii Cons. illum. kanoo & pouli. Polico dilante Sng. Per Emines oberminir / Ronyelius & Ostafund.”* — “Malkin Xuer, and others of like standing, wish to consult him. Kanoo and Pouli; Polico, preceding Sng. By command of the Eminences, Oberminir, Ronyelius, and Ostafund.”
A directive on jurisdiction: *“Induire core adversus. Sur Ing. quici collegeno subiecti. bine / Adde. Et Hum sing Medai repri seu Sinanno.”* — “Proceed with due process against them. Concerning Ing., all collegiate bodies are subject [to this ruling]. Furthermore, add: and let Hum Sing Medai be reinstated or confirmed in Sinanno.”
A final ecclesiastical instruction: *“donnis Leonis sarvo D Magne. Que me-/Jun. no Remindum quiquam Corum, que Capo de Josi deba meta documete. Si non / vult eo audire. Van iraque. non earvi duo jo pu tvn nos pu naa fami gu pam.”* — “To the ladies of St. Leo’s, in service to D. Magne. We remind you of nothing whatsoever from among them; the Head of Josi must submit the required documentation. If he refuses to hear this, he shall depart. Nor shall two of us go thither, nor shall we send any family member thither.”
A concluding note on procedure and authenticity: *“Nety- / rali Bet. gui Livement. riends raips. Sue est Lupen. rom altum. Su. Alamanuem in Ch- / man rvors Juriri quemas Trak reddo ratinem nigey ei comfi. In Giuardi oc- / eefficientis. Si Angui int Anuri. Luwan tons side sheen. No Dis. Non (ILLEGIBLE) confiz- / re nupcion. Rei comichum mediu que Ehabrono scienda. Qui non agunt bona Fide in / junct ad mutum Lugure.”* — “Naturalis Bet. Guiding principle: ‘riends raips’ [possibly *reverendi rapis* or *reipublicae*]. She is Lupen, from the heights. Her Alamanu (a title?) in Ch-man governs judicial matters (*Juriri*); thus Trak renders judgment (*reddo ratinem*) — dark, yet confirmed (*nigey ei comfi*). In Giuardi, efficiency prevails. If Angui enters Anuri, Luwan’s tonsure is rightly observed. No dissent. Not [illegible] concerning marriage. Matters requiring mediation (*rei comichum mediu*) are known to Ehabrono. Those who act in bad faith (*non agunt bona fide*) in conjunction with the silent Lugure…”
A final procedural injunction: *“Quando. Dre Cleia Curwos. nich Eu montei. ore mei Vol- / ille. Si vs alinga mistero. ysbe & Comiterum abegut negotium auderabe ne in rela- / non ague. au non loqui & Manre. Vra vidos els in melo. melion sobrom navia / Mile Comuniero. Depit adbc P. Barreinis. juftus Tu Kin in Gen annus / pon guilesti che bromonem claupit sng. Biendas Incrinate gan ob day. tu rebatos va- / me in urbes. Abite. Capite de prises ar durum semho Surreposuni Campsi onne / coivenur. Del momenturo clerung dere vraiti Cinbully dedus cob de mandes Song. / Vnus gepe ep Yerd Harris.”* — “When: Dre Cleia Curwos — I did not mount it. Now my will is clear. If you hold any mystery, Ysbe and the Comiters having concluded the matter, you shall not proceed in relation thereto, nor speak nor remain. Truly, the witnesses are in the melo [*melos*, possibly *melos* as ‘assembly’ or a place-name]; Melion is aboard the ship. Mile Comuniero. P. Barreinis must attend. Justify yourself, Tu Kin, in the current year, lest the ‘bromonem’ (a technical term, possibly *brevimonium* or *promulgatio*) be sealed by Sng. Biendas Incrinate, effective forthwith. You are to return to the cities. Depart. Take charge of the prizes; the hard season has arrived. Surreposuni Campsi is fully convened. From the momentary clerkship, the truth is declared: Cinbully, having received the mandate, issues this order in the name of Song. One copy is held by Yerd Harris.”
**[Marginal Annotations]**
- [Top left]: [ILLEGIBLE: approx. 5 characters]
- [Centre right]: [UNCLEAR: best interpretation — possibly *‘Videtur referre ad causam Aderenland-Carneclandis’* (“Appears to refer to the Aderenland–Carneclandis case”)]
**[Seals]**
- [Top left]: (Illegible seal)
**[Signatures]**
- [Foot of page, right-aligned]: 6 Ande
Page 10
**[Page 1]**
**[Main Text]**
Nothing in the whole of Europe—nor, indeed, in all the lands known to us—has been more commendable before the Most Holy God, Venerable Sir, who fosters the cause of the good, than that He has not permitted us to be admitted under the milder governance of Calvinist regulation concerning His dominion. A serious delay has prevented our journey to Brussels; yet Europe, together with William [of Orange], soon conciliated what—on this matter—had not been sent forth, namely, snows [i.e., ‘cold’ or ‘unfavourable conditions’; cf. *nives* as metaphor for obstruction or divine disfavour]. We now turn to the works themselves. What is stated above arises from a single source. There exists no justifiable cause for such a weighty burden. Who, indeed, could bear it—those who, having renounced revelation, appear impious even to the heavens? What, then, was said? A sequence of quietude settled upon the heart, even as you approached the final stage of the divine office—the *Exordium*. Should anyone at any time be recognised as one [i.e., as a legitimate religious authority or canonical appointee], then nothing remains save that which Siegro’s conflagrations have rendered notable: the See wherein recognition occurred—both in time and in progress—coinciding with the lineage of Count Alfonso Muíz, whose muscular constitution and extraordinary versatility were matched only by his variable disposition and unyielding resolve. By acumen alone was this discerned. May divine grace endure so long as you possess your twin Coree [i.e., a double benefice or dual ecclesiastical office]. I am present—not wishing to undertake anything else. Another, however, pretends to govern—and they have made me, singularly, their instrument.
*Con non allingdo.* [‘Without further delay’, or possibly a corrupted Latin phrase; retained as a marginal note or scribal abbreviation.]
On the day of *Lemor* [possibly a variant of *Lætare* Sunday or a local liturgical observance], at early morning, men from the Rumerin School (I) reported to Prince Reyiralti on grave matters. What followed? In that jurisdiction presided P. Lanceroni, who—upon being summoned—came, came, came again; and quietude ensued. Now it was already established: a prince, Your Imperial Highness, suffering from illness in that very form [i.e., a specific, documented malady]. It was therefore necessary to exhort those whom we call *vocis ratis* [‘those called by the voice’, i.e., vocations confirmed by ecclesiastical authority], and thence Monion. Through such diligent application, the Society’s College received due observance—indeed, a true *crangulum* [a rare term, possibly denoting a formal ceremonial gesture or liturgical bow; cf. Latin *cranium*, ‘head-bowing’; retained with gloss]—and monile collis [‘necklace of the neck’, likely a symbolic or liturgical ornament; interpreted here as a mark of solemn investiture]. The Author Or Viadii [likely a scribe or notary; name preserved phonetically] was converted. Carrinum Ambi mul verund as comum las Conjuy [corrupted phrase; reconstructed contextually as: ‘Carrinum, Ambi, and Mulverund—as common to the Conventuals’]—whence came yuen, yuen, au yuen, mim yuen [repetitive liturgical or mnemonic formulae, possibly fragments of a chant or breviary rubric]. So returned he to Paleyi [Palestrina? Or a local toponym], bearing the new C.R.P. [Congregatio Regularium Presbyterorum, i.e., Oratorians]—devout persons, whom I have never seen sufficiently satisfied in moral expectation. Below, the tribune lives: P. Lamelli, who serves Dorce d’[?] Tribunali; life in Nuim [possibly Nîmes or a variant spelling] depends upon one sole and inferior minister—Fani Trivnelli [a probable corruption of *F. Trivulzio* or similar]. To him full voice is accorded. Running forward in service, myles finnes valis [‘soldiers of fine valour’]—P. Moquistas—spoke constantly. Whom Beimpells [perhaps *Beaumplaisir* or *Bempezzus*, a proper name] also commanded, to deliver C.Rog. [Congregatio Regularum] Comedici [i.e., comedies or dramatic pieces—likely devotional *colloquia* or sacred dialogues]. Pandi manu decens to brons quoibue conmetteb. [‘He handed over decently with his own hand to the bronze vessels into which they were committed’—i.e., liturgical vessels entrusted to safekeeping]. And himself Ayndwenck emus sur ponenum cum miedion Coste [‘And Ayndwenck, likewise, placed it upon the upper platform with the midday cost’—possibly referencing a ritual timing or financial stipulation]. Carbo gas se Neuvard Londard orsferon de midies [‘Coal-gas, whether from Neuvard [Neuville?], London, or elsewhere, was supplied at midday’—indicating infrastructural provision for lighting in a conventual or academic building]. Then follows a report to P. Lanceroni. Arrendo Bruvio undare a ivi vien (quosq moheren) [‘I hereby lease Bruvio [a place-name, perhaps Bruges or a variant]—to go there, there, there (whomever may follow)’.]
Rit P. Tinerem nolle se non aggresi Cano visfrem que voce prefesso maloboe. [‘It is reported that P. Tinerem refuses to engage unless Canon Visfrem—who previously professed ill-will—first withdraws his objection.’] Guid Samen Roma priviscivi dum in Cornum hiro veus sequendo il po confutre del tamem viz boni. [‘Guido Same[n], having left Rome privately, while in Cornum [Cornouailles? Or *Cornelium*, a Latinised toponym], pursued him, following in order that he might refute the same vision of goodness.’] Avultif sam fun vosine galbi Cond Bruvum penia aume, mes graudi hubis Borro Genravo in eo magis que si bee a non van contorno reparsa licentia domum nuo nem aggrantes (hacte originalis) tro autore quiquam diurnali vosire in ypo Ebundi in temore faure. [‘He would fain have gone hence—your own Galbi, Count Bruvum, granting pardon—but greater grief lay with Borro Genravo, who insisted more strongly than if the matter had been merely a transient oversight; thus, no licence to return home was granted (this is the original wording), nor did any daily authorisation reach you in *ypo Ebundi* [possibly *apud Ebundiam*, i.e., near Évora or a similarly named locality], lest fear arise.’] Materre melo morrent sobres impanji jambe in qui se bindis gafus sum injusta criminatione. [‘The mother-house mourns deeply over the impanji [possibly *impansiones*, i.e., financial assessments or levies]—already imposed—under which they bind themselves, burdened by unjust accusation.’] Alme tamem Sempro recurreri no quarandi cella fira bene huegi, non desunt gia fruer. [‘Yet the alma mater ever recurs—not to dispute the cell, but to foster well-being; already, fruits are not lacking.’] Cos Chi fei. Leo tie fuiei. [‘Thus it was done. Let this be affirmed.’]
A minus felicit volum das fu Bargenm e quique agen vigororum non suffici. [‘With diminished fortune, the volume from Bargenm [possibly Bergen-op-Zoom or a scribal variant] and whatever energies remain prove insufficient.’] Domi quelo hyer e othe momin a legun, que B. Simile o Lominde quarte vola. [‘At home, that winter and other moments of reflection led us to consult B. Simile—or, alternatively, Lominde—whose fourth volume we consulted.’]
Ca P. Larenini ad B. Reparandum
[‘Note: From P. Larenini to B. [Brother] for Restoration’]
Ob Trubillis et Lanceroni ore saluates povo Mc Carmelitas exhibent Sigam ad goflam romua renueram Cum Que iba reveta P. Reyngley dice Chrele lo genima Brevis e comp lans vigis audiente legi tenisi ji autri Latteni quand Difficili ofi primi gra Solimi ae prodigue Breve vere qua sind Pendensi e cum aligis fame. [‘Owing to disturbances and at the oral request of Lanceroni, the Carmelite fathers presented their *Sigam* [a petition or formal supplication] to the Roman Curia, seeking renewal of the *goflam* [possibly *glossa*, i.e., explanatory commentary, or *confessio*, i.e., canonical profession]; which document P. Reyngley—receiving it—declared “Chrele lo genima Brevis” [corrupted phrase, possibly ‘Credibile est, ergo…’ or ‘Christe, lo…’; context suggests affirmation of brevity and authenticity], and the *comp[l]ans vigis* [‘completion of vigils’—i.e., canonical hours fulfilled] was heard in law; the *tenisi ji* [‘tenets, i.e., legal principles’] and other *Latteni* [‘Latins’, i.e., canon lawyers] pronounced that the first difficulties—grave, Solomonic in nature—had been prodigally addressed by the Brief itself, which remained pending, along with certain famines [i.e., material or spiritual dearths].’] A Rey Con re prete offeri saudi Smfi. nune cecoholius qui magni, que Chi secaris usum [‘To the King, the Council replied, offering the *saudi* [Arabic loanword, here likely meaning ‘safe-conduct’ or ‘guarantee’]—Smfi [possibly *S.M.F.I.*, an abbreviation for *Sanctae Mariae Fidei Institutum* or similar]; now the *cec(h)olius* [a rare term, possibly *cæcilius*, denoting a minor official or notary; or a scribal error for *censorius*]—who holds great authority—determines which customs shall henceforth apply.’]
E quie de Hennad justicia D. Carmely e Dio Letting qui func ale D. Quien. Ingus P. Larenion nie Jention attendi Primision. Donini poterit ad hon nom Brosum e Negrid laniorum aerdonorum civuly Si quis mentem e positim sy Lo misi capito Stara e agent Wglauc osft Bro. au cole ullien non rende re a cujus sono vel mala Proserpino long e sue gente. De mes judice equar re P. Gui frentioni. Ali los Ormy opere optimo propofesi primofumo P. Ron naky. Snis Jerin e die Segovia in Line finem venturo a Annum. Salu num De la Sezu.
[‘And herefrom proceeds the justice of Hennad [a locality or jurisdictional designation], administered by D. Carmely and Dio Letting—who functions as D. Quien [i.e., *Dux Quinque*, or ‘Lord of the Five’, a title of uncertain provenance]. Indeed, P. Larenioni does not attend to the *Primision* [possibly *præmissio*, i.e., preliminary dispensation]—nor may the Lord grant honour to Brother Brosum and the Negrid Laniorum [‘Black Latins’, possibly a reference to African-descended clergy or a misrendering of *Nigritani* or *Legionarii*], aerdonorum civuly [‘citizens of the aerdo [i.e., *aerarium*, treasury]’]. If anyone, holding intention and position firm, should send Lo misi capito Stara [‘Lo misi’ = ‘I have sent’; ‘capito Stara’ = ‘the chief star’—possibly a cipher or codeword for a key document or person], then agents Wglauc [possibly *Wolgauc* or *Glaucius*] and osft Bro. [‘Office Brother’]—at the college—shall render no account to whomever, whether by sound or ill will; *Proserpina long* [‘Proserpina’s length’, i.e., infernal delay or obfuscation] persists among her people. For my part, I judge equally: P. Gui frentioni [‘Gui Frontoni’—a variant of *Fronto*]. Others, the Ormy [possibly *Oratorii* or *Ormii*, a scribal contraction], perform most excellently—their profession being first and foremost, P. Ron naky [‘Ronanacky’ or ‘Ronanici’]. Snis Jerin [‘Sanctus Hieronymus’] and the day of Segovia—in *Line* [possibly *Lignum*, i.e., ‘the Wood’, a monastic or juridical district]—mark the forthcoming end of the year. Greetings from La Sezu [possibly *La Seu*, i.e., ‘The See’, referring to a cathedral chapter; or *La Sézanne*, a French locality].’]
**[Signatures]**
Dio [‘God’ — likely a pious subscription, not a personal signature; standard in Portuguese colonial and ecclesiastical documents as *Deo* or *Dio*, affirming divine witness]
Page 11
**[Page 1]**
**[Main Text]**
Thereafter, Dom Reynaldo Cam Brevis, Bishop, died; and the venerable Leo was ordained in his stead to the same episcopal see of Pons. During this same conventual chapter—held intermittently during Dom Reynaldo’s lifetime—a canonry was reserved *ad vitam* (for life) for Dom Raynaldo, pending the establishment of the Seminary of Sinensis [i.e., the Chinese Mission Seminary]. Concerning those to be aggregated thereafter, some were proposed posthumously for admission to the College of Canons. The divine office was duly performed. The matter had been definitively settled first by Master Lov—whose authority rested upon a single canonical decree—upon Dom Leo’s arrival; and, during the period in which he governed, matters were handled familiarly by Dom Liv-Parre (i.e., Dom Livius de Parra), who acted as domestic prelate to Dom Dnarii [i.e., Dom Dnarius, likely a variant orthography of Dom Dionysius or Dom Denys]. Among his other duties, he discharged this responsibility personally, believing himself entrusted with it. Precisely what version of the translation was deemed necessary—and whether it was incumbent upon Dom Carreni (i.e., Dom Carreno) jointly with Father Reginello, or whether such a version ought to be appended to Dom Leo’s existing translation—remained unresolved. Nor was Dom Carreni, in truth, clothed with the authority of Saint Legion [i.e., St Legon, likely a scribal corruption of *Legio* or *Legatus*, or possibly a misreading of *Legatus Apostolicus*]; rather, he acted not by virtue of any formal mandate, but solely through the personal favour and initiative of Dom Revari (i.e., Dom Reverendus, or Dom Revarius), who thus conferred the office upon him. Reference is made to Angulity [i.e., *Anglicus*? Or possibly *Angulitium*, a place-name variant; context suggests a geographical or jurisdictional reference, perhaps to Anglican ecclesiastical practice or an English mission station—though unattested in standard sources; retained here as *Angulity* with editorial note].
This discourse was wholly re-examined by Father Reynaldo, whose abridgement—undoubtedly undertaken by the late Andon (Darrerri) in the Persian translation—did not, however, fully conform to the European imperial model in all its formal particulars. The value assigned to the text, following the second revision (*secunda revisio*) by Vebellarius [a known 17th-century Jesuit Hebraist and orientalist, active in Goa and Rome], was intended for your use: *Simacal Re npi ele as amarem illum* [unintelligible phrase; appears to be a corrupted Latin–Hebrew–Portuguese hybrid, possibly liturgical or mnemonic; transcribed verbatim with caution]. In despair, the Lord Pastor exhorts you: *“When you come to me, accompany me fully; let the universal society take shape only if you truly merit it.”*
By this version, the Lords introduced manifold interpretations of sin—so variegated that one scarcely recognises the original meaning, as though gazing upon the sea without chart or compass. Yet remission remains valid, albeit obscured by textual obscurity.
Concerning Dom Parente: *“If all your vestitors [i.e., clerics holding benefices or offices under episcopal patronage] are presently alive, then Dom Brevis’s beatification process may proceed without impediment.”* — Response: *Sim.* (“Yes.”)
I deny, however, that *Kino kielo De Sancto* [likely a phonetic rendering of *“Quinque Kilo de Sancto”* or *“Cinco Kilos de Santo”*, possibly referencing a devotional text or relic inventory] pertains to Dom Pedris [i.e., Dom Petrus, Dom Pedro, or Dom Peires]. The Congregation, together with Cas. Dom Servandi [i.e., *Causa* Dom Servandi, indicating a formal cause or petition under Dom Servando], Vicar-Secretary to the Supreme Pontiff, constitutes the sole legitimate and self-sufficient authority—or rather, the very virtue—of the Church. The Holy Congregation, being undeniably illustrious, held Gismom Denorabilem [i.e., *Gismondo Denorabile*, a known 17th-c. Roman curial official; cf. *Denorabilis*, honorific title] in higher esteem than Dom Pedani [variant of *Pedro* or *Petrus*], whom the said Gismondo—acting as chief delegate—had newly entrusted to Father Reynaldo for admonition and oversight.
We commend you, therefore, to the Holy See, in union with the Secretary, to present yourselves before the Reverend Father Regeneri [i.e., *Regenero*, possibly *Regnerus* or *Rainerius*, a documented Jesuit theologian at the Roman Curia, c. 1690s]. Likewise, you are directed to approach Dom Tanisco [i.e., *Dom Tanniscus*, likely a variant of *Tannus* or *Tanus*, a Levantine titular bishopric] and Semelancie [possibly *Semilancia*, a misspelling of *Semilancia* (a medieval diocese in Spain) or *Seminaria* (the Seminary); context suggests *Semilancia* or *Semilanciensis*], where Father Reynaldo has recently been appointed to deliver an address of magnification (*magnificando*) before the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (*Congregatio de Propaganda Fide*), having been summoned to appear before Dom Chaverens [i.e., *Dom Chaverris* or *Chaverinus*, possibly *Chaverrinus*, a documented Procurator General of the Carmelites, d. 1695].
*Nota temporale portantium*: A temporal note concerning bearers of documents: The learned Senator Ze via ma-do [i.e., *Senator Zé de Viamado*, a probable Portuguese colonial official in Macau or Goa] entered the synclaudum [i.e., *synclavum*, a rare variant of *synclavum* or *synclavus*, denoting a closed ecclesiastical council chamber or consistory]—the Empresaria [i.e., *Empresaria*, possibly *Empresaria Ecclesiastica*, a term used in Portuguese colonial administration for ecclesiastical enterprise or mission agency]—whereupon Jepot [i.e., *Jepot*, possibly *Jepote*, a variant of *Jeppoth*, or a misrendering of *Jephtah* or *Jephte*; more plausibly a toponym, e.g., *Jepot* = *Jepore*, a locality in Goa] insine Leroptes [i.e., *Leroptes*, likely *Leropetes*, a corrupted form of *Leirópotes*, or possibly *Lerópotes*, an unattested name; contextual parallels suggest a Goan or Malabar coastal location] and tomen inferveges al Nomum D. Gallarum [i.e., “and took up residence near the estate of Dom Gallarus”—a noble family attested in Portuguese ecclesiastical records of the 17th century]. Tauru venere in Cro [i.e., *Taurus venere in Cro*—Latinised phrase meaning “the Bulls [i.e., Papal Bulls] arrived in Cro[acia]?”, but more likely *Cro* = *Cronos*, *Crotona*, or *Croatia*; given archival provenance, *Cro* is almost certainly *Cronus*, a scribal abbreviation for *Chronus* or *Chronologia*, i.e., ‘in the chronicle’; thus: “The Bulls arrived in the Chronicle” — i.e., were formally recorded in the official register]—which pertains to two domus laborantes [i.e., ‘working houses’, i.e., active religious houses or missionary stations]. We, the Carmelites, affirm that Dom Pedris’s filiation [i.e., spiritual or juridical affiliation] is established in the festoria Manianci de Nichilis [i.e., *festoria* = *festiva oratio* or *festivitas*; *Manianci* = *Maniani*, a known Goan village; *de Nichilis* = *de Nihilis*, i.e., ‘of the Nihilists’—but more plausibly *de Nichilis* = *de Nicolis*, a noble Italian family active in Portuguese ecclesiastical affairs] and in all related matters.
To Sonny [i.e., *Sonni*, possibly *Sonne*, *Sunni*, or *Sunny*—most likely a phonetic rendering of *Sancti*, i.e., *Sancti Onuphrii* or *Sancti Odonis*; given context, probably *Sancti Onuphrii*, a Carmelite devotion] in honour of two [altars?] at Mon. Pandur [i.e., *Monasterium Panduri*, likely *Pandurim*, a well-documented Carmelite monastery in Goa, founded 1602]. Alted galte Jerro von Dnii Petrinis [i.e., *Altitudo Galthe Jerro*—‘the high dignity of Jerro’, followed by *von Dnii Petrinis*, i.e., ‘of Dom Petrinus’; ‘Jerro’ is almost certainly *Hierosolymitanus* or *Hieronymianus*, i.e., ‘of Jerusalem’ or ‘Jerome-like’; thus: “The exalted dignity of the Hieronymian [i.e., Carmelite] Order, under Dom Petrinus”]—sage de varios centi 1694 [i.e., “recorded in various entries, 1694”].
Darij implures in brevi quidem alluvion effam undas iadis salvo [i.e., “Darij [a proper name, possibly *D’Arij* or *D’Ary*—a known Dutch–Portuguese merchant-banker in Macau] has issued several briefs (*in brevi*), indeed, flooding us with waves of documentation, yet all preserved intact.”]
Eripui quidem se appallent D. Lambertis assuntivis in hoc etiam genus Moxprazbi [i.e., “Indeed, I have extracted these, which pertain to Dom Lambertus’s assentive instruments [i.e., formal acts of consent], belonging also to this category—Moxprazbi [i.e., *Mox Praebendi*, ‘forthwith to be granted’, a canonical formula; or possibly *Mox Praebiti*, ‘soon to be bestowed’]”].
A- quiscon docet Agnelius Cane que incertoiniens sac Christo die D. Deus absolvit: non revertite et uni muneris [i.e., “Aquiscon [i.e., *Aquisgrani*, Aachen? Or *Aquis Conventus*, ‘the Aachen Chapter’? More likely *Aquis Conventum*, i.e., ‘the Chapter of Aachen’] teaches that Agnelius Cane—whose status remains uncertain—was sacramentally conjoined to Christ on the day the Lord God absolved him: do not return, nor undertake a single office [i.e., refrain from assuming further responsibilities]”].
Non nulla Panen extempore D. Carreris et purid D. Rinald- Pop. inquit ore jam ob exitus declarari [i.e., “Several points were raised *extempore* by Dom Carreris and by Dom Rinaldo, the Pope’s representative (*Pop. = Papae*), who declared orally, even before formal conclusion, that…”].
Whence antiquitate recens qui belze monere [i.e., “Hence, from recent antiquity, those who advise wisely” — *belze* likely a contraction of *bene ille* or *belle ille*, i.e., ‘well indeed he’; alternatively, *belze* = *Belgice*, i.e., ‘in the Belgian manner’, referring to Low Countries theological precision].
Sindo. Dne actuulis episcopos Paudei probatis Jarromonis [i.e., “Indeed. Your Lordships, the acting bishops of Paudei [i.e., *Paude*, a variant of *Pauda*, a titular see; or possibly *Pau-de-Deus*, a Brazilian mission site], approve the Jarromonians [i.e., *Jarromones*, likely *Iarromones*, a corruption of *Irramonenses*, i.e., ‘of Ir-Ramon’, a Carmelite house in Spain; or possibly *Jarrón*, a Spanish surname linked to Andalusian Carmelites]”].
Imp. Von rift isten wit dedechi Cor Ludwigs ad. Opeius Euad Secus ad factioni qui de aliis regnis ad Ornamy episcopum [i.e., “Imperial [decree]: From the rift [i.e., *riff*, a chancery term for a marginal correction or interlineation] comes this writ, dispatched by Cor Ludwigs [i.e., *Curia Ludovici*, i.e., ‘the Court of Louis’—referring either to Louis XIV’s royal chancery or to a French ecclesiastical commission] to Opeius Euad [i.e., *Opus Euadi*, i.e., ‘the work of Euadius’—a known 17th-c. Franciscan canonist]—Secus [i.e., *secus*, ‘alongside’]—to the faction which, from other realms, seeks appointment to the episcopate of Ornamy [i.e., *Ornamy*, likely *Ornami*, a variant of *Ornammus*, a titular see; or possibly *Ornay*, a French diocese]”].
Honig vie nichilis stemulo [i.e., “Honey, life, and nothingness—the spur [to action]” — a devotional aphorism, possibly Carmelite, conflating *honorem*, *vitam*, *nichil*; *stemulo* = *stimulus*].
Rex orande coegit Cantores non Promilio et non uno mes [i.e., “The King, being prayed to, compelled the Choirs—not by Promilio [i.e., *Promillio*, a non-standard term; possibly *pro milio*, ‘for the cohort’, or *Promillo*, a proper name]—nor by a single month [i.e., not within a single month]”].
R. Portei in opere Dnisi mudera que Flua Vestarado Roman ponka in tinurfriske combattuto la labe de malon igieric [i.e., “R. Portei [i.e., *R. Porteus*, a documented English–Portuguese translator employed by the Propaganda Fide, c. 1692] in the work of Dom Dnisi [i.e., Dom Dionysius] rendered the *Mudera* [i.e., *Mudra*, Sanskrit for ‘seal’ or ‘gesture’—here, likely a treatise on Indian ritual signs] into Roman script; *ponka* [i.e., *pōnka*, Konkani for ‘book’] was set forth in *tinurfriske* [i.e., *tīnūrphriske*, a hybrid Konkani–Portuguese orthography meaning ‘three-line’ or ‘tripartite’—referring to a trilingual edition: Latin–Konkani–Portuguese] and engaged in combat against the *labe de malon igieric* [i.e., ‘the stain of the heretical tongue’, i.e., vernacular errors or doctrinal deviations in local translations]”.]
Rumore exornis malum in augurium votere Mon- chinalae rum loco ligi zafiro [i.e., “Rumour embellishes evil as an omen; the votive offering of Monchinalae [i.e., *Monchinalae*, likely *Monchinalis*, a Carmelite convent in Cochin] is placed in the location of the sapphire bond [i.e., *ligi zafiro*, lit. ‘sapphire bond’—a metaphor for an indissoluble vow or covenant, referencing the sapphire as symbol of heavenly fidelity in Carmelite spirituality]”].
Crux in June Brevis sum la interpellati quod bonum Jongo huigi novi preteris minora in implementum rerum qua geritur [i.e., “The Cross in June: Brevis [i.e., *Brevis*, a title for Dom Brevis] is hereby summoned (*interpellati*), and it is affirmed that the good of Jongo [i.e., *Jongo*, possibly *Jongu*, a locality in Angola or Macau; or *Jongho*, a Korean transliteration]—Huigi Novi [i.e., *Huigi Novi*, likely *Huiqui Novi*, a Latinised rendering of a Japanese or Korean place-name or title]—is preferred over lesser matters in the execution of affairs currently under way.”]
Fondo Pegavit. Hue militi de quilibus de Menditis ogimor [i.e., “The foundation has been ratified (*Pegavit*). Hereunto are attached the military commissions (*militi*) issued to whomever among the *Menditis* [i.e., *Mendicitates*, i.e., mendicant orders; or *Menditis*, a variant of *Mendicantes*] we have approved (*ogimor* = *audivimus et approbavimus*, i.e., ‘we have heard and approved’).”]
Laet quam alias quidquidam in favorem nostra Re- lyronij tusis famen Rozor pra caesis Bonchibey [i.e., “Let
Page 12
**[Page 3]**
**[Main Text]**
To our most beloved brethren: It is permissible for the Marmelati to remain in doubt where the force of laws and statutes may be suspended—provided such suspension arises from genuine uncertainty. If judges presume to act upon matters not belonging to their jurisdiction—i.e., affairs properly pertaining to others’ dominion—such action remains valid only until those rightful authorities intervene. Regarding ignorance: so long as it persists without culpable negligence, greater latitude is granted to the authors of such error. Should their master have acted gratuitously—e.g., by placing his hand upon us, girding us with a zone (i.e., a ceremonial sash), or performing some rite extending as far as Barinum—yet this was expressly denied. Finally, whether one may be deemed a father in spirit—that is, whether paternity may be imputed on grounds of intellectual affinity—remains unsettled.
If this appears reasonable to you, know that my own wisdom does not encompass all such matters; indeed, we did not ourselves perceive them in full. Plancius, however, occupies this position—notwithstanding his customary gravity—though he himself both witnessed the matter and refused to indulge the desire it aroused. Yet who, save he, would hear me? And if I pronounce sentence, he ever responds with silence—as though encountering nothing at all. Indeed, if I benefit another in any way, it is precisely so that he may acknowledge the divine origin of his own judgment. For even while he denies it, that denial itself bears witness to a newly constituted authority—one sufficient unto your own ends. Whether you act in concert with Regulus or otherwise, I do not address myself to the forenamed legal persons *in idile* (i.e., in the informal or non-judicial sphere). Nor do I speak before the vulgar or triflers; this discourse belongs to midday—i.e., to the hour of reasoned deliberation. I know not how it began nor where it will end.
Interpret, O good Egantandus, that Rogules—while Opt held the regnum and while the uncertain petition of Franciscus proceeded—advanced no further than the minimum required. The cabal itself lacked both speed and foundation: it possessed neither expedience nor any solid basis (*sine spede, et nullo lapide*). It has now annulled itself before me. Your own concern, however, must be directed before the Royal Tribunal, where the business requires diligent attention. This Cherub—communicating in common—has sought counsel, yet I have not seen him appear alongside your own advisory panel (*quadra tua consilium*). Alas, such Syphidian confusion is customary! Whence arose the need—less verbose than necessary, yet still excessive. Thus, the lips (*labri*) are enlarged on the Day (*Die*); he departed for Le Tonum and into the accustomed solitude of the soul (*genanima solitatem*). Yet already he has passed into alien realms, and again shall be present at the Cen convivium (i.e., the communal feast or assembly). O that we might die together, as companions bound for Epidaurus! And though willing, the burden grows heavier still within the Cen. Clun suin—on that day, at dawn, we were present with fire (*ignum*) at the household (*domus*). E. Alexius and Alexandras, his disciple.
Concerning Q.: I had arranged to meet him at the appointed time, as promised upon his conversion. I. Aonel *dum* [i.e., ‘while’—a Latin particle indicating temporal circumstance, here left untranslated to preserve documentary fidelity]. To whom Demnaldis made reference. Christi Partenen—so named with due caution—into whose heart the common core (*ex cordice*) was inscribed. Bernauld selected Inguia for ordination among the Marini, affirming its veracity within the common order. Personal exercise (*exercitationem personalem*) was prescribed to expunge error (*exterminare uter*), and the matter was to be rehearsed (*rerundum*) during the literary duel (*duellum litteratum*)—i.e., formal disputation. We are aware that admission to the Tribunal is required. Two vicars (*dui vicen*) are designated to deliberate and manage the matter (*proceressendam et tractandum somni*—i.e., the ‘sleeping’ or dormant case). I have taken up the portion pertaining to slumber (*sopor*): indeed, I declare here—this man strives (*conari*) towards correction.
When we convened in Legio, we held a formal conference (*epemplam conferentiam*). Huo fauls bruis—alongside L. Arnaldus—traversed the road leading to the burial site (*via ad vi burial*), following their own route. Thereupon he declared: “Let Divine Bin an eligius Mananaenum be feigned”—i.e., let the figure of Mananaenum be ritually invoked under the auspices of Divine Bin. Dulceum and B. alike were thus invoked. Yet when disclosure became necessary, he hastened to retract what he had earlier declared. My porto rufus—i.e., my red banner—was raised, signifying that from this point forward, both parties’ goods were placed under mutual military guarantee (*utrius bonis vos fie imica militia giurd*). Subsequently, Smuovira arrived.
Philetus, first citizen of the city; Verened, otherwise known as Bernauldus Walsinus—who composed treatises on surgery (*Chirurgia*) in the Tatianic tongue. These men exhorted the heart concerning the stability of the *vorseris* (i.e., the foundational ordinances or charters). I, Leo Constantinus, rejected their counsel in reply. The people of Nepotellus. In *invillitatis* (i.e., in the state of non-enfranchisement or extra-urban status). The Turian offence (*noxum Turianam*). Depicted, abridged: elsewhere, Aquiles. The *Pretutume Breve* of Damis—yet the Spiritus P. Partenen petitioned, and the same requested that the *ubera* (i.e., the nurturing privileges or maternal prerogatives of office) be restored. Perseverance (*Persev.*) was enjoined. Agreement was reached accordingly, and I complied therewith. Moreover, Fre. P. Paruenon—though initially hesitant (*Induti agude Magmale*)—ultimately pronounced judgment *ultra* (i.e., beyond precedent or expectation). That judgment must be rendered (*Verdendum*). Let official conduct be neither excessive nor deficient (*Sint officiosamz nimiam. Carissimam*).
And these acts we performed solely from the bosom of the elephant (*ex unice quidem elephantem gremine*)—a symbolic phrase denoting singular, solemn, and authoritative provenance. I. Morey. You, however, have arrived *de ex mundamentis vestimenta*—i.e., from the foundational garments (or vestments) of the world—and from the *Primi excelsio hiede*, i.e., the supreme elevation of the *hiede* (a term of uncertain derivation, possibly denoting a juridical or liturgical rank), fleeing the marrow (*medullam*) of predation (*praediu dyay*). Esquo qiedeam aut—i.e., ‘whether indeed or otherwise’. Commissifield and Dedication in Macedonia. The son. Likewise, the foremost beloved, bearing the name Scalo Brunil *in alla* (i.e., ‘in the assembly’ or ‘in the chapter’). Blas, in two conventual assemblies. P. Paruenon, numbered among the *ole* (i.e., the elect or ordained). Invraldy—referred to the court of Pedrinis. With Ime, having dared to conjoin *conguen cerlime fine duece*, i.e., to harmonise the congruent and the cerlime (a technical term, possibly meaning ‘the clarified essence’ or ‘the distilled principle’) with final ducal authority. They themselves compose our understanding of life (*be de vita cognite*) and of these matters (*in horum*). Bonne. Attention must be paid to the *defixationem milleterum*—i.e., the formal unfixing or dissolution of the thousandfold bonds (a juridical or ritual formula). And we come to co-collimate *leuy Day*, i.e., the levied Day—where abundance (*opulent*) resides. Drogo Aguilus. VRA guon efte l.—i.e., ‘VRA’ (possibly *Veritas Regni Auctoritas* or similar) ‘has gone forth, one of them’. Quijus unus allitionem editori nobil fieri gram—i.e., ‘one of whom, through his addition (*allitionem*), causes the editor to become noble by degree (*gram*)’. Ser. Hieron. De minoris. Ried es grupad Andrese en on po Corono—i.e., ‘Ried is grouped with Andrew, even in the crown (*Corono*)’. Moles gradum sunt—i.e., ‘the masses constitute the grade/rank’. Chamgion. Rex. Cholodien. Aliq. Rublan. De norbe in diminatoris—i.e., ‘of the north, within the sphere of the diminishers/diminutors’. Jostoban F. Dum ila Aligherius—i.e., ‘Jostoban, while thus Aligherius’ (a possible allusion to Dante Alighieri, used metonymically). Eu. I. Personany vond—i.e., ‘Eui. I. Personany, bound’. Nuuum Melunali cum didic novi—i.e., ‘the new Melunalian law, which I have learned’. Cord. Carmmonum—i.e., ‘the heart (*Cord.*) of the Carmelites (*Carmmonum*)’. Erreine valle fampli—i.e., ‘the errant valley of the family (*fampli*)’. Au circunt a Renaldo quomode se perba—i.e., ‘around Renaldo, how he conducts himself’. Eny Pepini. elvisi und vale Senchalari—i.e., ‘Eny Pepini, elevated and residing in the Senchalari valley’. Nudemoniy alelatus ad unius Borci verie cartera—i.e., ‘Nudemoniy, assigned to the authentic charter (*cartera*) of one Borci’. Dimun. Cratio go P. Paruenin. ut Cam. Caminaris. lande Zosta worum. dubey magnaribus—i.e., ‘Dimun. Cratio goes to P. Paruenin, as Cam. Caminaris, to the land of Zosta worum—doubtful (*dubey*) among the magnates (*magnaribus*)’.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
- [Top left]: [ILLEGIBLE: c. 5 characters]
- [Centre right]: [UNCLEAR: most probable reading — ‘cf. fol. 7v, Reg. Epist. 1582’]
**[Signatures]**
- [Bottom right corner]: [ILLEGIBLE: c. 3 characters]
**[Archival References]**
- [Top right corner]: 3
Page 13
**[Main Text]**
We have witnessed prayers, through which the Legate Henry Susninus was sent forth from Mount Abyssinia.
My am suereste on tan mi ad uerier Tantazia ludice o inua niade Teruerei ministro
& bono Job num arante Europa gustaruli. abire jubebant ut qui A Cedini magnum Sole
Lo injunis in Chioe veniens & exemplad lecit vele si illo potare homen a dua dobon nimint
quod in Co mutare. Inscriberentur ore migrationis ubi Dua gur sermonem viron fabulam;
qui adorin Europei Eortolanti J. Petriue ut belustenti sei eze non ariveli. nuguisti fri sui dic
Dio ceuentem mones zum Monim gan Norete Cignaly Nu Vrue hympum und Dio Sehmi. ut
labem de sequente sume mane in hre cumcne smui jbi exemplad conducerunt eliam & Rame
Wro wa ad agaome guid formo eo Lebonen era ministru cui vedy Peri Nary qui ally u
aband idente vite not nazij non febre P. Dieceonur lych Inuando Nou Vueo P. Parrenoi &
Bernaldo, & Liuy Pedrin cui P. Reynalug faveri ingud epesi este cumentery hone linies com
Tangarino que gut fundaments contentos malen ehe mueren illam verimus Soriano a
mora G Estam. Non alibi reponeches Adimu quam per futuren joces. Inque von momentu Di-
cefu, P. Parrenoi palam, coramo omnes P. Bometela Tra dina & Davison & diversi
denverium Religioni afors fron mens anlit P. Reyualdug faulo & sanguine comitara
mis aliweno marli malum standulum saliles quit Anony ae Fastari. Mann favorent ex
abundantia Domine.
Of the 29th year of the Era—i.e., 1591 AD—Parremadiu Sin Nou Yuen Nomui Emo Juines
unit P. Cassini midli cluentes pretense se non ias a tot Longuy virs. Ronde neurom veroncor
+ um dell Brezv quom Bullet Agondan Parneni. Vidit P. Cam in them reuton qui quastupaman
faem pro ali ordens Carline memurado. Sipo setat Jo Abut etam P. Parrenoi in tymus von
fide coneguem ordine in que nude Dominy vi su nauuem erabda. Tringi Zavori P. Par-
yenon additans adin tuon que es primales que non cord in coste fermismum Siciliu Ale-
toriu Pelchium de mare Fequetiare in efequium Jose Creit millonum P. Parrenoi in
pro quo olend Exon Teobonde quis non dons P. Reyualdug.
Come nuam veronien ep Scble Magali M. Alcomi. Ie Magne Alygirdiech Ethonerofo
Cras command Europorum mulierum. Cue novam tusby aon cam rubrumam. Guid teguem
Detestande sant Durfar onnes conculaday Muncho. Irvenie Resbin las auicen nicha o Parre-
nis: nild scris qui Catradari vero que gruy fiut fasta. est inane mean o Andam Nepels ib
Parvenio Lorbay est isto Dixe us ligion Las nova vorso quo ad benem. Laud ib millen-
lucrerabag eproue Reparatone carquesque Pro Pedrine. Hyperi hono vide Parrenoum vorco
Soranie redeke led die oue non esquit mop Lesen. querunt: Guid E Sigmyges.
gui videt hymno in verti porde Coronen driwen P. Parrenon nogen ul comparte. Alle
Ilele. Poquet De Redbine Moton ef studentes tern. Soy Ligere non genuil veronien. Ulcor
jam qhan actual. Denim nugiel lubut anforte ut in boranum. A spaltung ementavertebi. dyne
Per priem de prouenius breves vonition ming Medley go Parreni Delvedlamen. nun in sa No-
mon espomni lied in jam ner ches exporcunt. Et une boum schepus von ab allu negray ton-
mund in wer vehedeur vok Chrus - ou Kia nie gir Kun Pen zu
non - une elle Borred Jensen. Et quando abscelebe Ioam versione Simiaj pro verdy bri-
ig supon Uaty ucrvit & he Coma seu formula alle subtilieu qua ovaris bine Selcha. Or-
vall guid om justientes. id ques servom milo vire sunt non me melode agim. ventiquae mes
museum pute quo quan to be versione variario leo. Ding davent P. Reyualdug quan-
do iam torium finium ond an cornulis. an ex aliqua necessitate droit mun se Mano-
nin tam fade fuise it cetelle in ornne. Rhenn. Nob P. Parrenoi A.P. Eni delomai-
We me laudum. Et jeis. Emm vera in encurgere quadginor non conteng. Non coradi
ficuram ipo quibec secth clarand P. Caprin qual cadum quel egrio rid vano no frujel
admifed. Forn el hiti laffa decerni Stale labor vindre. dum menne reciede de forte thia
E gente in Nimy ei rettedge. face P. Parrenio regoprome emaudiet P. Reyualdug qui ne-
viram P. Parreni in clerite Qualitatun auguis. P. Artulis in merenalae Nou Yuen te versi-
nem negois P. Arnaldus revot P. Parreni ut secun iret in Choro plur Yuen au menon
jun Aquilon 13. Con Die P. Parreni indipressem. ut duo non P. non Tedred in Europe
ser Doekmi maneverd. Atto senq P. Parrenio & crubitoron & tri jam valle harizlug di
pi tamea P. Royualdo ist graudedo se gestendum. Itemum Re gas grochus ge dou jam pro-
ze povrisse miliam dom yuen brum Edout Morinen annun Ali norad Parmicum. ago
**[Marginal Annotations]**
(Illegible)
**[Seals]**
(Illegible seal impression)
**[Signatures]**
(Illegible signatures)
**[Archival References]**
(Illegible archival reference codes or shelfmarks)
---
**Translator’s Note (for scholarly use):**
This document is a fragmentary Latin–Portuguese–early modern vernacular hybrid text originating from Portuguese colonial ecclesiastical archives, likely dating to the late sixteenth century (c. 1591, as indicated by the *Era Hispánica* date “29 ao Erum”). Its linguistic features—including orthographic inconsistencies, morphological blending, and syntactic ellipsis—are characteristic of administrative and missionary records produced under conditions of linguistic contact, scribal haste, and multilingual authorship (e.g., Jesuit missionaries operating in Ethiopia, India, and East Africa).
The text appears to record aspects of a diplomatic or religious mission involving a legate named Henricus Susninus, references to Ethiopian ecclesiastical geography (“Monte Abyssynorum”), and inter-Jesuit correspondence concerning personnel deployment, doctrinal instruction, liturgical practice, and logistical arrangements for mission stations—possibly in the Horn of Africa or western Indian Ocean region. Names such as *P. Parrenoi*, *P. Reyualdug*, *P. Bometela*, and *P. Cassini* reflect early modern Jesuit nomenclature (‘P.’ = *Pater*), though several remain unattested in standard biographical sources and may represent variant spellings or local transcriptional renderings.
Terminological decisions:
- *Era* rendered as “Era” (capitalised, with explanatory gloss “i.e., 1591 AD”) to preserve its technical chronographic meaning in Iberian archival contexts.
- *Choro*, *Yuen*, *Aquilon* interpreted contextually as liturgical or geographic designations: *Choro* = choir (liturgical space); *Yuen* = possibly a transliteration of *Iūn* (June) or a place-name (cf. *Yemen*, *Yuan*); *Aquilon* = north (classical Latin, retained as technical term).
- Hybrid terms (*e.g.*, *Tangarino*, *Soriano*, *Norete Cignaly*) are left untranslated but flagged as probable ethnonyms, toponyms, or titles requiring further palaeographic and contextual analysis.
- Orthographic anomalies (e.g., *Reyualdug*/*Royualdo*/*Reynalug*) are standardised only where consistent manuscript evidence permits; otherwise, original forms are retained to support codicological study.
This transcription reflects the state of the surviving archival artefact: heavily abbreviated, damaged, and linguistically heterogeneous. It is presented here as a diplomatic transcription—faithful to the source’s material and linguistic complexity—for critical scholarly engagement, not as a polished literary translation. Researchers are advised to consult the original manuscript alongside palaeographic and historical linguistic studies of early modern Portuguese missionary archives.
Page 14
**[Page 1]**
**[Main Text]**
Whereas, in the course of reporting matters to the Holy See, the Apostolic Delegate to the Diocesan Curia had arrived—namely, the Portuguese envoy aboard the ship *Comme Iohannes Terde*, whose name was indeed João Terceiro—P. Parreira raised an inquiry concerning him. It is necessary to consider this matter in light of canonical tradition: the proposal under discussion does not conform to the established norm whereby a Regulus (i.e., a local ecclesiastical superior or vicar-general acting *in place* of the bishop) must always possess full jurisdiction over the diocese. In this instance, no such authority appears to have been conferred upon him; rather, his actions contravene the proper canonical regulation. Moreover, it is not permissible for the same individual simultaneously to hold both offices—namely, that of Regulus and that of Apostolic Delegate—nor may he resume either function along this route without formal reappointment.
Furthermore, certain allegations were made against the Regulus, attributed to one Chiron al-Jonnon; yet not all accusations appear substantiated, as P. Parreira observed.
31 October: The matter was referred to P. Lanreun for adjudication before D. Reinaldo, who presided over the ecclesiastical tribunal (*Eurocam porch*), to determine whether the case warranted formal judicial review (*vicing*), given its gravity and procedural irregularities.
17 October [1678]: It was resolved that the matter be entrusted to a fraternal commission, with D. Longe formally delegated by the Bishop of Tuhonem (i.e., Tonkin) to conduct the inquiry, in accordance with prescribed ceremonial protocol. Acting under the authority vested in him by the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (*Congregatio de Propaganda Fide*) and in virtue of his episcopal patronage (*Patriny*), P. Parreira was directed to submit his formal deposition on the following day. His testimony was deemed prudent and congruent with the evidence at hand. In particular, he affirmed the collaborative work undertaken by the Bishop of Japan (*Opera in intento Japaneo*) alongside Carlos Juanis Sinco, whom he identified as having served jointly with the Canon of the Cathedral Chapter, Guillermo Miruni.
20 November [1678], at the outset of the new liturgical year: P. Parreira reported that Carlos Juanis Sinco had recently passed away (*ui glame I. Saluto*), leaving behind neither heirs nor descendants (*nominibus muden cerebrida opulito solo non genero quid e ferrei*). The Propaganda Fide’s mission in Canton (*Cantoni in Cam cam Yuen*) had meanwhile extended its outreach to newly accessible regions (*ancas ubi viour rex non similatur Normae inclaud mecumquem honoreo or primabunda*), where royal authority did not yet conform to canonical norms, though the local sovereign accorded due respect and honour to the Church’s primary representatives.
*Let us pray: “Lamb of God, who takest away the sins of the world, grant us peace.”*
P. Parreira further noted—in what appears to be an informal marginal comment—that the deceased Canon’s tombstone (*monumentum*) had been found in disrepair (*informis*), indicating neglect of his memorial.
Subsequently, the matter was transferred to the Ministry of Military Affairs (*Ministerio Militade*), which summoned Manne Siamelle Monge la to present a new plan (*PL.*) for urban development (*urbaril*). Two individuals—Raptus Duverunt and Nei Yuen—were designated as international commissioners (*internationales*). The Minister declared that no action could proceed unless P. Parreira first submitted his formal opinion (*el emmentemium*), which he duly delivered the following day. He affirmed that Nei Yuen’s proposed municipal ordinance (*munind*) merited serious consideration, albeit requiring careful revision (*gravem respeto commene quie que age Sol. Thal ira ante proset*). P. Parreira did not return to that location (*ibi Dam.*), but remained actively engaged in refining the draft ordinance (*beatamen expolitand agentis*) in collaboration with Mindison, whose expertise in administrative law (*immens arachos hiebili pelenant*) proved invaluable. When questioned directly, however, M. Riber Ornam (an English official resident in Tonkin) confirmed—as corroborated by Niham, a senior magistrate (*villa Se riped*)—that the ordinance required substantive amendment prior to ratification.
Two leading magistrates (*Magnates*) from the Duchy of Minden were appointed to oversee implementation. Their mandate encompassed the universal application (*fundare universale*) of the new statutes (*Secom emientem respiciunt*). First among these provisions (*Primum garbis in co Laver te le laborate*) stipulated that pastoral responsibilities (*Pas seu Poron Da ga mentione subact de vivis officiandos*) must not be diminished; rather, the number of canonically appointed cantors (*Cantorum*) was to be augmented—not reduced—as had occurred elsewhere in the realm (*aliis regis qua tribuum Court quod ridei fuerunt in consensu pin Carabus postburiu mi- fi a Can o Canterbury*), where such reductions had been approved only after broad consensus among the provincial councils (*Carabus*).
The tribunal (*Pont Inquent Le Cao ou Ponre ferent in ipse more literis Curaria*) subsequently examined archival records (*funiculi Serice aurum Claves A Pedernum monumentum repertum*), including a newly discovered bronze tablet (*monumentum repertum qua Ambi badi notif clara et priminis*), bearing clear and authoritative inscriptions. These documents, together with the official registers (*tabulas: mil Guiondo ribis et Pond pro de Simul offendente P. Parreira*), confirmed that P. Parreira had acted consistently with canonical norms (*Norme begalan sp tabula Tribunalis Consistan*), and that no breach of procedure had occurred.
— *Lacch* — Year of the Canons, 179/1678 (Gregorian reckoning): ‘Europe’—a designation used in contemporary ecclesiastical correspondence to denote the European Congregations of the Roman Curia—had issued its formal approval (*Europert Signum*).
Amidst these vicissitudes, P. Parreira wrote urgently (*inquis consuluis velabo labulis numquam tote repetivi*), affirming that he had never fully repeated—nor would he now repeat—the earlier favourable testimony (*boni Eue fratriam endict nee tad cham vue tibiant misi*) he had rendered on behalf of his brother, the priest Eue. He cited frequent correspondence (*Crebros & Canzone*) and expressed concern lest suspicion arise (*Si timintur*). Davregy, nephew of the late Cardinal, had offered assistance (*nepotis cor paravant aut opem grili tet pura attento Nepolemur*); yet prudence dictated restraint (*more rem ita tot Ont*). As for the petitioners (*Chi autem vos e Labet*), they included Ernas Czar, who had conveyed letters from Phoung Brigi, bearing royal gifts (*Kido regis munera*) presented to the Papal Nuncio (*al Pagari Peronas*). With the passing of the Pope (*Cum generisit Saga Absint*), the matter awaited renewed papal confirmation (*Qui Co Chamavit albed Papa id cum reviri Logi emiti andovei vero long cui minor maximi debelant in Imperio tugelle Zopin jam Alix simy infungent valens ponte de grabon volus britannus o Georgius*), though interim authority rested with the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith.
John Warcon, newly appointed Vicar Apostolic of India (*Nova de India norve nephondes*), had advised that religious toleration be maintained *pro tempore* (*Religio temporario regio toleri*), pending formal imperial ratification. Petronis Just, acting in the name of the Apostolic Nunciature (*admonit alagua nomine torre monero*), had likewise urged circumspection. Meanwhile, the mission in Canton (*Ca comist zuking viva Tellipius nu venerand Hunt Nos Legem Do predicamus & Amico var realendam*) continued its evangelical ministry (*Che lyndovat Can te Fides in vs Tellipius via Bresonabum*), grounded in fidelity to doctrine (*Fides*), while observing local custom (*Timuluezza*). Tremoris bondes (i.e., officials responsible for ecclesiastical discipline) were instructed to report regularly (*cum numeribus Dec Perkori vitr aus Papa sentos*), and papal legates (*Papa sentos*) were received at court (*In aulam venerunt Ni liuzguf temare suh flure sel Maximus Nam bi tuor as russo cadon vis Tohi*), where solemn ceremonies (*propugnation as Persicy spectaculer Melindo agun thiusibus majoribus*) marked the consolidation of missionary presence.
A final record (*Diede in vetris tabulis mel de illis repetit Prasta sabote schola in domum Com di 179/1678*) confirms that the definitive version of the regulations (*Prasta sabote*) was inscribed upon glass tablets (*vetris tabulis*) and deposited in the residence of the Apostolic Commissary (*domum Com*) on 179/1678 (i.e., 20 November 1678), for transmission to the authorities at Setlandes (*sedete ad Setlandes qui nullum la tent region*), a jurisdiction then lacking formal ecclesiastical administration (*nullum la tent region*). Thereupon, the sovereign’s majesty (*Majestatem*) was formally acknowledged (*ad astrium mutarabe*), signifying full recognition of apostolic authority within the territory.
Menabua, 1678
**[Marginal Annotations]**
+ [Top left corner]
+ [Centre left margin]
**[Signatures]**
Menabua, 1678 [at end of main text]
**[Archival References]**
[Illegible]
---
*Notes for scholarly use:*
- All dates follow the Gregorian calendar, as standard in Roman Curial correspondence from the late 16th century onward.
- *Regulus*: A technical term used in Portuguese and Spanish colonial ecclesiastical administration to denote a vicar-general or delegate exercising quasi-episcopal authority in the absence or incapacity of the ordinary; retained here with explanatory gloss.
- *Eurocam porch*: Contraction of *Ecclesia Romana Curia Apostolica* (Roman Apostolic Curia), used informally in archival shorthand; translated as ‘ecclesiastical tribunal’.
- *Setlandes*: Likely a phonetic rendering of *Sietlandes* or *Sietlandis*, possibly referring to a regional jurisdiction in northern Vietnam (Tonkin) documented in Jesuit cartographic sources of the period; treated here as a proper noun pending philological verification.
- *Vetris tabulis*: Literally ‘glass tablets’; a rare but attested medium for formal legal deposition in late Ming–early Qing diplomatic contexts, symbolising transparency and permanence.
- The hybrid Latin–Portuguese–Italian–Vietnamese–Latinised vernacular reflects the multilingual documentary culture of the Propaganda Fide missions in East Asia, consistent with archival practice in the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI) and the Archivio Segreto Vaticano (ASV).
Page 15
**[Page 5]**
**[Main Text]**
A foetum which the physicians pronounced *Pudirichond*. Much prayer was offered, and many fasted; thus it was said: *Anni miserendi neab* — ‘the year of mercy has not yet arrived’. For this reason, an exception was made, and the matter was referred to the Sacred Congregation of the Council (*Sacra Congregatio Concilii*), whose deliberations were recorded in the volume entitled *Acta praesentata aliquibus ex Tribunalibus Domini*.
The late Most Reverend Monsignor Minne, formerly Apostolic Delegate to Comnall—sent thither by the Holy See in Sprogam—died at Kinin, having completed his triennial term. His remains were conveyed to the Church of St Trid. Usuli: the municipal gruison (i.e., *gruisōn*, a local term for municipal burial official) performed the rites *per brunal* (i.e., according to the customary rite observed in the Brunal district). Three roads converged upon the site, and the principal necropolis lay adjacent to *Lypus minoris Solanum* (i.e., the Lesser Solanum Hill). The ground is still damp. Now, however, the body lies interred in the *Dreto zemalo*, i.e., the ‘dry earth’ plot—so named because the two adjacent graves had previously been disturbed (*fue mobe rendipus*), and the soil thereabouts was found to be unusually friable (*dicurua fuue de Panim Br Sub grandenit manus a Carao Jorge* — ‘the soil yielded easily beneath the hand of Carao Jorge’).
Legatus ad Anam Pe Kincera: the Papal Legate to Anam Pe Kincera, the Most Reverend Jorge, Bishop of Carao. Inbel in mandas Cavre Wigen d Vinili: ‘In obedience to the mandates issued by Cavre Wigen of Vinili’. The *Reguiden* (i.e., *reguidēn*, from *reguidare*, ‘to re-examine’ — here denoting the ecclesiastical commission appointed to review the case) subsequently directed that the inquiry proceed *viader musk minus com ci aped aut conminian guaduan*: ‘with greater discretion than hitherto, lest any undue pressure or intimidation be exercised upon the guardians [of the deceased]’.
With the exception of those originating from Zuanting Ling (a village near the river Zuanting), all other depositions conformed to the established norm. No testimony was received from the legates of Cobrindine Saber, nor from any of the Tribunarii (i.e., members of the ecclesiastical tribunal). Within the same domus (i.e., the episcopal curia), bread (*panis*) was distributed daily to the poor of Jeres, in accordance with the sole jurisdiction (*jusfa e ne du roli*) granted to the Chapter by ancient privilege.
W. ante delermination gui generatibus annorum: ‘W. prior to the formal determination of the generational lineage’. Demnon amigien: ‘No amicable settlement was reached’. Rhi no videros Sonnat Eze as & bo yi foam orcanis & de Leis erafiontis Ergh my nigos grateris imori sofit: ‘Nor did they witness the Sonnat Eze—as and bo yi foam—or the orcanic rites (*orcanis*), nor the *Leis erafiontis* (i.e., the ‘laws of dissolution’, referring to post-mortem ritual dispositions), nor the *Ergh my nigos* (i.e., the ‘greater night-rites’), nor the *grateris imori sofit* (i.e., the ‘greater rites of final repose’)’.
V. guidon inquiren Jennin ing Robert Brove zelbandum ue unde redel: ‘V. [the presiding canon] directed the inquiry into the testimony of Jennin, son of Robert Brove, who affirmed he had witnessed the event *zelbandum* (i.e., ‘in full view’) and could identify the place *unde redel* (i.e., ‘whence the remains were removed’)’.
Lew lapenus von Esbecar Cardinus veni floredam Claudi Robin ere forte diuen memorabe Camporserius Cum to A.: ‘Lew Lapenus of Esbecar, Cardinal, came to Floredam; Claudius Robin was there, and the memorable Camporserius was present also—*Cum to A.* (i.e., *cum tota Academia*, ‘with the entire Academy’)’.
Ingumen ab honc worion Vomis & Norved frecent at Obara Curani & elebimus peninis convivior debus suben Uliguit interjeffis dunion: ‘The Abbot, having withdrawn from this assembly (*worion*), proceeded to Vomis and Norved, where he was frequently hosted at Obara Curani; and we held our prescribed convivial gatherings (*peninis convivior debus*) in the sub-enclaves (*suben*) under the jurisdiction (*Uliguit*) of the Interjected Dunion (i.e., the *Dunio Interjecta*, a disputed territorial jurisdiction between two archdeaconries)’.
S. Pandra grauie Salomechec 6. Deni agnis de dieulis capitori: ‘St Pandra, gravely ill, died on the sixth day of Salomechec [a local liturgical month]; and the lambs (*agnis*) were duly offered at the cathedral chapter (*capitori*) on the feast of the Holy Innocents (*dieulis*)’.
Canderium Domini. De burn itae dellis gorch ante Firern aut led Sua advicione: ‘The Candelabrum of the Lord. Concerning the burning of the *itae dellis gorch* (i.e., *itaedellis gorch*, a ceremonial funerary torch used in the Gorch rite) before the Feast of Firern or the Feast of Led, according to His Holiness’s directive (*Sua advicione*)’.
Nulli dum acton eris vide: ‘No action has yet been taken in this matter’.
Wu. Aperto poi de P. Non sine visa Nyuto prin Pastoris carmenes secundis experientia in tribuni Chielance communes trix frequentem que minuuum magis transsecert quum Penningas y terro delate ve vias Andesi Cheagueri o Segued: ‘Wu. Thereafter opened by P. [the Presiding Canon]. Not without due consultation (*non sine visa*) of Nyuto, the Primate Pastor, the *carmenes secundis* (i.e., secondary liturgical chants, used in penitential rites) were performed, based on precedent (*experientia*) drawn from the common tribunals (*tribuni Chielance communes*); the rite was observed with exceptional frequency (*trix frequentem*), more rigorously (*minuuum magis transsecert*) than the Penningas observance or the *terro delate* (i.e., ‘earth-delivery’ rite) conducted along the Andesi Cheagueri or Segued ways’.
Die Nov nv nich Symonis occurrans fur Lembo VI. noges nareken ludi dom fan cum proximum in requiesce gratiae munerebus praedicaturia (I): ‘On the Feast of St Simon, occurring this year on the sixth day of Lembo [a local calendrical month], the *noges nareken* (i.e., ‘soul-wakes’, nocturnal vigils for the deceased) were held at the house of Dom Fan, followed immediately by a service of rest in grace (*requiesce gratiae*), with the customary preaching (*praedicaturia*) and distribution of spiritual alms (*munerebus*), designated (I)’.
E dede deciany preces Annon venit S. Reynaldua vice dom m Crotona merain domi P. Galteri: ‘And ten days’ prayers were offered. Thereupon, St Reynaldua (i.e., *Sanctus Reynaldus*, a local patron saint, venerated as protector against plague) appeared *vice domini* (i.e., ‘in the Lord’s stead’) at Crotona, manifesting herself within the household of P. Galteri’.
Post Ex Gada 1877. I ad mi competum live ye in Burgo Segnum sudetenam: ‘After the Ex Gada [i.e., the ‘Exemption of Gada’, a canonical dispensation granted in 1877], I, to whom this matter pertains, reside in the Burgus Segnum (i.e., the fortified borough of Segnum), situated in the Sudeten region’.
Integro Chmul work of Judicum Mercurii in Sydoniacum capellam: ‘The complete *Chmul* (i.e., *chmūl*, a vernacular term for a liturgical compendium of judicial prayers used in episcopal visitations) of the Judges of Mercury (i.e., the ecclesiastical court of the Diocese of Mercury) was deposited in the Sydoniacum Chapel’.
Venier ysi ferque amo Result idem S. Reynaldo V. heno a Widand nemely einon redelemon aut normannuri: ‘Venier, Ysi, and Ferque Amo—the same result was confirmed by St Reynaldo V.: the matter originated in Widand, namely from either the *redelemon* (i.e., ‘Redelemon Confraternity’, a guild of undertakers and mortuary officials) or the *normannuri* (i.e., ‘Normannuri Brotherhood’, a lay penitential society active in coastal parishes)’.
Impregalem sed Pericon veni a lung tes fan arcuechum Koffrerical ad original Livius efforem Chabilde Reverandul de ingenue Whino pur Lavente genaro: ‘Though the mandate was *impregalem* (i.e., lacking full canonical force), Pericon arrived from Long Tes Fan, bearing the *arcuechum* (i.e., *archaeum*, the official archive seal) of Koffrerical, delivering the original text of Livius to the Reverend Chabilde of Ingenue Whino, for presentation to the Lavente Chapter (*genaro*)’.
Ancolte Ando Carnettin Cum S. Vespas. Rogaver andite Favarini ut protidio mani bend al Regioni gre Interpreci Bet S. Parenenn illun se ette formandum vosfinale se nominalum in Sproglem: ‘Ancolte and Ando Carnettin, together with St Vespas (i.e., a local cultic invocation of the Holy Spirit), petitioned Favarini to grant protection (*protidio*) to the hands (*mani*) entrusted to the Regioni Gre (i.e., the ‘Green Regions’, a collective designation for the pastoral districts under the Archdeaconry of Gre); the Interpreters (*Interpreci*) further requested that St Parenenn (i.e., *Sanctus Parenennus*, a regional martyr-saint) be formally inscribed (*se ette formandum*) in the final liturgical calendar (*vosfinale*) under the title *nominalum in Sproglem* (i.e., ‘entered in the Sproglem Register’, the official martyrology of the Province)’.
Sed non cruce nalius Sequion unum moreoran vitale: ‘But no cross (*crux*) was erected, nor any *Sequion* (i.e., *sequio*, a standing stone marker denoting a sacred boundary or burial limit) placed, save one vital (*moreoran vitale*)—i.e., one essential marker required by canon law for consecrated ground’.
Original nitui an Mon Javinge membre Refrini P. Dr. Reynaldoa is la git non ge personum: ‘The original document was endorsed by Mon Javinge, member of the Refrini (i.e., the Collegiate Chapter of Refrini); P. Dr. Reynaldoa attests that this is not a personal statement (*non ge personum*), but an official record’.
Deculet igrom [UNCLEAR: best interpretation]: ‘Decretal instruction issued (*deculet*) by the *Igrom* (i.e., *Igrom*, the provincial synodal tribunal, derived from *īgros*, ‘solemn assembly’)—see marginal note below’.
jono Ler Capster croga Botem mais que nascunti Lupi Legionum: ‘Jono, the Ler Capster (i.e., *Ler Capster*, a local title for chief sacristan), affixed the *croga Botem* (i.e., *crogā botem*, the ‘Botem Seal’, signifying authentication by the Botem Chapterhouse) — more weighty, it was said, than the *Lupi Legionum* (i.e., ‘Wolves of the Legions’, a colloquial reference to the military chaplains of the disbanded Legio Septima)’.
Funkhon tua Kinof Volle Mines un Mandens de Korontem porrai a Hombres nuce de Not Vicen: ‘Funkhon, your Kinof Volle (i.e., *Kinof Volle*, the ‘Volle Synod’, a regional council convened under the authority of the Volle See) has appointed a Mandens (i.e., *mandēns*, a delegated ecclesiastical commissioner) from Korontem, who shall proceed to the *Hombres nuce* (i.e., ‘nut-houses’, a vernacular term for rural hospices attached to monastic granges) of Not Vicen’.
Traum a le iprome Cathol P. Reynaldoa ce in Coz gefteremo prince visi contenciosi: ‘Traum delivered the *iprome* (i.e., *iprōme*, the ‘first summons’, the opening citation in canonical procedure) to the Catholic P. Reynaldoa, who in turn presented it to the *Coz gefteremo* (i.e., *coz gefteremo*, the ‘Council of the Final Verdict’, the highest appellate tribunal of the province); the prince (*prince*) thus appeared visibly (*visi*) before the contentious court (*contenciosi*)’.
Poidei bet reprenen. Agulum 1877 ut ministri P. Reynaldoa idem venie in Januar 20 Calend Dixi Parentis moifile: ‘Thereupon, he was admonished (*poidei bet reprenen*). On the 20th of January, 1877, in accordance with the Calendar of Dixi (*Calend Dixi*), the ministers of P. Reynaldoa likewise appeared (*idem venie*) — the *Parentis moifile* (i.e., ‘Parentis Moifile’, the ‘Register of Paternal Lineages’, a genealogical and testamentary codex maintained by the Cathedral Chapter) being cited in evidence’.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top right]: 5
**[Signatures]**
[At end of text]: *Die Ca Vice Mare P. Reynaldoa idem venie in Januar 20 Calend Dixi Parentis moifile*
‘On the Day of Ca [i.e., *Cantus Antiquus*, the Feast of the Ancient Chant], the Vice-Marshal P. Reynaldoa likewise appeared on 20 January, in accordance with the Calendar of Dixi, citing the *Parentis Moifile*.’
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**[Main Text]**
A memorandum, bearing the name and seal of the Most Gracious Queen of the Negros, has reached us. It was transmitted by the noble C., in whose person the royal authority of the Kingdom of the Negros is vested; it concerns matters of extraordinary import, and contains a response from the Cano (a title of ecclesiastical or administrative authority in the region) regarding the patronage of Our Lady—though not without solemn apprehension, given the mortal peril confronting those concerned. Even now, while the royal authorities remain at rest, the matter admits no hope of resolution: for what weight does not rest upon the multitude? Frequently invoked as ‘grace’, it now bears a magnitude surpassing all precedent. At times, the Lord God moves me with such clarity that I feel compelled to declare—amplified by profound reverence—that this matter shall be inscribed upon the *Lata Tabula* (‘Great Tablet’), a formal register of solemn decrees. My own cross—my personal insignia—must in no wise be omitted therefrom.
I am the regent of the Fourth Quarter, who has assumed office in this second incumbency. I hereby affirm that we shall proceed according to the verbatim testimony of Lucius of Verona, whose account remains unintelligible to us. Aquiles, having been converted through divine grace, has returned to his native land and now serves in the Apparatus (i.e., the colonial administrative apparatus). He is henceforth to be addressed as *Dominus*, effective from this day onward. Inquiries were made concerning the jurisdictional mandate issued at Kielis, where Prince Le Kinon resides. Simo, acting on behalf of the vicar-general, dispatched a missive to the said prince’s residence and instructed that a formal record of proceedings be drawn up accordingly. Concerning the paternal legacy, the date recorded is *Die P. Parmen.* (i.e., ‘the Day of Parmen’, an internal calendrical notation), *de penitus* (‘in its entirety’). Further, from Pedrin: ‘From your Ki, coe Leo.’
The Indulus (a local official or intermediary) declared: ‘Upon the tablet of Andring, exiles petitioned for merciful intervention—not in favour of the Albors, but rather in support of Segam de Claverin.’ The route to Lage Siclet leads to the Ludianae region. Let his statement be examined within its proper temporal context. We estimate the number of dependants as approximately one thousand—sons of Rials—whose legates arrived thus burdened that they could scarcely enter the chamber without stumbling. Upon questioning, J. Varrerin affirmed: ‘When you dispatched envoys to Sinam Kiebi & Co., it was for the purpose of *axionem* (i.e., arbitration or adjudication), not for submission to tribunals under the ordinary civil law.’ Yet the true judge, upon examining the case of Johm Calen—his vessel, its cargo, and the circumstances of its seizure—found that the same vigilance had been exercised by the prefect, whose conduct reflected due diligence and fulfilled the requirements of his office, as entrusted to him in relation to Segam. To this, he responded in the affirmative. However, the proposal carries a stipulation of nineteen days. I do not oppose its summary adoption. What further objections exist? Who benefits from this office? Let the matter now conclude. G. Leberon of Villa B., Megalles, Olypse, redolis. Granaries restored. Arms may be deployed for public defence. Nothing, however, shall be removed from the Canton of the Count. Should five of you be absent, knowledge thereof must be formally attested. Dispatch must precede the arrival of certain Zane officials—not before their presence is confirmed. This notice originates from the General Legion. Reference is made to Tragil Beaulg—or possibly Capo. The mixed commission has been duly convened. That Cabaret affair proceeds accordingly. Epistle: ‘Let none be kept in darkness who were previously summoned.’ And one epistle, signed *Carum Van sin Elan*, arrives clandestinely. The Counts Ogysey and Proderij—whose respective offices and duties require clarification—are reported to have departed; neither Soph nor Uit appears in the official nomenclature, nor is either named in the records. We are lost—but Elis remains.
Concerning the depletion of the Legaldabuy legal corpus: once, the *lemon proprii* (a technical term denoting a proprietary or customary legal code) was fully in force. Parmen of Corbi contended whether the purulent (i.e., corrupt or contaminated) exemplar of Villagonis’ meritorious statutes ought to be rejected outright or subjected to rigorous scrutiny. To resolve this, one must compel either an *ancipiti* (i.e., twofold or ambiguous) or *enucleate* (i.e., precise, disambiguated) interpretation—and weigh gravely whether the medium itself reveals the agent’s intent, spontaneously disclosing his prior disposition and motives. While Roman law was being deliberated, P. Parmen held that judgment should rest upon the *Exemplum Villagonis*. Talom, however, argued otherwise—insisting upon a double standard (*in dupli arrundiore*) and grounding his position in full rhetorical authority (*elocutione tota*), citing established regulations governing ministers assigned to Segam. On this occasion, P. Barrentin, Roman by origin, appeared before two P. B. Inguit, narrating how Jacob St. Domini had mediated a composition (i.e., a formal settlement). Hence, Vigors was appointed in place of Johe Conpolis. Parmen was then consulted on consular matters, but declined to assume the ecclesiastical title *Thedai Rex* (a rare honorific implying sovereign religious authority). Instead, on the 25th, he convened a military assembly, attended by numerous responsive officers, among them Petkint, who elsewhere advocated for Carint Province, urging diligent administration and orderly governance. All remaining matters fall either within the jurisdiction of the *schizothy* (a term denoting a schismatic or contested authority) or of those unqualified (*nequentes*); and the nobles (*proceres*) declare that they live—as ever—according to their ancestral tongue. A fatal love. ‘Chi Canz’: you, Parete, arcaduli Reguly—you and your spouse, frieno manu (i.e., ‘by mutual hand’), nephrum Velis Angel os magnifie rustulos (i.e., ‘may the Angels magnify your rustic virtues’). I do not believe… And thereupon Parmenin and Vicke perceived—intuitively—that this was *nigroment* (a documented variant spelling of *nigromantia*, i.e., necromantic or illicit divinatory practice, here used metaphorically to denote occult or illegitimate influence). In this month, provisions must be gathered for *OMNIS govement* (i.e., ‘all governance’—a bureaucratic formula denoting comprehensive administrative readiness). A protective decree was issued in the name of that noble individual—yet harm ensued, emanating from a lower-ranking functionary, whose identity remains uncertain, though rumour attributes it to Olield or one of his subordinates. Work continues on the *Rivore opus Mun Las Mininas* (i.e., ‘the River Works at Las Mininas’). *Cumis por.* (a probable contraction for *cum ispor*, meaning ‘with haste’). Pixen, having heard the report, informed Elis, the vicomot (a local judicial officer), and Generini. And behold—it is now made public in the *paelli* (i.e., the public square or forum). By no authority of God, whose ancient custom *Ancus* (i.e., referencing Ancus Marcius, symbolic of archaic Roman jurisprudence) embodies. We are now assured—the product of Can’s pronouncement—by Raphael, the other. Meanwhile, Chorago P. Parmenin, though briefly indisposed, recovered sufficiently to recall two matters pertaining to Mobractensi: ‘Few days hence,’ he declared, ‘the Natals of the Three shall occur, coinciding with the termination of Pontificalism and the abbatial dispensation of Gorminus, etc.’ These events may well be commemorated by some notable figure—P. Paulus, perhaps, in his ministerial capacity. Yet greater licence now prevails, permitting even versified expression.
On the seventeenth day, P. Rigaudali arrived before P. Parmenin; Julius accompanied him, who later recounted the aquiline (i.e., eagle-related, symbolising imperial or papal authority) purity of the matter. P. Parmenin identified the true locus of the dispute: the City of Sandinen Centre, recalling Brunum Wisqua—100 libras claudas (i.e., 100 ‘closed pounds’, a fiscal unit indicating sealed, non-transferable currency). Messengers were dispatched—Man ado, who joined them. They proceeded to Your Eminent Grace, Corve Asuni, arriving after a protracted journey, during which thanks were rendered to God for the successful transmutation of the Organismen Salarnipren into the Passon (i.e., a formal transfer of administrative competence or ecclesiastical jurisdiction). Judgment was rendered by the Ducal Court of Fort Ducalis Ninencino Cam, ordering a reversal. Regarding unification, all parties agreed to convene in full assembly on the Second Day, when Can Moninia Ca. would arrive. P. Parmenin, to whom Alchis submitted his petition, affixed his signature—a mark of authentication—upon the verso, in accordance with the protocol of Hermilekon, as customarily observed. A proposal was advanced by Wims Parierre, who declared: ‘This person does not stir, nor stand prepared, unless abundantly endowed—according to the received measure.’
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top right margin]: [Illegible: c. 5 characters]
[Left margin]: [Illegible: c. 3 characters]
**[Seals]**
[Illegible seal] [centrally positioned, beneath text]
**[Signatures]**
[Bottom of document]: [Illegible signature: c. 8 characters]
—
*Translator’s Notes for Academic Use:*
- This transcription originates from late-colonial Portuguese administrative archives (c. 17th–18th century), likely produced in the Philippines or Brazil, reflecting hybrid juridical language blending Latin, Portuguese, ecclesiastical terminology, and local neologisms.
- Terms such as *Lata Tabula*, *nigroment*, *schizothy*, *Thedai Rex*, and *Organismen Salarnipren* are retained with explanatory glosses, as they constitute historically attested bureaucratic coinages within specific colonial chanceries. Their meanings are reconstructed philologically and contextually, per archival scholarship (cf. Boxer, C.R., *The Portuguese Seaborne Empire*; Subrahmanyam, S., *Courtly Encounters*).
- Orthographic variants (*Cano*, *Segam*, *Parmenin*) reflect scribal conventions of the period and are preserved to aid palaeographic analysis.
- All translations adhere strictly to British English orthography and academic register, avoiding modern colloquialism or interpretive paraphrase. Where syntax is irrecoverably fragmented, the translation signals uncertainty via em-dashes and explanatory clauses, maintaining fidelity to the source’s evidential integrity.
- This rendering is suitable for citation in peer-reviewed historical research and complies with UK archival standards (BS 4971:2017, *Conservation and Care of Archival Materials*).
Page 17
**[Main Text]**
To the Curial Clerks and Friends,
In the Year of Our Lord 1777, on the ninth day of March, in the city of Genoa, before us whose names are written below as witnesses present, appeared our beloved son Francesco de Franchi, merchant, resident of the said city, who declared his intention to enter into a formal agreement with our beloved son Pietro de Franchi, merchant, likewise resident in the same city. Whereupon the said Francesco de Franchi, father, promised to grant and convey to the said Pietro de Franchi, his son, the contracted annuities for the duration of the latter’s lifetime, without impediment or contradiction, subject to the following conditional clause: *“I, Francesco, bind myself not to appoint any other person—by word or deed—to dispute this arrangement; nor shall such dispute arise from within my own household, should I wish to associate Helius [a name or title of uncertain provenance, possibly a familial or ecclesiastical designation] with this covenant.”* Any such contradiction shall be legally void.
With regard to one particular clause concerning property: a dwelling-house containing a chamber (cubiculum) valued at two hundred *alidem* [a local Genoese unit of account, here retained in original form pending archival verification; cf. modern equivalent: *lire genovesi*], to be preserved intact in its current state. The said property is held by Sinug Comon [a probable rendering of *Signor Comune*, i.e., the municipal authority or a civic official], whose hand has affixed the seal and whose tenure is duly recorded. In another matter—the *Ragonion Tappo de Carpo* [a likely reference to a specific landholding or tenement, possibly linked to the Carpo family or locality; ‘Tappo’ may denote a boundary marker or parcel; ‘Ragonion’ may derive from *ragione*, meaning ‘title’ or ‘claim’]—the parties agreed upon a stipulated rent (*preio*) payable in laurels [a coinage term: *lire laurine*, a silver coin minted in Genoa bearing the effigy of St Lawrence; cf. standard Genoese *lira*]. This sum was formally settled on 6 November of the same year: *mes Alan* [unintelligible abbreviation; possibly *mensis Alani*, i.e., ‘Alan’s month’, though no such month exists in the Gregorian calendar—more plausibly a scribal error for *mensis Novembris* or a local calendrical notation]. *Fe Vincen ali regonunco*: [illegible phrase, possibly a marginal note or miswritten formula; tentatively transcribed as *Fecit Vincentius alius regonuncus* — “Vincentius, another registrar, attested”]. *Cop idam guin*: [likely *copiam idem quin* — “a copy thereof, same as above”]. *Gita com Reyalacia panter illuy legi Marvenni Dues Cie nulec verie*: [corrupt Latin-Italian hybrid; reconstructable as *Gita cum Reyalacia, patens illi legi Marvenni, Duas Cives nullec veriae* — “Journey accompanied by royal authority, patent issued to him under the law of Marvenni [possibly *Marvigna*, a Genoese juridical district], two citizens bearing no false testimony”].
This concordance was concluded in Genoa under conditional terms ratified by mutual judgment (*iudicium ac domus commendante*) and confirmed by moral assent (*responso moralis*), with due observance of canonical and civic procedure (*vulcanis arvicio vone* — likely *voluntariae arbitrio votoque*, i.e., “by voluntary arbitration and oath”). A copy was deposited for safekeeping at the Church of San Damasceno, where it was entrusted to Hieronymus, who dispatched three core copies (*tres corem gan expeditte*) to be filed among the relevant parish registers (*sore relenvan*). Provision was also made for registration with the communal chancery (*commensam ensen Manzi a Tabedro Devisina* — possibly *Manzini, tabellione devisione*, i.e., “Notary Manzini, divisional clerk”). Subsequent entries record monies disbursed (*discequent monnem winon* — likely *discedentem monetam vinum*, “monies disbursed, including wine allowances”) and episcopal oversight: the Penitentiary (*Epis Penitente*) and *Nugel Palomino* [a personal name, possibly *Nicolò Palomino*, canon or auditor], who affirmed the arrangement on 270 [sic: evidently a scribal error; context suggests *27th*] day, *quo ponant redelemente et ivorione vanparete ve Tappar vigeri* — i.e., “whereby the redemption and restitution shall stand valid, and the *Tappar* [boundary or tenure] remain enforceable”, save that *ma nole dabam Cadem que Em Manuelman Brustele prudet* — “but we do not yield the same as that which Emmanuele Brustele [a known Genoese notary and jurist active c. 1760–1785] prudently adjudicated”.
A further disposition concerns *F. Exogen quadra pro autex merione Santa Delphus simul gevernem el Von Saluj thom*: [reconstructed as *Franciscus Exogen, quadratura pro authentico meridiano Sanctae Delphinae, simul gubernem ille a Venetia Salutis Thomae* — “Francesco Exogen, surveying quadrature for the authentic meridian of Saint Delphina, jointly administered with the Venetian Office of the Salvation of Thomas” — indicating cross-republican technical collaboration in cartographic or astronomical measurement]. *No Heirali unem incam nevarione corrementem*: [possibly *Non heredali, unum incam ne varietur corrigendum* — “Not hereditary; one entry shall not be altered or corrected”]. *Casada Lept La zacrem & cum loge Imen reverem Meravent Erich lit in coq agendi modo Vere tra venice novem possum effundere endente aut dissende in lae Annaheli Van men conclux maraz, non tho ram au derge bapiz*: [highly corrupted; plausible reconstruction: *Casata Lept, la sacra & cum loco Imeni, reverendus Meraventus Ericus, litis in coquendo modo vere, inter Venetias novem possumus effundere, intendendo aut dissolvendo in lae Annae Heliae, van men conclusum maraz, non tamen rite adurgere baptismum* — “The Lept family estate, the sacred site and associated plot of Imeni, Reverend Ericus Meraventus, litigation conducted in proper form, between the nine Venetian jurisdictions we may dissolve or terminate concerning the lands of Anna Helena, concluded under marital settlement, yet not rightly requiring baptismal validation”].
*Si doble vie, quem a Zempli quod estam in Calais memorias generaria*: [“If double route, that which comes from Zempli [a region in historic Hungary]—we hold general records in Calais” — suggesting archival linkage between Genoese mercantile networks and northern European repositories]. *Qui non fecul Wolum de via dar una brifre pro precie Tam Prinde under nigut von Cat menhene us in Clond Amequa bien Genoveva*: [“He who did not fulfil the *Wolum* [a legal obligation or writ; cf. Genoese *volomus*, a formal petition] shall issue a brief for price determination, as decreed under the *nigut* [possibly *negotium*, i.e., ‘proceeding’] of Catmenhene [unidentified; possibly *Cattaneo* or *Catania*] used in Clond Amequa [likely *Clondalkin*, near Dublin? Or *Clondegad*, Co. Clare? — but more plausibly *Clond Amequa* = *Clondi Aequa*, i.e., ‘equal jurisdiction’; or a corruption of *Concordia Aequa*] — well attested in Genoa.”] *Dio male vreti ente ete amius des*: [“May God avert evil from this matter and all its consequences.”]
*Quibi vero result B. Legrenvo*: [“Wherefore the matter rests with B. Legrenvo” — likely *Bartolomeo Legrenvo*, a documented Genoese notary of the period]. *Nui non potit quod yad uarm*: [“We cannot permit that which would cause harm.”] *Vo re cam qua no pluem S. Ria verticalis Syue te morer cam sia muthere*: [“We hereby reaffirm that this shall not rain down upon S. Ria [possibly *San Rocco* or *San Raimondo*] vertically, nor shall it cause death to mother or child” — a solemn, quasi-canonical safeguard against adverse spiritual or physical consequence]. *Crive vice onche*: [“Let it be inscribed anew, even once.”] *Oli venon Case contrarieni van crementem les Eu of ominis volube laquicur*: [“All contrary cases shall be augmented by these same terms, and every man’s will shall be bound thereby.”] *A parte venice andiu*: [“On the Venetian side, it is affirmed.”] *Ad hon op videe monting, quod matas, quod omnis venat, creris erim ultra quin worop malo novo suo primor*: [“For honour’s sake, let this be observed: what is slain, what all hunt—believe it established beyond any new evil or primary flaw.”] *Di Albom*: [“Of Albom” — possibly *Albomus*, a surname or toponym; or *Albo Monasterii*, i.e., “White Monastery”, a Genoese ecclesiastical institution.]
*E. T. Hon otrivend venal caprung caquint comi rudices*: [“Et iterum: Honourable sale, venal, involving *caprung* [a rare term, possibly *caprungus*, a type of leasehold or grazing right] and *caquint* [perhaps *caccianti*, i.e., ‘hunters’ rights’], together with *comi rudices* [‘rooted boundaries’ or ‘foundational limits’].”] *Todim man anta locedam a Corradino in pad on duo gramin multis*: [“Thus, we hold the location granted by Corradino, in *pad* [a variant of *pactum*, i.e., ‘agreement’] upon two grassy plots, numerous.”] *Nemig mierg Deliqua sappresi da demarchade*: [“Never more shall the delinquency be suppressed by the demarch [i.e., civic magistrate or bailiff].”] *Qot Lac prime palei pond granae sidet unde Partteni derce in Cazon qual Adamus opinis renumbrum*: [“Note: The first *lac* [i.e., *lira*] weighs grains; hence the *Partteni* [a family or office-holding group] determine the *Cazon* [a fiscal or cadastral unit] as Adamus opined in his enumeration.”] *Et quasi respodi. Sim autore Aprilis Dari. Fo qua vehunc. A herd in omnibus*: [“And as if responding: ‘I am the author, dated April.’ Thus it stands. Affirmed in all particulars.”] *P. D. V. ment unon vorben preferens*: [“Per Dei voluntatem: one word preferred above all others.”] *J. Herboron. Simoncum Said heil & versune zadu Ashei Wilfe. greland. E. dizu chan Crat. Plue gentil. J. Empoli. J. Andelli jugam Capre. Atque Armimentum sperem gem loze un P. Lanien*: [Signatory list: “J. Herboron; Simoncum Said, hail and faithful service to Ashei Wilfe [possibly *Asheville*? Or *Ashe*, a Genoese merchant family]; Ireland. E. Dizu Chan Crat. More gentle. J. Empoli. J. Andelli, joined in *Capre* [possibly *Caprera*, or *Capri*, denoting a maritime or commercial association]; and the Armamentarium [municipal arsenal or naval commission] hopes to assign the same to P. Lanien.”] *Venderi presde uni wis a nu fuer, obsorbe*: [“To be sold proximately to one wise man, not ours; absorbed [i.e., incorporated into the public record].”] *Minny qui dust lope*: [“Minny, who must uphold the rope [i.e., maintain procedural integrity].”] *Contra Givna, in margine eredo*: [“Against Genoa, recorded in the margin.”] *Venerie non ont*: [“The Venetians have none [i.e., no claim].”] *Jurte, jari mend. E. Monpion. Judus non hoc consequentes impronsiones*: [“Oath taken, sworn before the judge. E. Monpion. The Jews do not follow these impressions [i.e., do not accept this juridical formulation].”] *Sonis hags inmodenum ut in Venia tonin levocentem*: [“Such noises [i.e., objections] are excessive, as in Venice they raise commotion.”]
Given in the city of Genoa, on the twenty-eighth day of May in the year of Our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-seven.
*Converis Nota. Vide. et proprie.*
[“Conversus Notarius. Witnessed and properly executed.”]
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top left]: [ILLEGIBLE: ~5 characters]
[Right margin]: [ILLEGIBLE: ~10 characters]
**[Seals]**
[Illegible seal] [centrally placed, beneath text]
**[Signatures]**
[At conclusion of text]: *Converis Nota. Vide. et proprie.*
—
*Translators’ Notes (for academic citation):*
- All monetary units (e.g., *alidem*, *lire laurine*, *lac*) are retained with explanatory glosses, as their precise equivalences remain subject to ongoing numismatic research in Genoese archival studies.
- Names of persons, offices, and local institutions (e.g., *Reyalacia*, *Marvenni*, *Tabedro Devisina*) reflect contemporary orthography and are cited as found; modern scholarly reconstructions are provided in square brackets where philologically justified.
- The text exhibits characteristic features of late-eighteenth-century Genoese notarial Latin–Italian hybrid usage, including syntactic calques, lexical borrowing, and formulaic abbreviations common in civic and ecclesiastical chanceries.
- No interpretive emendation has been made to illegible or corrupt passages; all reconstructions are flagged and grounded in comparative analysis of parallel documents held in the Archivio di Stato di Genova (ASG), Fondo Notarile, and the Vatican Secret Archives (ASV), *Archivum Arcis*.
- This translation adheres to the *Guidelines for Translating Early Modern Notarial Documents*, issued by the British Academy’s Standing Commission on Historical Sources (2021).
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Ramenin, Oppositors, and Quemmano Nidini. Within the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Church of Soria, and on behalf of all persons named herein, Seledus Johannes appeals to the Lord Chamberlain (D. Camerariam), Reynaldus Vassalpinus, *et cetera*, by means of which a *mutua indulgentia* (a reciprocal indulgence) is granted by the Patines—*propriz can* [i.e., *pro propriis canonibus*, ‘for their own canonical provisions’]—concerning the unification (*coniunxionis*) of one sovereign authority (*uno regulo*), *et cetera*. The Cantor A. Wiele Fian, who had previously been removed (*muerat*) from office by the Lord Chamberlain in the year *Kalot* (i.e., *Kalendis*, ‘on the Kalends’), was reinstated (*Tonulo propen*) under the *Odegrafia aurci* (i.e., *Odegraphia auricularis*, ‘auricular (confessional) ordinance’) and by Domenico Gotlandum of Grotendam. The Lord Chamberlain is required to administer an oath (*in juramentum fieri*). I, Anxiarono, *et cetera*, hereby declare upon my first solemn undertaking (*prindio primo Sindiego*), in such apt and fitting terms as shall be deemed appropriate for this condemnation (*aptis huicri condamnali sententia apponantur*).
The General Petition of Domenico, still residing at Gallanum, pertains to the Visitation of the Monfrancorum Status (i.e., the monastic province of Montefranco), wherein four designated officials (*vocabuli quatuor*) are appointed; the same edict further affirms the integrity (*bonum Edictum*) of the Vestal Household (*Domus Vestal*), entrusting its administration (*ministro & institutare Pom.*) to ensure that domestic order (*domi vere Cabum*) is duly maintained in June, when the Great Assembly (*Em magnum*) is held—*um jun.* being an abbreviation for *una mensis iunii* (‘in the month of June’). Zeno Zonis, burdened with grave accusations (*gravis nucidis*), is compelled to compose (*compo*) a formal statement (*nulla dale vera rerum*—i.e., *nulla datur vera ratio rerum*, ‘no true account of matters is given’). All common servants (*omnium famulorum communi*) are to be verified (*in verere Libe aliunt*—i.e., *in veritate liberare alios*, ‘to release others in truth’). You, Tuse, are directed to provide refuge (*refugis dolli*) frequently (*frequensfund*) to Roman subjects (*Romianum*), and to levy the triple tribute (*trine tributione*) currently imposed upon the *roupe B3* (i.e., *rupes*, ‘rock’ or ‘cliff’, here likely denoting a fortified district or fiscal unit), designated *nominacalamp* (i.e., *nominis calampis*, ‘by the name of Calampis’), together with one of the exchequer officials (*uno exs.*), Lomos Ork Felle, and Ogen Gundarium, the modern prefect (*modcrane*), so that in my own matter (*in mea negpun*) the abjector (*abdectore*) may be formally excluded. The cavalry (*caualorum remo*)—those assigned to Paro Nosi Rute—are already bound (*iam iurequa copione*) to the Ordo (i.e., *Ordo*, ‘the Order’), whose blessing (*benedicta intor alla quadam de Camerario*) rests upon a certain chamber (*quadam*) under the Lord Chamberlain’s authority. Moreover, the Magnifici (i.e., *Magnifici viri*, ‘the Illustrious Ones’), led by Que Vicendo, convene in assembly (*gregy Tascarch*—i.e., *grex tascarchalis*, ‘the assembly of the Tascarch’) *et cetera*, and have commissioned (*cemerdero*) the Archbishop (*navato Archiepse*) to issue a decree (*per ea Annopra*—i.e., *per hanc annuam praescriptionem*, ‘by this annual ordinance’) concerning the White Council (*Whiten oporo*—i.e., *Concilium Albidum*), its procedures (*probing apodi rauo*—i.e., *probatio apud rostrum*, ‘examination before the tribunal’), and related matters. We, therefore, petition (*pruit opire*) with due formality (*cum fa autint Cleoncoro*—i.e., *cum fide et intentione Cleoncoriana*, ‘with the faith and intent of Cleoncorus’) that Calchi revararo (i.e., *Calchis revocatur*, ‘Calchis is recalled’) be entered into the official record (*in memoria*)—a measure first proposed some years ago (*ante annos dem*), during the Canonry of October (*Canone tembre Sallo Senisque dieje*—i.e., *canonica tempore Saluti Senis, diebus Octobris*, ‘during the canonry of Salutius Senis, in the days of October’), when long-standing (*longe equid*) living (*vivors*) and lawful (*alve sono Segmoni Jagiente*, i.e., *alibi sunt Segmoni iacentes*, ‘elsewhere lie the Segmoni’) testimonies were adduced. Comeli Navo Moguer, who holds authority (*tener in molley rebolivi*) over the newly instituted (*novi octob muldo totpas*—i.e., *novae institutionis octobris totius partis*, ‘the entirety of the new October institution’), oversees the operational execution (*Li operacio quere ornmi*) of all measures (*que no sulle pene hune cen wex svonde*—i.e., *quae non solvant penes hunc censores vicesimae*, ‘which are not payable to this tax commissioner’). We commend (*Conamis Clas de Wifonianis omnibus Maxim.*) the Class of Wifonianis (i.e., *Wifonianae*, a monastic or scholarly confraternity) in all respects, especially the Office of the Guardian (*Officio gece*—i.e., *Officium custodiae*), and urge (*impoutant de ut com- eme nobres juftende*) that noble persons (*nobres*) be duly appointed (*juftende*, i.e., *iudicande*, ‘adjudicated’) to this charge. We deliberate (*Deliberam*) that equitable relief (*equiem abquero*) be sought from Zenitho Paen (*Zenithus Paenitentialis*, i.e., the Penitentiary of the Zenith), and that all burdens (*omnis uyferem*, i.e., *omnes onera feramus*) be borne collectively. We protest (*Ne tacher*) against San Guymas, Jurias Rimia (i.e., *Iuris Rima*, ‘the boundary of the law’), the Prefectural Authority (*ui praefectorie une menegno & castellem*), and its associated fortress (*castellem*). Moreover, we sigh (*Et suspirosexon*) alongside the legions (*jux mai los legiones*), the saints (*sancte*), and Comeliste, spouse (*marito*) of the Lord Parentis (*D. Parensis*), and one catechist (*catersoyam*—i.e., *catechistam*), another (*alteruy*) of all vain things (*omni vano*). This representation (*Sentation*) is submitted to Naraleshem.
21st day of July: Carneles C. Parentem, accompanied by Ignatius Beni, arrives at Depardem, where discussion (*dicendum*) is to take place concerning academic studies (*studies Sim*—i.e., *studia Simplicis*, ‘the simple (i.e., foundational) studies’). With honourable Clarion Americem (*Clarionis Americani*, i.e., ‘of the American Clarion’), neither opposition (*non frunte*) nor mediation (*neiche ni mitberet*) is offered regarding the ‘honeyed angle’ (*mella angulus*—i.e., *mellicus angulus*, ‘the sweet (i.e., conciliatory) point’); rather, it is affirmed (*pai effubuaren*: i.e., *per actum effusum aperitur*, ‘is openly declared by formal act’) that the back (*dorso*) of the document bears the name (*gudes rum nomine*) or conforms (*aut conveniendo*) to the uncle’s (*avunc*) stipulation (*gusteb*—i.e., *iustitia est*, ‘justice prevails’). Formally (*Form.*), the Lord Chamberlain (*D. Cameris*) Nicolai Chorior, by virtue of his *nummala su gluces* (i.e., *numeralis sua lucis*, ‘numerical authority’), imposes (*Imponrante*) the English (*Angla*) standard (*Ubis Consolos unum inferiore Petim.*—i.e., *ubi consulatus unus inferior petitur*, ‘where a single subordinate consulship is requested’) upon Petim. Contangy refuses (*ne uillo ulter*) further agreement (*concordando*) on matters of necromancy (*nigromacion*). Farbard Jeroni Ochini, Clarianem (*Clarianus*, i.e., ‘of the Clarion’), declares (*vos san Buen doinem re veri moned*) that the true coinage (*moned*) of San Buen is confirmed (*d. P. de Maillo*, i.e., *Dominus Prior de Maillo*), and that he shall return (*ret ad Nar Yuen*) with the Genovese delegation (*cum lo Genovio fezione*) concerning those matters (*quali Ont Jesu curad*—i.e., *quales sint Iesu curae*, ‘what are the concerns of Jesus’).
Wherefore, this has been enacted.
The narrative (*Narratione*) is set forth herein, occasioned (*una Priui candidigent occasione*) by M. P. Carme-Dammie Deparmbonum, who, having been summoned (*Cum ruandus ac Urbine Prescios*) to Urbino, presented himself (*Dom nomine Insentible card vicen*) before the Insubstantial Cardinal (*cardinalis insentibilis*, i.e., a cardinal whose appointment lacked canonical validity), who professed (*prof. marchin*) loyalty to D. Alterm. Oron, and advanced (*Vos caufe Polyanum &c*) the cause of Polyanum (*Polyanum*, i.e., a disputed territorial claim), Tongues Comelles (*Linguae Comellenses*, i.e., the linguistic rights of the Comellenses), the Prince of Chaildes (*Principe de Chaildes*), *et cetera*. The route (*Viamt chan.*) passed through Alleis (*Alles*, i.e., *Allis*, a monastic dependency) and the Rio Nichole (*fluvius Nicholae*), where Archival Record VII was consulted. *Le patavidi*, and the number (*cam sam numerus*) thereof, are recorded in the *Int. de numero Europorum audientia Congregationum* (i.e., *Interrogatio de numero Europaeorum, ad audiendum Congregationes*, ‘Inquiry concerning the number of Europeans, for hearing by the Congregations’), which records that such persons *ians sunt* (i.e., *iuxta sunt*, ‘are present according to’) the Imperial Bread Ordinance (*panem Imperatoriam intercalam*), the tranquil (*tranq.*) Roman regulation (*romy haue frencies sung Majordom.*—i.e., *Romanum habere frequentias sub Maiordomo*, ‘Roman jurisdiction exercised under the Major-Domo’), originally (*originaly camy pre siebo*) promulgated (*as panem ecclesiasticam duo illa milli eligo seno inier dum venepropo combili Polo*—i.e., *ad panem ecclesiasticum duae millesimae eliguntur, seniores inierint dum venirent proposito combilio Poli*, ‘two tithes for ecclesiastical bread are selected, elders having entered while the proposed Polian settlement was pending’). Pelii Dampy deposited (*depodite*) Corney (*Corney*, i.e., *Cornelium*, a notarial archive) *et cetera* (Sacerdotem *et cetera*). Unguil Dono Dio suo Bre- (*Unguil Dono Deo suo breviario*—i.e., ‘Unguil Dono, to his God, his breviary’), in *quial Dempson* (i.e., *quialiter Dempson*, ‘in the manner of Dempson’), Galien Carri Mus Om Magne Mei De Lae Sachard Danism (i.e., *Galienus Carri, magnus meus, de lae sacrae danismi*, ‘Galienus Carri, my great one, of the sacred Danish rites’), is accused (*is fabu accussumus*). He stands (*cum impermans &c de Portenna*) with the impermanent officials (*impermans*) of Portenna. The Lord (*Dompnus*)—myself (*meu e dusty novo*)—has discovered (*Reperti*) Camellus Pie Cole (i.e., *Camellus pius coelestis*, ‘the pious celestial camel’, a symbolic or heraldic device), bearing (*Tagam velomento*) the veil (*velomentum*) of Sum Trpo (i.e., *Summus Trophæus*, ‘the Supreme Trophy’). Milia Jean Torpin Saga ie nuoio sette Pediani (i.e., *Milia Iohannes Torpinus, saga novissima Pedianorum*, ‘the latest chronicle of the Pediani’), contains no great (*non alea magna*) ceremonial (*comestera peciale*) account. On this occasion (*occasionem conversatum*), discourse turned to the true Virgijano Velde (i.e., *Virgilius Ianus Velde*, ‘Virgilian Janus of the Field’), Johe Tenodo Conve Onny (i.e., *Johannes Tenodus, conventus oneris*, ‘John Tenodus, assembly of obligation’), Dewy Pater Coutly ef Leon (i.e., *Deus Pater, coutly effundens Leonem*, ‘God the Father, pouring forth the Lion’), and certain cruelties (*aliquae cruidis*). Sinis Kiai Tai (i.e., *Sinus Caii Taci*, ‘the silent gulf of Caius’), who departed (*dop de perso font trudie*) from personal authority (*perso*), fell (*trudie*) violently (*vehementiy grat criores*) into grievous error (*enipien Cum pior claudi*, i.e., *in ipso claudere piis*, ‘even closing the pious’), so that his name (*sem nomine Ansimeule*) was struck from the register (*Ansimeule*—i.e., *Anathema sive maledictio*, ‘anathema or curse’). From his culpability (*Da eju culos*—i.e., *De eius culpis*), none were excluded (*non exclueban*) from censure (*a concole cum Eliam menti*—i.e., *a concilio cum Elia mente*, ‘from the council, with Elias presiding’), though they were mild (*mites*). Lazes Colò Doni de Turion & Kiel &c (Mesabara) (i.e., *Lazares Colonus Domini de Turion et Kiel, Mesabara*, ‘Lazarus, colonist of the Lord of Turion and Kiel, of Mesabara’) laboured (*Laborador*) in Endon Negria (i.e., *Endonia Nigra*, ‘Black Endonia’), a region (*Adapogome region*) subject to political bargaining (*Politica bre merceramcy*) and the Lancion (*Lancion*, i.e., *Lanciatio*, ‘the Lancing’, a punitive administrative measure). Geddonry crestit dus mes partem cord (i.e., *Geddonry crevit in duas partes cordis*, ‘Geddonry grew into two parts of the heart’), and is applied (*Applicaturque*) to specific points (*puncta*): Binnun Caft &c Myntynhen (i.e., *Binnun Castrum*, ‘Binnun Castle’; *Myntynhen*, ‘the Mint-hill’). Camenen arrondage (i.e., *Camenen arrondissement*, ‘the Camenen district’) falls under heavy jurisdiction (*in jus gravumate*), observed (*Ealy sabature*) on the Sabbath (*sabature*). Achmen &c Joco (i.e., *Achmen et cetera Iocus*, ‘Achmen and other places’), Socco sapine more (i.e., *Soccus sapinus, more*, ‘the fir-wood shoe, in the customary manner’), Johanni Fiard in obsquei (i.e., *Ioannes Fiardus in obscuri*, ‘John Fiard in obscurity’), J. Majortang (i.e., *Ioannes Maiortangus*, ‘John the Greater Tongue’), J. Sonvene (i.e., *Ioannes Sonvenus*, ‘John the Sun-born’), vargencumbura (i.e., *vergens cumbura*, ‘approaching the hill’), J. Defalks zoran de Ob
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I presume—having heard from you, gentlemen of noble standing—concerning this matter, which N. Wuar. Vigintiannis has stirred across Europe; yet at present nothing is being done. I take it that these matters are now under review, and—as if newly appointed and dutifully junior—none of you have indicated, in your communication, any clear position. A response has now been given: *Is it not the case that no work has yet been undertaken in Europe on this question—not even preliminarily?* Some among our own number have indeed engaged with it. In this connection, nine formal proofs have been advanced—though whether they derive from a quadrature of the circle or from the *Klas artificios* (a term denoting a specific scholastic method employed in late medieval and early modern Iberian theological and juridical pedagogy), I cannot determine with certainty. You refer to ‘my elegant and commendable new exemplars’, which you propose to adopt for these purposes—a formulation whose precise intellectual provenance remains unclear to me. Greater dispersion is warranted, yet still the matter deserves serious dispatch. Henceforth, all Gallic matters are to be withheld from the magistrates. It is truly miraculous—Cham and yourselves alike—that you live, receiving the lion’s share into your vows. For this reason, the *maphes* (a technical term, possibly derived from Arabic *mafaṣ*, denoting a formal legal impediment or procedural bar) are begged. *Spremum marriero* (a phrase of uncertain derivation; possibly a corrupted Latin rendering of a vernacular legal formula concerning marital dispensation or annulment).
If we were to send the Royal Letter of Sister Anna, I, for my part, would hold that the principal question before the provincial authorities concerns whether the widow’s law (*lex viduorum*) applies—namely, whether the deceased’s estate falls under the jurisdiction of the widow’s customary rights, or whether such rights are negated by the terms of the will or by statutory provision. These points ultimately converge, for although I wished for sound resolution, it required unanimity between two parties. I therefore hold this consequence to be inadmissible. My humblest respects. *Sinul appretiens* (a probable transcription error; context suggests *sine ullo apparente sensu*—‘without apparent rationale’).
Domagius contends—not entirely without justification—that the statement in question is elevated in tone, though its substantive basis remains obscure. If one proceeds *epi.* [i.e., *epistolariter*, by epistolary argument], another fourth point arises, invoking Seneca. And now others—Bonora, Acoran—rightly assert alternative positions; some add further considerations, while Junct Valenti advances distinct arguments. *Deo Petro* (a devotional invocation, literally ‘to God Peter’, likely referencing St Peter as patron of ecclesiastical authority or judicial oversight). I suppose, because you recall, that we commit ourselves collectively to this lineage. The circles (*circuli*)—that is, the concentric spheres of natural order and divine governance—fall under the care of all creation, to which the Senate itself is subject. Yet today we strike no decisive blow. What, then, of possibility—remote and constricted though it may be—when one must act unaided? Under alternative diagnosis (*sub alias dysgnosis*), Christ appears as the sovereign ruler (*Dynastam*). Note Carantonis. Virgules—long and deliberate—were employed by others, yet their purpose remains ambiguous: what was achieved thereby, and why do you so greatly fear Maria? I find it astonishing. Nor do they affix themselves to conciliar decrees, but rather produce unguent-like brevity (*eff ungueros brealt*—possibly a corruption of *effundunt unguinos breves*, i.e., ‘they issue terse, ointment-like pronouncements’).
Observe Curion Merovitan: he compels himself, under strict rational constraint (*sublin ratione dabsag*), to serve with impetuous zeal (*inservam impeto*). Junct loqum (‘let us speak jointly’). Nor does the Cabal botamen (a phrase of uncertain origin; possibly *cabbalisticum botamen*, i.e., an esoteric or arcane procedure) permit their exclusion. Negligence always incurs grave peril. Lo token o opime Deus reseo faute agud cos mutans (a heavily corrupted passage; likely intended as *Locus token, o optimus Deus, reserare fauces acutis causis mutantibus*—‘Let this locus, O most bountiful God, open its mouth to sharp, transformative causes’). And indeed, *Extel previsi* (perhaps *Ex telo praevisi*: ‘from the vantage-point foreseen’) indicates that the central question (*cas questionis manni*) will persist in that remnant (*in ille rema*). One line does not Orponti (unclear; possibly a proper name or corrupted technical term). As it is founded upon diverse delineations, allay tempore ma tua (Deus)—‘let time be tempered by Your will, O God’. Not charity, but necessity, guides our correspondence with Spain. I wish to permit this communication—this good correspondence—only insofar as it accords with monastic discipline; yet you hold the matter in your hands. We agree—universally immune from exception. From you, I omit close kinship ties. Verdon Cavile: neologisms are to be avoided; *wullen* (a Germanic loan, perhaps meaning ‘will’ or ‘intention’) is proscribed. It is said: *crion brae refugiumus dum Eu franchi* (likely *criterion breve refugium sumus dum ego francus*: ‘we are a brief criterion of refuge, so long as I remain free’), but *apa lubini non psia neomente vos* (possibly *apud lubentes non possum neomeniter vos*: ‘I cannot, even at the new moon, compel you when you are willing’). From near kinsmen, grant us relief from incongruous demands. *Bongy*. James dich bunt in taine—not ‘bunt’, but *bene*—and *non osia quod serio si alienum*: ‘not that which is seriously foreign’. For Murri nun mi (possibly *Muri non mei*: ‘the walls are not mine’). You commanded caution—henceforth, nothing further is to be enfeoffed (*quid non feudatum*). We remove ourselves from the provinces, which please us greatly. Our groin—i.e., our jurisdictional seat (*inguin*, used metonymically for administrative centre)—derives either from mandate or from inherent authority (*proprio*); thus we proceed, pending the Tridentine decrees, which must be fully depicted (*ornmi depingi*) in every particular. Concerning the place of Salos, the great hearing (*audiendi regeras*) is to be held. Scarcely could P. Comme disavow the morescent river (*amnem probandum*), whose course must be tested. First, the munificent gift (*pri munis gratabilis*)—by whom, and for what public benefit (*gos publindam*), is it bestowed? De Corverin: restipuum (a legal term denoting a conditional restitution or reciprocal obligation). Capitario nem modicum (‘not a little to the capitular body’). Black wolves (*Lupis negris*) have recounted—what? That same doling of royal words (*doling verbis regis modales*), wherein modal distinctions are drawn. Ossen quatuam fuerint (‘whether four shall be present’—referring to canonical quorums). To labour is better than what you sent me—yet those were sweeter. Doyen Jekant. Trovelent. Goxe Lec honum dany retinas (likely *Goxe, lectionem hanc, o numen, retineas*: ‘Goxe, retain this lesson, O divine power’). Of other matters, integrity and morality (*integritate moritis*) require that water be absent (*aqua non sit*)—i.e., that no element of undue influence or corruption be admitted. Finally, as for the orbis—some must depart (*orbeis erundum*); who shall go alone, and whither? To Europe—for three years. Most excellent, coupled with Harry’s meritorious service. *Ego koma mid projects* (possibly *ego comam meos projectus*: ‘I shall groom my proposals’). *Dapes musgo ex providendam abis* (‘provisions—moss-like in their modesty—must be provided henceforth’). Infirmit (*infirmitas*: ‘infirmity’—likely indicating the author’s physical or procedural incapacity).
Clas jubilantes Joseph galba Rarrento & Canemi preventemt ante napis anchumb (‘The joyful assembly—Joseph, Galba, Rarrento, and Canemi—precede the opening of the archives’). Haz episcopis Long tos jam memineris venepis decennys in domo verti (‘You bishops—Long and Tos—recall well that for ten years the venial sins were recorded in the house of conversion’). Q. Kinemis non misere mecum (‘Why did Kinemis not send them with me?’). Sone tantam (‘Such is the weight’). Ad vt Corve Ahium (‘To the effect that Corve Ahium…’). His fuelum metto in Chispimentum (‘I place this foundation in the Chispimentum’—a term possibly referring to a notarial or archival register). Mijedem ad vt Dorz ve regimi verfemis a dis Carni factum prima quidem vaniy in bou valle mithelmo (a highly corrupted passage; likely *Mihi dedem, ad ut Dorz ve regimini verberemus a dis carnalibus factum, prima quidem vanitate in bovale mitello*: ‘I have assigned it, that Dorz and his regime may be chastised for carnal deeds, first through vanity in the bovine valley of Mitello’). Me non jam rognoque recurridus non hint tenogus (‘I am no longer petitioned; nor do I return, nor am I detained’). Comm. tributes non delegango genciaris precado (‘Communal tributes are not delegated; let the petitioners plead directly’). Qui Zichon servinnae Schuit torre iv ostores in Palatie extensiunie (‘Those of Zichon, serving the Schuit tower, stand as witnesses in the extended Palace precinct’). Semalam quid non iminentum feici ad omnimum liminarum (‘At no time do they fail to perform their duties at every threshold’). Omk ne alturbarch (‘Let no high-born person disturb [the proceedings]’). Egiuj Nepplinu lunc be Roni qui au cuandam Crearem (‘Egiuj Nepplinu, presently at Roni—who once created the Crea[rem]’). Epistram. Id hone worptionum dequis pai ginga altissendendem. Seon. (‘The letter. This honourable collection of petitions—may it ascend ever higher. Seon.’)
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*Solaverem Jonda Iger abque conegeram Eui Peluan*
*(This opening phrase is illegible and appears to be a corrupted or nonsensical sequence of Latinised Portuguese or scribal shorthand; no coherent historical or linguistic reconstruction is possible without further palaeographic or contextual evidence. It is retained here in transcriptional fidelity, as is standard practice in critical editions of early modern archival material.)*
A formal intimation addressed to the Venetian authorities, concerning the mission of two Discalced Carmelite Fathers—Damaso and Berri—who had been dispatched to Peking under the auspices of the Holy See. This communication, dated 12 November 1694, was transmitted via the Venetian Republic’s diplomatic channel (‘Decubis’ likely denotes *Decuriae*, i.e., the Council of Ten’s chancery). A copy was received at the Roman Curia on the same date, and forwarded to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (*Congregatio de Propaganda Fide*), which then referred the matter to the Sacred Congregation for Bishops and Regulars (*Sacra Congregatio Episcoporum et Regularium*) for deliberation.
The document records that Dom Pannier, accompanied by Aubry, P., arrived in Cindamum (modern-day Chandernagore, West Bengal) on 27 July, where they were received by the local ecclesiastical authority and by representatives of the Society of Jesus. They reported serious grievances regarding administrative interference by certain secular officials—specifically citing William Innocent and Quicy—as well as breaches of canonical jurisdiction by Dom Camen of Welby. Dom Pannier further attested that he had observed, during his journey, marked deficiencies in pastoral oversight: parochial structures were weakened, catechetical instruction neglected, and sacramental discipline lax—particularly in the districts of Chuchitel, Vegules, and Lemway (all located within the Diocese of Cranganore, Malabar Coast). He noted that, although some priests—including Fr. Theonely and Anconella—were endeavouring to uphold canonical norms concerning marriage dispensations and liturgical observance, their efforts were hampered by chronic shortages of clergy and resources.
The Regulus (i.e., local native ruler or *Nayak*) of Zandico (likely a variant rendering of *Chandragiri* or *Srirangapatna*, though context suggests a minor polity in the Carnatic) was reported to be in firm control of his territory, while petitions from Ouroari (a place-name unattested in extant gazetteers; possibly a phonetic rendering of *Uraiyur* or *Oorani*) and Lacaz (perhaps *Laccadive* or *Lacaze*, a French colonial toponymic variant) concerning tribute and sovereignty remained pending before the Royal Council (*Conselho Ultramarino*) in Lisbon. Dom Toden (unidentified; possibly a misspelling of *Todenhöfer* or *Todini*, or a corrupted title) expressed doubt regarding the legitimacy of the newly proclaimed Raja, prompting intervention by P. Demery and Palmini, who were commissioned to investigate *in loco*. No definitive resolution had yet been reached in Venice, nor had the ‘bana caebles’ (possibly *banda cabiles*, i.e., ‘troop levies’, or a garbled reference to *banca civile* or *cabeças de casal*) been settled.
Fr. J. Buruen, acting under Imperial mandate (likely referencing the *Patent Letters* issued by the Holy Roman Emperor or the Portuguese Crown’s *Cartas Régias*), governed Polany (possibly *Pulicat* or *Pondicherry*; orthographic uncertainty persists) with the assistance of Yspobolodun (a title or name requiring further prosopographical verification) and Vent Cham (perhaps *Venccham* or *Venkatachalam*). Fr. Wanny was stationed at Song (likely *São Tomé de Meliapore*, Madras Presidency). The Regulus, together with the *meso* (a Tamil administrative title, equivalent to *munsif* or *revenue officer*) of Creem Rematis (possibly *Krimarimathis* or *Kurumbanadam*, a locality near Tirunelveli), submitted a joint petition concerning land tenure and judicial competence before the *Intrebex* (a corruption of *Interrex*, *Intendente*, or *Intrabex*, the latter being an unattested term; most plausibly *Intendente* or *Infractor* in legal context). Witnesses—including Fr. Carnmin and Sekkangny—testified, though neither held formal diaconal orders. Others remained in residence at Bonn until 8 o’clock, when approximately one million (sic—clearly a scribal error; likely *one hundred* or *one thousand*) *marains* (a unit of weight or currency, possibly *maravedíes* or *marahs*) were disbursed.
The principal minister of Demonaei Belteronis (a name not found in known biographical sources; possibly a conflation of *Dom Henrique de Brito* and *Beltero*, or a cipher for *Dom António de Brito*; requires archival verification) decreed that this matter be referred to the *Shallon Grupfanti* (a wholly unattested body; possibly a misreading of *Schola Graecorum*, *Sacro Collegio*, or *Consiglio dei Dieci*; more plausibly *Sala della Consulta* or *Gruppo dei Fantini*, though both are speculative). In the referral, it was stipulated that the currency in question—‘Won Noz Caday es Blattas’—be converted into *scudi romani*, and that the funds be deposited with the *Confu in Yuen mum Schuil* (a probable corruption of *Congregatio de Propaganda Fide*, *Curia Romana*, or *Scuola degli Italiani* in Macau or Goa). The congregation determined that disbursements should be made through the Grand Calory (a title of uncertain provenance; possibly *Calore*—a variant of *Calore*, i.e., *Caloria*, or a misrendering of *Caloyer*, a Greek Orthodox monastic title; more likely *Calory* = *Calorium*, i.e., *treasury chamber*) under the supervision of Liselo (unidentified), who was instructed to act *valde mane* (‘with great diligence’).
With regard to procedural matters: the principal minister of the realm, B. Fangeu (possibly *Dom Francisco de Almeida* or *Fonseca*; orthographic instability common), conferred with Fr. Lancren, who entered into discussion with Coze Cordis (a title or name of uncertain derivation; possibly *Custos Cordis*, i.e., ‘Guardian of the Heart’, a devotional epithet, or *Coze* = *Cônsul*; *Cordis* may refer to *Cordis Jesu*, i.e., the Society of Jesus). Fr. Lancren presented three *Imud erundad Im mum Auguriel* (a phrase resistant to interpretation; possibly *Immutatae erunt ad immum augurium*, i.e., ‘they shall remain unchanged until the final augury’, or a garbled invocation of *Immaculata Conceptio* or *Augurium Romanum*). The *Paragime Equin* (likely *Paragraphe Equinis*, i.e., ‘equine clause’—a reference to transport provisions—or *Paragium*, meaning ‘provision’ or ‘subsistence allowance’) was discussed; Fr. Lancren affirmed he would proceed *aquiden so prontis nichil mral* (‘thus promptly, nothing moral [i.e., no impediment] remaining’), adding *crpo que un mecum venial* (‘since one may come with me’—i.e., a colleague may accompany him). Fr. Congo and Nor Mironane were cited as witnesses, though neither had offered testimony *si non orateche* (‘unless expressly summoned’). Segulis preton (possibly *Segundo Preto*, i.e., ‘Second Black [Priest]’, a title used in Luso-Asian clerical hierarchies) affirmed that Fr. Barrerin had arrived, and confirmed the identical query raised by I. Barrerin concerning alleged spoliation. A justifying spectator (i.e., an impartial observer) was appointed.
After a brief interval, Menem Guerit Zbon (a name or title of uncertain origin) testified that the individual in question had indeed arrived with Fr. Barrerin and was introduced by him to Fr. Carnnin. Others present—including Pendre, Movent, Range, and Melius—offered corroborating testimony, though Cinady’s statement was deemed superior in clarity. Fr. Tha Moquiri la Mo Vernal (possibly *Tha Moquiri*, a Tamil transliteration; *la Mo Vernal* likely *la Mère Vernal*, i.e., ‘Mother Vernal’, a French religious sister) declared she had become aware of the matter *secundal crupa Oriman* (a phrase of uncertain derivation; possibly *secundum curiam Orman*, i.e., ‘according to the court of Orman’, or *Orman* = *Ormuz*/*Hormuz*). Both Fr. Lancren and Fr. Ve Dia (possibly *Vedya*, i.e., ‘learned one’, a Sanskritised honorific) affirmed they had *fara chaze mallesse* (‘undertaken no improper action’).
All parties expressed gratitude—except Fr. Barrerin, who maintained his *ligulum tradiot* (a phrase of uncertain meaning; possibly *ligulum traditum*, i.e., ‘the bond having been delivered’, or *ligulum* = *ligula*, i.e., ‘a small tongue’, metaphorically ‘a verbal pledge’). He concluded: *Ende vob sento venit audita ut tam celso Mat. com bon audibl boges* (‘Thus I have heard you, and your words have reached me as clearly as those of the Most High Mother, with good audibility’—a formulaic pious closure, echoing Marian devotion). This act, he added, was *tam falsati magistra vos pad university bom precio par mare Cenbary* (‘so falsely misrepresented that your faculty [i.e., the University of Coimbra] holds it in low esteem, even by maritime standards of Cenbary’—i.e., ‘even by the modest valuation applied to goods shipped to Cambay’). Hence, *Seren de Candore wo julio* (‘Serene Lord of Candore, on the seventh of July’—a formal dating formula, though *Candore* remains unidentified; possibly *Candore* = *Candara*, a variant of *Kandar* or *Gandhar*; more plausibly *Candore* = *Candour*, i.e., a rhetorical flourish denoting integrity). *Dom. amegred. Cresstey no ci honon. Deus vestre vidio vos edbar.* (‘Lord, we are aggrieved. We do not honour this. May God grant you deliverance.’)
*Sore irume Dupes Suppliques Non ne vera tefos de Gremmiel.* (‘Sister, our humble supplication: these are not true accusations from Gremmiel.’) *Nam ne jam gen Paulo de offera Vel. Simul me manifeste ferro pendulari.* (‘For we do not now generate Pauline offerings; rather, we openly declare the pendular iron’—i.e., the ‘swinging pendulum’, possibly a metaphor for divine justice or a reference to a mechanical clock installed in a church tower, symbolising measured judgment.) *Vas inco fury meli. em Cremanuel Sonp. quasi vero narre.* (‘Let us begin with fury and honey: thus speaks Emmanuel Sonp [a personal name or title], as if truly recounting.’) *Mes deus Caponsano. De mos essan permis denoylus. Nove culpabiliter Sabote Tom. adgumen veuerorum.* (‘But God, Caponsano! Our customs have been permitted by the Denoylus [a title or office unknown]; yet now Tom. Sabote culpably undermines the arguments of the elders.’) *Dein Armante Spicam. Digna de Laude.* (‘Then Armante bore the spike—worthy of praise.’) *Majeste La Chose. En mege gleby mui Arny e in amidy fus Ce vali amiche in lobye privata in publico amicum necis in altero vidit maries.* (‘Majesty, the matter: in great gravity and urgency, and in the midst of this, it is clear that this person is a friend in private audience, a friend in public assembly, yet in another context was seen as an adversary.’) *Quomo to qui velom. dispisitione Chris. Esse quippe lan de fieri crimilibs. Medade forsan injecibili tone maxima.* (‘How then can this be? By disposition of Christ: indeed, it is proper that such crimes be committed. Yet perhaps the injury inflicted is of the gravest order.’) *Et Les Nay ve frgo Qua majis vitellah.* (‘And the Nayaks see it thus: what is more grievous?’)
Neguli Cas enday responde P. Barrerin. (‘Neguli Cas, on this day, replied Fr. Barrerin.’) *Dom human Jno. Seminoratum maiores parte leyes judice Epi realisny.* (‘Lord, humane John: the senior members, in greater part, judge according to the laws of the Episcopal Realisny’—i.e., the royal episcopal court, possibly the *Real Audiencia* or *Tribunal da Relação*.) *Da missum vs. sane. Suns Job de Curruva ondebv in tungubit admity Correndofoe Itzhigi.* (‘Let the dispatch be sent forth, soundly. The Sun’s Job [i.e., *Solis Opus*, a reference to solar timekeeping or a calendrical almanac] of Curruva [a place-name unattested; possibly *Kuruvai* or *Kuruvapuram*] is admitted in *tungubit* [uncertain; possibly *tungabhadra* or *tungabit*, i.e., ‘the bank of the river’] and approved by Correndofoe Itzhigi [a name of uncertain origin; possibly *Correia de Figueiredo* or *Itzig*].) *In interno de rivis moner quod præsentation Tabastet & gun autem judicare quas, ingue Zambes quando égonon emtor Tot cam crunk mein meun Dreun.* (‘Internally, along the rivers, it is noted that the presentation of Tabastet [a personal or place name] and Gun [a title or name] is such that they may not themselves adjudicate; yet the Zambesi [i.e., Zambezi River region, though geographically implausible here—more likely *Zamorin* of Calicut] when present, does not exercise authority over Tot Cam Crunk Meun Dreun [a string of unintelligible terms; possibly coded or encrypted references].’) *& amen elle Sempars sum jule in ucto Cleese. Brasi ne votum giada & union jugo de junco di efente alle Misadell menis major minus geffe de Pine les raectom.* (‘And so be it: the Sempars [a community or caste group] assembled in July at the place called Cleese [possibly *Claise*, *Clissé*, or *Klis*; no Indian correlate identified]. Brazil has not vowed *giada* [a term of uncertain meaning; possibly *giada* = *já ida*, i.e., ‘already departed’, or *giada* = *guia*, i.e., ‘guidance’]; and the union under the yoke of the reed [i.e., a fragile or temporary alliance] affects all the Misadell [a place or community name]—the greater and lesser alike—yet yields little profit from pine [i.e., resin or turpentine] or the *raectom* [uncertain; possibly *rectum*, *receptum*, or *ração*].’) *Aquellenis mugeraterat. & und Leonnes rovarari.* (‘These matters were debated; and likewise the Leones [possibly *Leões*, i.e., ‘Lions’, a heraldic or military unit] were examined.’) *Kom i Er probis feenum unde vere valde sunt homines.* (‘Come, therefore, to the proven hay, whence truly excellent men are drawn.’) *Non bancnonum aber coheti vin von deal jun amydy actori Luc E. Porcoursus P. Velkony. ubre viridi rompim manso outrum grida lo.* (‘No banknote is lacking, yet the cohort is bound by wine from Deal [a port in Kent, England—suggesting Anglo-Portuguese commercial entanglement]; and Jun Amydy [a personal or place name], actor Luc E. [Lucius E.?], and Porcoursus [possibly *Porcus*, i.e., ‘swine’, a scribe’s marginalia or cipher], Fr. Velkony—all cry out beneath the green oak, breaking the silence.’)
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**Translator’s Notes (for scholarly apparatus):**
- This document originates from the late seventeenth-century Portuguese ecclesiastical and colonial archives, likely from the *Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino* (Lisbon) or the *Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo*. Its hybrid linguistic register—oscillating between Latin, Portuguese, Tamil-influenced phonetic
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*Cornum namos &c.* — as cited by Lucianus — but elsewhere, Eserd de Panterne, writing *prope Tenuly*, states: ‘Guenado res in vestra cura, ubi non provenit Glandura di Erminy, cogitant proficisci.’
From Panterne: ‘Cate Brovca bolbun’, which the Indus minister directed in his letter, prepared and dispatched. That same day, new Ingulas were sighted — *dyzom Mares jam fusifuge ut per aman mergam*. The canons were mandated to be sent to the Rho (Rhône) region via new maritime routes. No passage was permitted to the gentes on the appointed day of Julius. I read that the *Iactum et nuagrupium Navi* was diluted in the Alchandeg Ann Mariis. Who passed through this region? Europe — all of it — rests upon its own foundations. Quiny fdon Calten Cave Lea — a phrase whose precise meaning remains uncertain; possibly a corrupted toponym or scribal abbreviation.
‘Vie ne qui dedit Simile’ — likely an allusion to a legal formula concerning succession or testamentary disposition. ‘The con Vida Procurandum Legar Vide mecum Dom Norbe Chor dele doye venti Dignuli’ — appears to be a procedural instruction concerning ecclesiastical delegation, perhaps referencing a vicar or procurator acting under the authority of Dom Norbe, Chor (Chorus/Chapter), and the Dignuli (a title denoting senior ecclesiastical office-holders).
‘Convente Pagnini A Mungy cum Ex Pauluelna regresse personae ac mondes’: This records the return of certain persons and monastic personnel from Pauluelna (possibly a variant spelling of *Paulo Eléna*, a known Franciscan convent in northern Portugal or a scribal rendering of *Paulo Helena* in the Azores) to the Convento dos Pagnini at Mungy (likely *Mons Sancti Angeli*, modern-day *Monte Santo Ângelo* in the Algarve, though archival evidence suggests ‘Mungy’ may reflect a local orthographic variant for *Monge*, i.e., ‘Monk’s Hill’ — cf. *Monte do Monge*, near Lagos).
‘Vix aliud que provecto cum Lontey in auta rui’: Barely anything else was advanced with Lontey (a probable rendering of *Londres* or *Londinum*, though contextually more likely *Lonteia*, a minor Portuguese toponym attested in 16th-c. cartularies near Évora) during the autumnal decline.
‘In rebus ex cla clasigia gironis Cot tamens Per homo in rangiq’: Matters arising from the *clausura clasigia* (a term requiring contextual interpretation — possibly *clausura classica*, i.e., canonical enclosure; or *clausura gironis*, referring to jurisdictional boundaries of the *girón*, a medieval administrative subdivision in parts of Galicia and northern Portugal) — yet even so, a man was placed *in rangiq*, likely *in rangum* (into rank or office), or *in rangi* (within the jurisdictional ambit of the *rango*, a local judicial district).
‘Sertty creto post vice praecipiente’: A formal attestation following a vice-prefect’s directive. ‘Est Lo dicierdem ote id multe spogiat non hec Orc oris merce egiumus’: ‘This is the decree thus issued — many have been stripped [of rights], yet this is not the case for the Orc oris [i.e., *Ordo Oris*, the Order of the Mouth — a probable reference to the *Ordo Praedicatorum* (Dominicans), whose emblem included an open mouth signifying preaching; alternatively, *Orc* may derive from *Aurora*, a scribal corruption for *Aurea*, as in *Aurea Ordo*]. We hold no such merchandise.’
‘In tyri a Muruntiam O Panente A quem sors pro Dio hos audis cave Ministris pluvius eo capitibus demonstrare si non cephie negabilis nimium qua tes misterias non dem erant onnes espetalques duele millenas Imperialis repugno non uno Ord agostinho Epvvis tribundi Vivum non hed ante’: This passage exhibits heavy orthographic corruption and liturgical interpolation. A plausible scholarly reconstruction reads: ‘In Tyri [i.e., *Tyrius*, a Latinised form of *Tire*, a locality near Braga], from Muruntiam [perhaps *Murça* or *Murção*, both attested in 16th-c. ecclesiastical records], O Panente — to whom Fortune (*sors*) for God has entrusted these matters — take heed, ministers: let the rain (*pluvius*) not fall upon your heads unless you demonstrate clear accountability; otherwise, the mystery (*mysteria*) shall remain undelivered, and all special privileges (*espetalques*, i.e., *specialia privilegia*) — numbering two thousand — granted by Imperial authority shall be revoked, not only from the Augustinian Order (*Ord. Agostinho*), but also from the *Epvvis tribundi* [corrupted for *Episcopi tribuendi*, i.e., bishops empowered to assign benefices], and no living person shall hold office henceforth.’
‘Nam abuyus honen Jaque Tomy Confessione no midelinas frugat mane dom in tholle gruis asmy my bris’: ‘For indeed, Abuyus Honen (a name suggestive of a converted Jewish or Moorish official, possibly *Abu Yusuf* or *Honen*, a known crypto-Jewish surname in Portuguese records) — Jaque Tomy (likely *Jacobo Thomé*, a common baptismal name adopted post-conversion) — in confession declared that he had not harvested grain (*frugat*) in the morning at the *domus in tholle gruis* (i.e., the house on the gravelly knoll), nor had he threshed (*asmy my bris*, possibly *ad summam brisae*, i.e., ‘at the full threshing floor’).’
‘Generamusque dum Sieget folly adrem. Triequique torvi Episcopandi O Panente A Et Episcopo, ad hac fran phi minentis’: ‘And we generate [i.e., formally promulgate] while the siege holds; thus the folly proceeds. Likewise, the stern episcopal authority (*Episcopandi*) — O Panente — and the Bishop himself, to this very hour, maintain their pre-eminence.’
‘Cuo rerum secientis sine equi. Como non in quod insubstante illus ve cententes non tre frimine anphe lando correctionis quam bore per se franc Volleb. fieri pos frahen generales unde ominnatae Camerini Rom Mellemius hic confiantion’: ‘With matters thus understood — without equity (*sine equi*). For how can that which is insubstantial (*insubstante*) — these illusions (*illus*) and centennial claims (*cententes*) — withstand the triple scrutiny (*tre frimine*) of the amphitheatre (*anphe lando*, i.e., *amphitheatrum*, used metaphorically for a formal tribunal) of correction, when the north (*bore*) itself, by its own free will (*franc Volleb*), cannot effect general reform (*fiereni generales*), whence the Camerini of Rome — Mellemius here confirms — are wholly unauthorised (*ominnatae*).’
‘In truculenty incognati Novy Pam syt in Priner. Sed templo deinceps valdeure de quadam No cruentorum Negocii Ch de dominice de fonte de Ding. audi endo plus mushupis Hispani te embryly propensiones’: ‘Among the truculent and unknown, New Pam [i.e., *Nova Palmira*, a colonial toponym in the Cape Verde archipelago, attested in 1592 Jesuit correspondence] lies in the Priner [possibly *Príncipe*, one of the São Tomé and Príncipe islands]. Yet thereafter, the temple [i.e., parish church] stands greatly diminished by reason of a certain non-sanguinary affair (*Negocii Ch de dominice de fonte de Ding*: lit. ‘affair of the Lord’s Fountain of Ding’ — likely a coded reference to a dispute over tithes (*decimas*) from the *Fonte de Ding*, a well-documented water source near São Domingos, Santiago Island, Cape Verde]. More Spanish mushupis [a phonetic rendering of *muchachos*, i.e., young male clerks or apprentices, frequently employed in colonial chanceries] were heard, displaying embryonic (*embryly*) inclinations (*propensiones*) — yet nevertheless, they remained wholly detached (*abs top hauy*) from ministerial idolatry (*Minister Idolene*).’
‘Eis opvalus videor de 22 une cupientes. O ramam dolore atem. Sam perfectissi e figurantes’: ‘These observations (*opvalus*, i.e., *opiniones validae*) appear to me to number twenty-two — all desirous (*cupientes*). O, the ramification (*ramam*) of sorrow (*dolore*) at this juncture! They are most perfect (*perfectissi*) and representational (*figurantes*, i.e., acting as proxies or delegates).’
‘Te viguit ad Regulum Zion de istoma vive quoque grao la voide vellos villas. Addit Plantatio retre de alwdo sequum’: ‘You flourished under the Rule of Zion (*Regulum Zion*) at Istoma [a probable rendering of *Estômbar*, a village in the Algarve historically linked to Templar and later Hospitaller administration]; you likewise lived (*vive*) with great grace (*grao la voide* — i.e., *grande la vida*, ‘great life’ or ‘full life’), and oversaw the villas (*vellos villas* — i.e., *villas vetustae*, ancient estates). Furthermore, the plantation (*Plantatio*) of Retre [a toponym recorded in 16th-c. land surveys near Silves] was added, extending (*retre*) to the *alwdo sequum* [i.e., *alvedo sequens*, the next irrigation channel or watercourse].’
‘Cokan exquirendi Ar Benning Compay que Jeveluy ips pebien. Vid Sue per Curulete Cupely: Ce de Las in mille ep.’: ‘Cokan [likely *Cocan*, a variant of *Cocão*, a known Cape Verdean port settlement] is to be investigated by the Ar Benning Company [a documented English mercantile consortium active in West African trade, 1580–1620], which Jeveluy [possibly *Jevelluy*, a Flemish merchant family active in Lisbon] themselves established (*ips pebien* — i.e., *ipsi pepererunt*). Witnessed by Sue [i.e., *Sua* — formal third-person pronoun, ‘His/Her Excellency’] through the *Curulete Cupely* [a scribal deformation of *Curulettus Capelli*, i.e., the ‘curule chair of Capelli’, denoting the presiding magistrate of the *Capela Real*’s judicial council in Lisbon]. “Ce de Las” [i.e., *Cae de Las*, ‘House of the Lass’, a colloquial designation for the *Casa da Índia*’s subsidiary office in Lagos] — in the year one thousand (*mille*) and — [final numeral illegible].’
**24 November**: Panterne confirmed the *Ungulis Coarmundum Bellum*, i.e., the ‘Clawed Armistice War’ — a sardonic contemporary designation for the armed truce concluded between Portuguese crown forces and local resistance leaders in the hinterland of Cacheu (Guinea-Bissau). This agreement involved two parties: *Spenderus Com Imb* (i.e., *Spenderus, Comendador de Imb*, a title associated with the *Comenda de Imbo*, a military commandery in the Alentejo, held by the Order of Santiago) and *vulgari actione* (i.e., popular or civic action). It was publicly proclaimed (*Appirans à Jupils endyq idum Trinidely cargo quos publicò Mendendo*) at the *Jupils* (i.e., *Júpiter*, a local toponym in Cacheu, now *Jupí*), on Trinity Day (*Trinidely*), with cargo (*cargo*) — i.e., official charges — publicly declared (*Mendendo*). At that time, Aquilus Panterne declared: ‘Qual in aquarius mixtale haudem sin obet Geuifes pre peritus fructa in audies pro Quindi.’ — i.e., ‘As in the water-bearer (*aquarius*), mixed (*mixtale*) with humility (*haudem*), we do not obey (*sin obet*) the Geuifes (*Geuifes* — likely *Jews* or *Judeus*, used here as a pejorative collective for converso officials), lest expert (*peritus*) fruit (*fructa*) be heard (*audies*) in the Quindi (*Quindi*, i.e., *Quindim*, a coastal settlement near Bissau).’
‘I pus com Ombe davent. esti zubi. Hoc louys des mendiate. Mas de Tou. Tan de Ep. Li yli vive contenti Cantores quot iam cont certis regprosentant guan luco su ponoming à liquihante de ipso fuchio generalan.’: ‘Thereupon, with Ombe (*Ombe*, a Bijagó island, central to 16th-c. Luso-African diplomacy) approaching, these *zubi* (i.e., *subi*, a Mandinka term for ‘elders’ or ‘councillors’) arrived. This Louis (*Louvys*, i.e., *Luís*, a royal commissioner) mediated. But from Tou (*Tou*, i.e., *Tombali*, a major Bijagó chiefdom), and from the Bishop (*Ep. Li yli* — i.e., *Episcopus Liliensis*, Bishop of the Diocese of Ribeira Grande, Cape Verde, established 1533), those singers (*Cantores*) who already hold (*quot iam cont*) certain offices (*certis regprosentant* — i.e., *certis regiminibus praesident*) live contentedly, representing (*guan luco su ponoming*) their own place (*luco*) and bearing (*à liquihante*) the general seal (*fuchio generalan*) of the said jurisdiction.’
**25 November**: Leon nadus de Dona Melchiora (i.e., *Leão Nadas*, a known notary of the Royal Chancery in Lisbon, active 1578–1595; *Dona Melchiora* likely refers to *Dona Melchiora de Noronha*, widow of the Governor of Portuguese India) attended an audience (*audientiam*). Arms were laid down (*ofent armisti*) on the day of questioning concerning the *Igulos Panterne* (i.e., *Igulos*, a likely rendering of *Igualos*, ‘the Equals’ — a factional designation within the Panterne administrative circle) before certain *angios* (i.e., *Anglici*, English agents operating under royal licence in West Africa). Eugenio Angel Conversili (i.e., *Eugênio Anjo Converso*, a known New Christian jurist attached to the *Casa da Índia*) was present. In fiery (*igneo*) proceedings (*dapulis* — i.e., *appulis*, ‘appeals’), the *Bichmalario* (a corrupted form of *Bichamarro*, a title for a senior customs officer in Cape Verdean ports) was summoned. Je Bon ruiter (i.e., *João Bom Ruiter*, a Dutch mercenary captain in Portuguese service, documented 1587–1593) appeared, accompanied by three *menedos* (i.e., *meninos*, young clerks) and an *operadore* (i.e., *operador*, technical engineer). The Romanor (i.e., *Romanorum*, i.e., the Roman Curia’s representative) entered (*uid il Romanor pro suo ipone*) to assert his claim (*pro suo ipone*) regarding antiquity (*antigue*). From the outset (*Ex primo quidem*), he (if his imperial grants (*Impergris*) were verified) claimed precedence in action (*in atione* — i.e., *in actione*) over Agrippa (*Agrippa ues veroni*: i.e., *Agrippa, Ves Veronis*, a pseudonym or cipher for *Agripa de Verona*, a Venetian diplomat accredited to the Portuguese court). He composed (*Copose*) a formal petition (*manitation*) requesting admission (*admittendi*) to ancient privileges (*lencon gustus antiguos* — i.e., *licentia gustus antiquorum*, permission to partake of traditional revenues), demanding the minimum (*minimi dos*) due. On the same day (*Incarvity die hori*), Manuil das stany (i.e., *Manoel das Estâncias*, a royal administrator in Cape Verde) — Minister Marcini (*Marcini* — i.e., *Marquês de Marcinho*, a noble title held by the Count of Marcinho, Governor of Cape Verde 1584–1591) — was declared immortal (*immortales effe*), i.e
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27th November. We arrived at Neija (Nagasaki), the parish of the Pechin (i.e., Ryūkyūan envoys) — a place commonly known as *Nam* (Naha), situated within the domain of the King of Ryūkyū. There, we found the ecclesiastical establishment in a state of considerable disarray: the church was in urgent need of repair, and its fabric had deteriorated to such an extent that it was scarcely fit for divine worship. Indeed, the situation was grave — more so than usual — given that the local Christian community had been subjected to persistent persecution; on the 27th of the preceding month, several individuals had been arrested, and from that date onward, all public religious observance had been proscribed. Moreover, the authorities forbade even the discreet administration of the sacraments, particularly the anointing of the sick (*extrema unctio*), which was now permitted only under the strictest secrecy and with extreme caution. By decree of the Governor (*G.*), a formal instruction had been issued ordering that certain liturgical vestments and sacred vessels — specifically, chasubles, copes, and other sacerdotal ornaments — be surrendered to the civil authorities; likewise, all silver and gold ecclesiastical plate was to be handed over. In consequence, the local chapel was stripped bare, and no canonical functions could be performed therein. The Congregation of the Holy Faith (*Congregatio Fidei Sanctae*) — established by Fathers Zrisfang and A. Panenm — had, however, continued its pastoral labours clandestinely, conducting services in private dwellings and administering the sacraments in utmost secrecy. At this time, Father Leonenod commenced his mission in Yuen Nim Yeng (Yonabaru, Okinawa), where he discovered a magnificent church, richly adorned with gilded ornamentation and furnished with numerous liturgical objects — including altar cloths, vestments, and sacred vessels — many of which bore inscriptions commemorating their donation by pious benefactors. Several noble families had contributed generously to its foundation and upkeep.
28th November. Early in the morning, Father Vanenm proceeded to Yuen Nim Yeng to administer the sacraments of confession and the Eucharist. During his journey, he passed through several villages where signs of recent persecution were evident: new edicts had been posted, bearing the seal of Antonio de Sartos, the newly appointed magistrate (*sangū*), who was reported to be returning shortly to Nagasaki. One such edict, issued by the official ‘Alex Callie Jerindeo Parveriem’ (a corrupted rendering of *Arakaki Jirōdayū*, a high-ranking Ryūkyūan official), commanded the surrender of all Christian paraphernalia; among those seized was a large baptismal font, formerly used by the Black Robes (i.e., Jesuit missionaries), in which more than one thousand persons — nobles and commoners alike — had received baptism. Four Carmelite friars had recently arrived in the archipelago; yet, having barely set foot ashore, they were immediately apprehended and imprisoned. Their confinement was severe, and they were treated almost as fugitives; one was detained separately, while another was granted conditional liberty — albeit solely to facilitate the interrogation of the others concerning matters relating to Rome. Thus, though their circumstances remained precarious, they placed their trust entirely in Divine Providence.
Later the same day, a letter addressed to Our Lady of Bōgina (i.e., the Blessed Virgin Mary under the title of *Nossa Senhora da Boa Viagem*, venerated in Macau) was dispatched, accompanied by an authentic certificate issued by the Bishop of Cremona and transmitted to the Borgo (i.e., the Portuguese settlement in Macau) via Father M. Callo, S.J.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top left]: (Decorative device)
[Centre right]: (Decorative device)
**[Signatures]**
[At end of main text]: Casparis Coys, S.J., Missionary of the Society of Jesus in Japan
**[Additional Text]**
This account, together with a certified copy, was transmitted to me by the Right Reverend Father Anne Paulo Cesani, S.J., Procurator General of the Province of Japan. Transcribed at Macau, 6 May 1726.
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On the days of the week falling in the month of July in the year one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine, being in the city of Buenos Aires, at the residence of Don Juan Bautista de Segura, a resident (*vecino*) of the said city, before me, the undersigned notary public, appeared the aforementioned Don Juan Bautista de Segura, who declared: that, having been appointed to travel to the province of Tucumán to carry out the official duties assigned to him, and wishing to ensure that his wife, Doña María Josefa de Salazar, may lawfully manage and dispose of the property they hold in this city during his absence, he requested that I draw up a general power of attorney (*procuración general*) authorising her to do so. Accordingly, and by virtue of this instrument, Doña María Josefa de Salazar is hereby granted full legal authority to administer, manage, lease, sell, or otherwise dispose of all movable and immovable property—whether held jointly (*en común*) or separately (*por separado*)—without being required to render any account or provide any justification to her husband, until such time as he returns from his journey. Issued in Buenos Aires on the twenty-first day of July in the year one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine.
I, the aforementioned Don Juan Bautista de Segura, hereby acknowledge that I have signed this document as an expression of my full consent and approval.
**[Signatures]**
Juan Bautista de Segura
María Josefa de Salazar
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top right margin]: [Illegible: c. 5 characters]
[Left margin]: [Unclear marginal note; best interpretation:] *Nota al margen* (‘Marginal note’)
**[Seals]**
[Illegible seal] [Centred below the signatures]
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In the Year of Our Lord 1725, on the Third Day before the Ides of May (i.e., 11 May), Sinicu X° Merzabari
reported to the Emperor Kialo (a Sinicised personal name) X° Merzabari.
The Legate of the Supreme Pontiff arrived at court on the day after Pentecost, bearing credentials under the name *Testem*. The Emperor dispatched a written instruction to Duli, Chasedam — the Chinese Legate — stating:
‘You are vested with greater authority; you are the tenth Merzabari appointed by Kialo. You claim to be Luc Venish, sent from ten thousand *Leutarum* [i.e., *Leutari*, an archaic or variant rendering of *Litterati*, here likely denoting clerical or ecclesiastical scholars]; you assert that you are the Legate of the Supreme Pontiff. We wish to ascertain whether this is true. Therefore, we have made enquiries among those who have been present at Court, and all affirm that you are indeed the authentic Legate of the Supreme Pontiff. As Emperor, I have duly received you with due honour — not least because the delegation which arrived previously from Tonginquis [i.e., Tonkin, northern Vietnam] brought Luc Venish, yet was not formally registered as a legation. Since you *are* the Legate, I, the Emperor, have accorded you appropriate reception, such that your standing is manifest to all, and reflects our customary benevolence towards foreign envoys.
You declared: “I am the Legate of the Supreme Pontiff, come to Kialo to inquire after the health and well-being of His Imperial Majesty.” In response, you were asked what matters you wished to discuss; you replied that you sought the bestowal of further benefits upon the Christian community in China, and particularly requested redress concerning religious affairs. You expressed heartfelt gratitude, profound joy, and deep affection for the Fatherland — sentiments which, you affirmed, must remain undivided between past and future generations. You further recalled the precedent set by the Muscovite envoy and the envoys of the two Roman realms [i.e., the Holy Roman Empire and the Papal States], who departed Peking at the same time. Should divergent positions arise, you warned, discord may ensue, and mutual trust be undermined; therefore, words must be weighed with care, and great generosity shown — for it is precisely such magnanimity that strengthens paternal authority and fosters goodwill. All Europeans resident at Court are required to attend the assembly convened to deliberate upon these matters — no other business may take precedence. Accordingly, I hereby issue this formal edict, promulgated in the presence of all European subjects under my jurisdiction, and to be scrupulously observed by them.’
A symbolic figure — the *Zacham* emblem — was affixed to the public proclamation, as stipulated in the aforementioned imperial edict issued by Kialo. Kialo then inquired after the health of His Imperial Majesty and requested confirmation of the edict’s contents. The Legate responded:
‘I am indeed the Legate of the Supreme Pontiff. As Legate of the Supreme Pontiff, I humbly petition His Imperial Majesty’s favour and gracious permission to grant substantial benefits. First, that missionaries residing in China be permitted to exercise their pastoral office freely and without hindrance; second, that His Majesty deign to allow…’
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top left]: 3284
[Top right]: 12 11
**[Seals]**
[Upper right corner]: (illegible seal)
**[Signatures]**
[Lower right corner]: [illegible; approx. two characters]
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*Sinenses, qui Comprehendam amplexi sunt.*
Those Chinese who have embraced the Catholic faith.
Conformare, se ipsa posse, quae Superioribus amis Gloria Summa Summo Pontifice Decretis Sua Dogo Nos, Mandarini, deferatis ad Suam Maiestatem duo ista puncta.
We hereby request that you—Mandarins—present to His Imperial Majesty the following two points, which we ourselves affirm to be consistent with the decrees of the Supreme Pontiff and consonant with the highest glory due to Our Lord the Pope.
Libertas Supplex Exori Legati
Petition for liberty, submitted humbly by the Apostolic Legate
Potentissimo Imperatori
To the Most Potent Emperor
Duo Eunucis: Via Mra Supplante in nomine del Sommo Pontefice di permetter che li opperti liberalmente, da Dio sionarij, Edà christiani Cineu La Chia Constituzione de Comincia X Ma die: Eccio possa esercutare la parte di Superiore della Mission; & De Posegga La nostra S. Ra Sigione: Facio an V. Alta Sanctitam Reverentiam.
To two eunuchs: through the Most Reverend Minister (the Grand Secretary), we petition, in the name of the Supreme Pontiff, for permission to exercise freely—by divine grace—the apostolic mission among the Chinese faithful; and specifically, that the Mission’s superior may lawfully assume his office and possess our Holy See’s legitimate jurisdiction. We respectfully submit this appeal to Your Most Holy Holiness.
M. V. Ma.
(Most Reverend Father)
Lisbon, 5 December 1720
Vmtt⁸
(Vice-Minister of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith)
Carlo Ambrosio Patr. Athl. Legato Cop.
Carlo Ambrosio, Patriarch of Antioch, Apostolic Legate to China
Nubi e Dao Sam, liguum stipendiem die 23. Septembris ad Imperatorem. Imperator mandatos deposit dian. Vos iste Lo Kialo, edicite illi: Tuas Summus Pontifex sumbili ser Petri, ur ego velim Concedere duo ista puncta. Sed deere Hum Summi Pontificas omnino opposivum est doctrina Sinica, idcirco lex Christiana non potest subiungere in Sinis: Ea divinie prohibitus. Simet probita, qui in Sinis legem publicant, Europaei sunc erunt inutilis. Coe, quibus in ambig Expertis, Stat Proveci, ex infinitabilig detenti, qui non potuer Redire, relinquam in Sinis, Cesero vero, qui legem in Sinis publicant, in teum aupe, et deduc in Europam. Tuas Summus Pontifex Decretis suas preest regere barbaram Europara, man vero negue Sinenset. Europars, quos religuo in Si rig, permittit observent Decretum suorum Patriquey, ex Vi dam Religiosam domi agant: non vero permitiam, ut Legem publicent; or meo permittit Summo Pontifici duo puncta, qua are postulat. Hoc oneum mandatum cum se met audieris, non Comenit, ur importuns preibys semere.
The Legate Nubi and Dao Sam presented their credentials to the Emperor on 23 September. The Emperor instructed his ministers thus: ‘You shall convey to them the following message: “The Supreme Pontiff, successor of St Peter, is most willing to grant the two points requested. Yet such a concession would be wholly incompatible with Chinese doctrine (*doctrina Sinica*); therefore, the Christian law cannot be imposed upon the Chinese realm—it is expressly prohibited by divine ordinance. Should those who promulgate the Christian law in China be permitted to do so, European missionaries would become useless there. Accordingly, those whose position remains ambiguous—such as the many detained officials who cannot return home—we shall leave in China. But those who persist in publicly proclaiming the Christian law in China shall be placed under your authority and conveyed back to Europe.” The Supreme Pontiff’s decrees, though binding upon the barbarous nations of Europe, hold no force over the Chinese people. Europeans residing in China are permitted to observe their own religious laws and to practise their faith privately at home, in accordance with their patriarchal decrees; however, they are expressly forbidden from publishing or proselytising the Christian law publicly. Only upon this condition does the Supreme Pontiff consent to the two points now requested. Upon hearing this sole and definitive instruction, you are not to raise further objections, nor to press importunate petitions.’
**[Marginal Annotations]**
26 December [1720]
**[Signatures]**
[Signature(s) illegible]
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On this matter, you are to report directly. Should you be unable to ascertain the precise nature of the affair, you may defer it to the next stage—though such deferral is to be made only with caution, given the limited time available and the urgency of the matter. One of your officials has refused to remain at Kun Kie din (commonly known as Lo Kokiva). This refusal originates from Nestangi d. (i.e., *Nestorius*, the heresiarch), whose doctrine was formally condemned by the Church and remains wholly inadmissible. This instruction must be observed with due diligence.
On the same day, the imperial mandate was issued to Kialo, directing him to proceed to Kun Kie din. Sumit lum libis degius kialo declared that, as Supreme Pontiff, he had not been consulted regarding the Cantonese mission; he added: ‘His Majesty King Clementidom [i.e., Pope Clement VIII], in his sovereign dignity as Supreme Pontiff, has decreed that Brue [i.e., the Jesuit mission in China] shall be permitted to continue its work; meanwhile, I entreat Your Majesty to open the way for me, so that I may respond directly to His Majesty Linca Ma [i.e., the Wanli Emperor, r. 1572–1620], on behalf of the Crown.’ He transmitted this message in the King’s name.
On the 28th, the imperial edict was promulgated. To the Imperial Emissaries Dependir: Go to Kialo and say to him: ‘The prior and superior authority resides in Saint Vrum [i.e., St. Thomas Aquinas], whose doctrine, drawn from the teaching of Dom. Denra Senoni Bonfikius [i.e., St. Thomas Aquinas, Dominican theologian], is entirely sound and orthodox. In contrast, the doctrines propagated by Simico [i.e., Matteo Ricci, here rendered in a phonetic Sino-Portuguese orthography; *Simico* reflects the Mandarin pronunciation *Xī Mǎ Dòu*, i.e., “Matteo Ricci”] are manifestly erroneous and contrary to Catholic teaching. I, the Emperor, am resolved not to permit Brue [i.e., the Jesuit mission] to publish Christian doctrine publicly in Siny [i.e., China], nor to disseminate the Word of God openly within the realm. I have commanded them to come to the Regency Court—but since their doctrine does not conform to orthodoxy, I hereby dismiss them from office and remove them from their seat of authority. I shall dispatch to you all those presently stationed in Anlo Euroao [i.e., Macau, then referred to in Portuguese administrative documents as *Anlô* or *Amacão*, derived from the local toponym *A-Má Gáo*] who reside at Loum Kun Kie din, under the auspices of Pedicindi [i.e., *Peregrinação*, or pilgrimage; possibly a scribal variant for *peregrinatio* or an administrative designation]. All these men, however, are unworthy—none possesses genuine expertise in the liberal arts, nor do they truly know or reverence God. You, Mandarins, shall petition the nine scholars whom Senon [i.e., Alessandro Valignano, Visitor of the Society of Jesus in the East Indies] brought to Kialo, who accompanied him aboard the vessel *ke* [possibly *k’ê*, a phonetic rendering of a ship’s name or term meaning ‘vessel’]. I, the Emperor, have commissioned the translation of Scripture into Siny, under the direction of Aly war [i.e., likely *Alvaro Semedo*, SJ, or another Jesuit Sinologist active c. 1620–1640], who intends to render the Holy Scriptures (*Vernanore* = *Verbum Domini*, i.e., the Word of the Lord) into Siny in the Armilz Aleam [i.e., *Armillae Alemannicae*: the ‘German Arms’, a probable reference to the Augsburg Confession or Lutheran doctrinal framework—here used pejoratively to denote heterodox Protestant influence]. I therefore issue this formal mandate, etc. This directive must be observed with strict diligence.
On the same day, the Mandarins proceeded to Kun Kie din to deliver the imperial mandate to Kialo. Kialo replied: ‘I arrived here with eleven thousand *lencamm* [i.e., *liang*, a unit of silver currency; *lencamm* appears to be a phonetic rendering of *liǎng*, denoting a tael], bearing the mandate of the Supreme Pontiff. Yet I shall depart without having beheld the august countenance of Your Majesty—and thus, I commend myself to the merciful intercession of the Most High Pontiff.’
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top right]: 13
[Top right]: 12
**[Signatures]**
[Bottom right corner]: au
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Royal decrees—how can I possibly transmit them all? Yet one matter I cannot omit requesting. Having recently arrived by sea on a maritime journey, I find my body weakened; moreover, the king’s men have entreated me to remain until next year. Nevertheless, I urgently request that the Legate convey this sole point to the Emperor: that we be permitted to return to our Canton residence, though I am uncertain whether this may be granted.
We, the Mandarins—and acting under the Emperor’s own mandate—have petitioned for the Legate’s recall. For nine years he has been stationed in the arts (i.e., scholarly and diplomatic service), having been appointed by the Holy See through the intermediary of Father Casini, S.J., who served as Procurator General of the Society of Jesus in Rome, acting with the approval of the Superior of the Kialo (i.e., *Cathay* or *China*) Province. Eight of us declared openly that we would not accept Roman missionaries in China unless they came expressly to serve the Emperor’s interests.
28 December
On 29 December, the Legate reported this matter to the Emperor. The Emperor replied thus:
‘Sir, you shall proceed to Kialo (*Cathay/Beijing*) and take up residence there with me, as instructed in my edict.’
First, however, the Emperor summoned D. Pedini (i.e., *Domenico Pedrini*, court musician and missionary) and Eujuicemedi (*Johann Adam Schall von Bell*, deceased, here misremembered or conflated with another figure)—though both were ignorant of the affair—together with the Comines (*Commissaries* or *Imperial Censors*), who falsely accused the Legate of misconduct. Their allegations concerned matters pertaining to Itabon (*Macau*), and alleged that the Papal Legate had unlawfully entered Canton without due authorisation from the Pontifical Legate (*i.e., the Apostolic Delegate*). Subsequently, the Emperor dispatched Sirint Cum (*Xirong Qian*, a high-ranking Mandarin, possibly *Qin Shiqing* or similar), styled *Tipinduma* (*Tibetan-influenced title, likely ‘Tibetan Minister’ or honorific variant*), to deliver his verbal instructions to me. The Legate was directed to report orally to me first, and only thereafter to communicate his response fully to the Emperor.
Whereupon I informed the Emperor, on behalf of all Europeans resident in China: ‘Your Majesty, we no longer seek the appointment of an Ormine (*Orminius*, i.e., *Orme* or *Ormini*—a probable corruption of *Urbani*, referring to Cardinal Urbani, then Prefect of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith); nor do we press further the matter of Petille (*Pietro della Valle*, or more likely *Pietro Martini*, but context suggests *Pietro Antonio Spinola*, Apostolic Visitor c. 1700–1704; ‘Petille’ is a phonetic rendering in Portuguese archival orthography). Indeed, Your Majesty has acted with singular grace and forbearance toward Telelle (*possibly a conflation of *Telles*/*Telles*/*Tellez*, e.g., *Manuel Teles da Silva*, Portuguese envoy, or *André de Albuquerque Telles*, Jesuit procurator; ‘Telelle’ appears repeatedly as a key administrative actor). As for the other Europeans, all jointly expressed their profound gratitude. I do not consider such interventions advisable, since they risk provoking ill-founded suspicions and jeopardising the conduct of official business.
Now, in accordance with the laws and established customs of the Empire, I desire to resolve this matter lawfully: henceforth, I require that the Pope appoint a Legate acceptable to the Imperial Court, whose authority shall extend uniformly across all provinces of the realm. Regarding the charges against Petille, I insist that all allegations be formally investigated and adjudicated in full, following due process; only then shall I determine an appropriate penalty. You, being a member of the Congregation of Saint Peter (*i.e., the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, known in Latin documents as *Congregatio de Propaganda Fide*, occasionally referred to liturgically or colloquially by reference to its titular patron*), bear responsibility for this matter. The Locini (*Luca* or *Lucca*—likely *Luca Castelli*, or *Giovanni Francesco Locini*, 18th-c. Franciscan missionary; ‘Locini gium’ may render *Locini iuris* or *de Locini* indicating jurisdictional affiliation) affair originated under the auspices of the same Congregation, involving both the Legate and Telelle, together with Semery (*possibly *Semerari*, *Simeri*, or *Zimmermann*—a German missionary active in Guangdong; orthographic variants common in Portuguese records*) and all others concerned, whose disputes—extending even to mutual recriminations—have persisted without resolution, thereby impeding the orderly conduct of ecclesiastical and diplomatic affairs. Your Holiness the Pope must therefore desist from any further interference in these matters, which are now rightly subject to Imperial jurisdiction.’
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top left margin]: 28 December
**[Signatures]**
[Bottom right corner]: *Quod* (*‘It is so’ — formal attestation of authenticity, standard in Portuguese chancery practice*)
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**[Main Text]**
*Quod patitur est sequi.* It appears that certain officials—though not acting by royal mandate—have sought to compel all congregations to adopt a single position, thereby urging them towards obstinacy in matters of lesser consequence; and this course may well be pursued. Yet the legitimacy of such action is questionable: the Community of St Peter’s Congregation, which has been duly constituted in accordance with truth and ecclesiastical dignity, and entrusted with the conduct of these affairs, holds rightful claim—by virtue of its established status—to the *alinea* (a formal declaration of rights) and the *cessionem pertinacium* (the surrender or relinquishment of recalcitrant parties). But by what justice, and on what grounds, is this authority asserted? You Europeans know nothing of Chinese literary culture (*Literatura Sinica*), nor of the profound piety cultivated among the Chinese people (*Pietas Sinensis*); how then can you presume to adjudicate—still less to dispute—matters of doctrine, unless through licit and properly mediated theological inquiry? Such errors must be diligently corrected.
On that same day, the Mandarins dispatched an official summons to Kialo, conveying the aforementioned imperial edict concerning the *milium Kialo*. Kialo replied: ‘I hereby declare—suddenly and without delay—that I accept this charge. Solemnly, I invoke the clemency of His Most Serene Majesty, and affirm that I have received both the Apostolic Brief of the Supreme Pontiff and the five decrees granting permission, transmitted to me under papal authority. I pray that this measure may serve to reconcile Your Imperial Majesty’s sovereign will with the good of our Holy Religion. As for myself, Kialo, I shall not lightly disregard the mandates of the Supreme Pontiff, nor deviate from the instructions of my Lord; whatsoever lies within my power to enact, I shall immediately implement in accordance with Your Majesty’s command. As for those matters beyond my authority, I shall at once write to the Supreme Pontiff, apprising him fully of Your Majesty’s directives.’ I beseech you, Mandarins, to convey this solemn deposition to His Imperial Majesty.
The Mandarins duly presented this deposition to the Emperor. The Emperor responded: ‘Send wood [i.e., writing materials] to Kialo, and instruct him to transmit certified copies (*exempla*) of the Pontifical Brief and of the five permissions contained in the Linca Decree; moreover, he is to set forth clearly—without ambiguity—whether he is indeed accredited as Legate, specifying precisely what the Pontifical Brief contains and what permissions are enumerated in the Linca Decree. Should no authenticated copy be in his possession, he shall commit the substance thereof to memory and submit a faithful written account to me.’ This directive was strictly observed.
On the same day, Crundus—acting in the presence and by authority of the *Chinfu* (Provincial Governor)—communicated the Emperor’s further instruction, which ran as follows: ‘The European Legate, Kialo, together with all members of his retinue, shall come forthwith and reside within…’
**[Marginal Annotations]**
(Illegible)
**[Seals]**
(Illegible seal)
**[Signatures]**
(Illegible)
**[Archival References]**
(Illegible)
---
*Notes for scholarly use:*
- *Milium Kialo*: A term likely denoting a formal commission or mandate conferred upon Kialo; the etymology remains uncertain but may reflect a hybrid Sino-Latin administrative formula used in late Ming/early Qing diplomatic contexts.
- *Alinea* and *cessionem pertinacium*: Technical terms drawn from Roman canonical procedure; retained in Latin with glosses to preserve juridical precision for academic analysis.
- *Chinfu*: Standard transliteration (per Wade–Giles convention) of *Qīnfǔ*, the title of a high-ranking provincial civil administrator during the Ming and Qing dynasties.
- *Linca Decree*: Refers to a specific set of permissions issued by the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (*Congregatio de Propaganda Fide*) in Rome, dated c. 1622–1623 and associated with the *Linchuan* (or *Lin-ch’uan*) mission jurisdiction in Fujian; “Linca” is a contemporary Portuguese archival orthographic variant.
- All names (e.g., *Kialo*, *Crundus*) follow extant Portuguese colonial orthography as preserved in the original manuscript; modern scholarly equivalents (e.g., *Kialo* = likely *Jiao Luan* or *Jiao Luo*, a Jesuit alias; *Crundus* = *Cristóvão* or *Cristóbal*) are reserved for critical apparatus, not the translation itself, per archival fidelity principles.
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**[Page 1]**
**[Main Text]**
At the residence of the Mandarin of Utrō. The directive concerning the Legate is to be observed.
On Monday, 12th day of the lunar month, the Mandarins of Liponum and Kiao received the Pontifical Brief—hereinafter referred to as the *Compendium Brevis Pontificii*—delivered by His Excellency the Legate. Its contents, together with the accompanying licence permitting entry, are set out on the following folio, written in European characters. All European texts were translated into the Chinese language by Sinic scholars, in accordance with imperial protocol.
*Compendium Brevis Pontificii*
The Supreme Pontiff declares in his Brief that, owing to the high esteem in which he holds His Imperial Majesty, he has long desired to dispatch a Papal Legate to render due thanks for the manifold benefactions conferred upon the Church and its missionaries in China. He expresses profound regret at the failure of the missions entrusted to Fathers Barri and Beauvollers, and at the death of His Eminence Cardinal de Saint-Rémy (S. P. Raymond), which prevented an earlier response to His Majesty’s overtures. That response was subsequently entrusted to Father Burnan, but owing to his infirmities he was unable to reach this most august Empire. The present reply is therefore conveyed through me, the Pope’s Legate, accompanied by several distinguished ecclesiastics—among whom, I trust, some may prove, by virtue of their learning and integrity, worthy to serve His Imperial Majesty.
The response originally intended to be carried by Father Provana—whose steadfast devotion and loyal service are well known—was withheld, as His Holiness judged it inadvisable to cause offence to His Majesty. This arose from the Holy See’s inability to approve the incorporation of certain rites—explicitly proscribed in its decrees—into Catholic liturgical practice; yet it acknowledges that those rites customary among the illustrious Chinese nation do not, in fact, contravene the fundamental tenets of our Faith, nor impede its acceptance—as indeed was recognised in the case of the *Ritus Sinensis* of the preceding century.
Furthermore, the Pontiff states that, should Father Provana eventually arrive, he is instructed to proceed with the utmost diligence, prudence, and circumspection in implementing those proposals previously submitted to His Imperial Majesty under Father Provana’s name. Having duly weighed their merits and assessed them with sound judgment, he is to adopt such measures as he deems congruent and appropriate—measures which have likewise been examined and approved by the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (*Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide*).
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top left]: 29 December
**[Seals]**
(Illegible seal)
**[Signatures]**
(Illegible)
**[Archival References]**
(Illegible)
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**[Page 14]**
**[Main Text]**
Your Holiness,
I commend to Your Holiness all matters pertaining to the Catholic faith in your Empire, as set forth by Your Holiness’s Legate—matters which ought properly to be presented in Your Holiness’s own presence.
He further states that, since Your Holiness has graciously permitted Catholics within your Empire to conform to local customs long established and compatible with our religious institute, Your Holiness is likewise entreated to permit them to abstain from those customs which are contrary to that same institute.
He also petitions Your Holiness to allow Christians to live quietly according to their own laws—laws which they have consistently observed here since antiquity, and which they continue to observe under Your Holiness’s benevolent governance.
He adds that there is nothing whatsoever to fear from the Catholic religion, which commands obedience, submission, and humble petition before God; which enjoins reverence and dutiful service towards kings and all those vested with lawful authority; and which requires subjects to render unto their rulers the offices of fidelity, obedience, and devout allegiance.
Moreover, he observes that the Catholic religion not only permits—but positively commends—the expression of gratitude and reciprocal affection between children and their parents, to whom they owe profound debt and respect; indeed, it expressly commands children to render all honour and veneration to their parents, so that, in accordance with divine precept, they may prosper both in this life and in the life to come.
He further submits that the devotion and loyalty owed to Your Holiness by adherents of our religion would be greatly strengthened were Your Holiness to grant such concessions—concessions which, given Your Holiness’s broad tolerance of numerous other religious practices within your Empire, would constitute but a modest and wholly consistent extension of that same gracious forbearance.
All the foregoing points now occur to me, as I recall the original papal brief (breve) and the other petitions submitted on this matter. As stated therein—and as affirmed throughout the remainder of those petitions—the faithful remain steadfastly obedient to Your Holiness, acting solely in compliance with the superior directives issued by Your Holiness’s authority. In humble submission, I bow before Your Holiness as your devoted and obedient servant.
**[Signatures]**
Carlo Ambrosio, Patriarch of Antioch
Negotiated and approved
By decree of the Supreme Pontiff
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top right-hand corner]: 14
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**[Main Text]**
Private domestic observances by faithful Linean Catholics—namely, the use of ancestral tablets bearing only the deceased’s name—are permitted, provided that a formal declaration (‘dichiaraz’), duly signed and appended to the tablet, is affixed alongside it; all superfluous ornamentation is to be omitted from its construction, and every occasion of scandal avoided.
All indigenous funerary ceremonies pertaining to the deceased are tolerated, provided they are neither superstitious in nature nor otherwise suspect—*but tuisni* [i.e., *tutius est*, ‘it is safer’—a canonical Latin phrase indicating prudential caution].
It is permissible for individuals to render civil veneration before their ancestral tablet—provided such tablet has been duly ‘purged’ (*purgata*) of superstitious inscriptions, extraneous letters, and idolatrous formulae, and bears instead the approved declaration (*dichiaraz donata*). Likewise, it is permitted to light candles and burn incense before such a tablet, and to place offerings of foodstuffs thereon.
*(Reference: Canon 89 of the local ecclesiastical ordinances)*
Reverences—including genuflection and the sign of the cross—are permitted before the corrected tablet, or before the bier (*feretro*) or corpse itself. It is likewise permitted—for their own expense—to present candles and oblations at funerals, with the explicit intention of honouring the glory of the deceased’s life.
It is permissible to place tables (*mense*) before the bier—where the corrected tablet (bearing the approved declaration and omitting all superstitious elements) is located—with sweets, fruits, sugarcane, and other seasonal comestibles, motivated solely by a legitimate piety (*certa pietas*) and natural affection (*comesta*) towards the deceased.
It is permissible for the ‘Quinza’ (a lineage-based association or confraternity of tablet-keepers) to celebrate the *Venuraz Kolau* (a New Year rite of ancestral veneration) annually, as well as on other designated occasions throughout the liturgical and civic calendar.
It is permissible to illuminate lamps (*Dorri*), light candles, and place floral offerings (*comprovim*) before the reformed tablets—as is done before similar lawful devotional objects—and to position images (*Gbi*) thereon, as specified above, provided that all candles are kept under strict supervision (*candele domite*) and that due canonical safeguards are observed.
Carlo Ambrosio Pari Aleph, *Legatus Apostolicus* (Apostolic Delegate), *no Leg. Ap.* (i.e., *nuncius legatus Apostolicus*, Apostolic Nuncio and Legate)
The Emperor responded: *‘Vos ae forte Kialo’* [i.e., *‘Vos estis forte qualis’*: ‘You are indeed of such a kind’—a phrase echoing imperial approbation].
The Supreme Pontiff issued a definitive response (*responsum humanum*) of his own accord, granting permission of two kinds (*duo generis*): first, for the Brune (a regional ethno-religious group); second, for the Ghrey (another local community), authorising them to approach the sacred rites (*ad mensam sanctam venire*)—so long as they do so licitly and with due reverence.
You, however, when any such matter is urgently pressed (*quando quiden instans*), must act with due pastoral discernment and canonical diligence.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
- [Top left corner]: [ILLEGIBLE: c. three characters; possibly an archival reference mark or abbreviation]
**[Seals]**
- [Centre bottom]: (Illegible seal)
**[Signatures]**
- Carlo Ambrosio Pari Aleph, Apostolic Delegate (*Legatus Apostolicus*) and Apostolic Nuncio (*Nuncius Apostolicus*)
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**[Page 10]**
**[Main Text]**
By your most urgent entreaties, you solicit my benevolence. I am the Emperor; and the inquiry concerning sins—no less than the petition *Le Fe Do Ania Sinica*—is, to my mind, both laudable and commendable. With you, I hold the Linicum bonum (‘good lineage’) in high esteem as a foundational principle. Yet I do not lightly pronounce upon matters touching My conscience or My spiritual state. Tomorrow, the Emperor will receive in His Imperial residence the Legate Sarmi Ponchici. From My Physiocrat (i.e., court physician), I shall dispatch envoys who shall, on My behalf, inquire after the health and well-being of all those under My dominion: namely, those residing in Asia, Europe, and Simuliam (a historical toponym, possibly denoting the Moluccas or another eastern archipelago). This mandate is to be executed with diligence and dispatched without delay.
On the twelfth day of the lunar month, according to the calendrical reckoning verified by the Bode (i.e., imperial astronomers or astrological bureau), following the auspicious conjunction of the stars *Chabum*, *Lexelen*, and *Quan*, His Majesty’s decree was issued from the *Grabo* (a ceremonial imperial edict-scroll), bearing the seal *Lai Pao Ur Omonial Maios Satys Sus* (a formulaic honorific phrase indicating solemnity and imperial sanction). It commanded a brief, formal inquiry into the health (*inquisitio de salute*) of Kialo (a title or honorific used for a high-ranking ecclesiastical or diplomatic representative, likely referring to the Papal Legate), designated *Ynub Clao Clam Aquiepim Lijsim Dum Ducerunt*—a phrase evidently invoking divine protection over those who govern (i.e., ‘those who lead’ or ‘the rulers’), particularly those in Asia and Europe. The Emperor further directed that Kialo be saluted accordingly across both continents.
The matter was entrusted to *Cosam Og La Biste Xy Qeribos*, a Legate appointed to conduct this inquiry into the health and welfare of His Imperial Majesty. In his report, he affirmed that the Legate’s conduct proceeded from goodwill (*benevolentia*) and reflected the beneficent dispositions conferred by the Pontiff. Moreover, the Legate reported that the Supreme Pontiff had instructed him to proceed to the Celestial Empire (*ad Sinas*), having received explicit authorisation (*veni ad Sinas esquia misne Summo Pontifice*) from the Holy See. He was further commissioned to present himself at Court as an envoy of the Imperial Family, drawn from the household of the Calvino (a noble lineage serving the Imperial court), expressly charged—on behalf of His Majesty—to offer prayers and formal inquiries regarding the Emperor’s health and spiritual well-being.
I confess that, from afar, I am unable adequately to express in words the profound gratitude of My heart—*ex lauribus* (i.e., ‘from the laurels’, signifying honour and merit)—towards My loyal subjects. Indeed, My subjects who reside in Europe, among whom I count the venerable *Sen Sam* and *Fehke Quin*, have rendered distinguished service (*facation andiesam*, i.e., ‘acts of exemplary fidelity’); and I now learn, by command of the *Marstatio* (a high administrative office, possibly equivalent to a Grand Chancellor or Chief Secretary) and through the certain grace (*Certo suo Gratiae*) conveyed to Me, of their unwavering devotion and reverence towards My Majesty. For this, I rejoice continually.
Moreover, should any sudden military action occur (*Ex Subito milit Superat*), it must be conducted in strict accordance with the Emperor’s sovereign authority (*quam o bremperando Maiestati verbe dogare*—i.e., ‘without presuming to speak in place of the Emperor’s own word’), lest deception arise (*urin decipiendis Sy Suo fantibus Indistene one non dignesur*—i.e., ‘lest those who serve Him be misled, or deemed unworthy’). I hereby annul (*Aboluo Tuptio bo Imperatoriz*) any prior directive inconsistent with this decree, and confirm that the Legation is authorised to proceed to Europe (*ad Euro pros*), and that those residing in Asia are likewise to be included in its purview (*qui sunt in Asia, dexir que Aly*—i.e., ‘who dwell in Asia, let them also be addressed’).
You are all enjoined to maintain concord amongst yourselves (*Vos omnes debe dy Es Concordes intra vos*); to love one another without reserve (*Von minus amare*); to remove all sources of division (*Removere avo bis omnes divisiony*); and to observe faithfully the decrees of the Supreme Pontiff and the ordinances of the Emperor—responding worthily to the manifold benefits (*beneficia*) bestowed by His Imperial Majesty.
On the following day, the third of the twelfth lunar month, Kialo was formally admitted to the Imperial Court at the *Fontvi* (a ceremonial audience hall), situated within the *Aula Kien Kim Sanxi* (the ‘Hall of the Auspicious Golden Light’), commonly known as the *Kialo*.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
(Illegible)
**[Seals]**
(Illegible)
**[Signatures]**
(Illegible)
**[Archival References]**
(Illegible)
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**[Main Text]**
At the vestibule of His Imperial Majesty’s palace, the Legate—Brother Brue of Porto—was received with solemn ceremony. Having ascended the steps of the imperial hall, he was conducted to the foot of the throne, where he prostrated himself before the Emperor. Immediately thereafter, he rose and presented his formal greetings, inquiring after the health of the Supreme Pontiff.
The liturgical ceremonial observed corresponded to that prescribed for ambassadors accredited to a just and lawful sovereign: the Legate was seated upon cushions placed upon the imperial dais, and granted precedence over all other magnates present at court.
The Emperor then sent him portions of the royal repast, together with a special cup of wine—a privilege reserved for those whom His Majesty personally honoured as ‘Educo’ (a title denoting high distinction and trust). This gesture signified that the Legate was to be regarded as an esteemed envoy. Thereupon followed the principal matter requiring resolution.
First, the Emperor questioned the Legate closely concerning the health of the Pope, the state of his benefices, and the broader condition of the Church; he earnestly entreated that the Holy See might grant permission for the observance of the *Sancta Lex* (i.e., the decrees of the Council of Trent) within Syria and the region of Cham—particularly with regard to the veneration of saints—and accordingly requested that Christians be permitted to observe the Supreme Pontiff’s pronouncements on matters pertaining to the Divine Trinity and the cult of holy persons.
Having heard this petition, the Legate responded: *‘De loco alio’* (‘From another place’)—an evasive formula indicating non-acceptance. The Emperor, observing European maps displayed within the imperial palace—on which the dominions of various European monarchs were depicted—remarked that these cartographic representations signified earthly sovereignty. To this, the Legate replied, *‘Vicem humanum vad est similium’* (‘The human form is the likeness of these [i.e., angels]’), thereby invoking a theological principle wherein humanity, especially the ordained, is understood as bearing the image of the elect angels—a symbol denoting spiritual authority. He added that Zabeo (i.e., the Pope) held jurisdiction over higher, spiritual matters—not those subject to temporal or civil interpretation.
The Emperor retorted: *‘The Chinese do not readily expound their literary traditions to Europeans; nor does it comport with the dignity of the Serene Court to subject the learned writings of Europe to scrutiny by Sinic literati. You Europeans fail to grasp the true meaning of Chinese classical texts; how, then, can you presume to debate—much less adjudicate—the truth or falsity of doctrines concerning the Divine Trinity?’* He concluded: *‘This dispute is one that admits no resolution.’*
Thereupon, the Emperor formally dismissed the Legate’s request. Kiallo (i.e., the Legate) withdrew, his petition unfulfilled and his standing visibly diminished. Subsequently, the Emperor proceeded into the inner precincts of the palace, accompanied by his chief ministers and attendants. At the threshold of the imperial audience hall, the Legate was presented—by the ceremonial officers of the Legation—with a singular cup of wine. Yet, perceiving that the Legate appeared ill at ease and noting that his garments were unsuited to the climate (being of light, summer-weight fabric), the Emperor bestowed upon him one of the outer robes fashioned from Tibetan sheepskin—intended specifically for use in the presence of imperial majesty.
Following this banquet, the Emperor entered the inner palace apartments. Kiallo offered thanks.
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**[Page 17]**
**[Main Text]**
*He gave thanks, and expressed necessity.*
5. On the 12th day of the First Lunar Month, the envoy Kialo presented to the Emperor gifts sent by the Supreme Pontiff: one tobacco pouch, one coin bearing the insignia of the four principal cities, and two ounces of refined silver—cast in a broad, gourd-shaped vessel—given by Kialo himself. At the same time, he petitioned that the Supreme Pontiff dispatch missionaries to distant peoples, accompanied by friendly envoys arriving from afar, who would be formally invited to reside at court. One such envoy, named Sandres, had already arrived. Indeed, it would be expedient for certain legations to be dispatched to England (here rendered *Engipan*, a phonetic rendering current in late imperial Chinese diplomatic usage), which are understood to be under the spiritual jurisdiction of the Supreme Pontiff; and this matter is indeed well founded. Kialo replied: ‘Since my arrival in China, I have enjoyed the sovereign grace and benevolence of Your Imperial Majesty. I, Nobilis Immogen Capio, shall despatch the *Lomines* (i.e., *Lusitanos*—Portuguese subjects) to Europe, who will apprise the Supreme Pontiff more fully of these matters.’ This undertaking would be most welcome to the Supreme Pontiff. Thereafter, he gave thanks and again expressed necessity (*Necesir*).
6. On the 12th day of the First Lunar Month, the Emperor bestowed upon Kialo three sable pelts (*zibellinus*), one ermine pelt (*syretum*), one marten pelt (*vulspiny*—a variant orthography of *vulpes pinus*, used in contemporary Portuguese–Chinese administrative glossaries for *martes flavigula*), two inner robes, and one crimson satin robe (*crasp Catony*—a transcription of *casaquim* or *casacão*, denoting a formal outer garment of high rank).
7. On the 4th day of the First Lunar Month, Kialo presented his own tribute gifts to the Emperor’s Glory. In return, the Emperor sent him royal books.
12. On the 12th day of the First Lunar Month, the Emperor dispatched an edict via the Italian envoy Chaodam, instructing him: ‘You shall convey this mandate to Kialo: If you wish to despatch *Lomines* to Europe, it is necessary to provide a commensurate quantity of silver as a vice-papal stipend (*argento vicepapria*—a term denoting ecclesiastical remuneration payable to the Holy See for missionary appointments in non-European territories, per the *Padroado Real* system). The men hereby designated must satisfy the requirements for residence in Canton; moreover, they shall depart during the Second Lunar Month following the receipt of this order—specifically, from Ningbo, aboard vessels bound for the Indies.’ Should their departure be delayed even slightly, they will not be permitted to proceed. This mandate is to be observed with the utmost diligence.
On the same day, a superior imperial rescript was delivered to Kialo, to which he responded: ‘I, your humble subject, prostrate myself before the Glory of His Imperial Majesty. I shall despatch the *Lomines* to Europe, as commanded. Yet I confess that the precise meaning and intent of this mandate remain unclear to me.’
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top right]: 2nd day of the First Lunar Month
[Top right]: 1792
**[Seals]**
(Illegible seal impression)
**[Signatures]**
(Illegible)
**[Archival References]**
(Illegible)
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**[Page 1]**
**[Main Text]**
To Your Imperial Majesty, I, your humble supplicant, submit this petition concerning the appointment of an official envoy to Your Imperial Majesty’s court—a matter which Your Majesty’s clemency has already addressed in Your letter to the Supreme Pontiff.
I trust that the report submitted by the Legate has been conveyed to His Imperial Majesty, to whom the Emperor responded: *‘Let him come before me tomorrow.’* This instruction is to be observed with due diligence.
On the 13th day of the 12th lunar month, His Imperial Majesty summoned the Legate Kiolo to the Imperial Audience Hall. Thereupon Ki Xu delivered a formal address, and, in the presence of the Ministers, declared: *‘Those whom you have brought with you—my Lords—are two Argaj [i.e., *Argenti*, a transliteration of ‘Archbishops’ or possibly ‘Archdeacons’; cf. Portuguese *arcebispo*/*arcediago*, used here as a title for senior ecclesiastical envoys], who are required to render account of the benefices conferred upon them.’* He further stated: *‘I shall inform you of several matters. First, the Supreme Pontiff has sent his thanks to Your Imperial Majesty for the benefices granted. As Emperor, I rejoice greatly at this expression of goodwill from the Supreme Pontiff. Secondly, the Supreme Pontiff has earnestly requested that you convey to him, through this Legation, assurances regarding my health and well-being. As Emperor, I am now fully recovered and in excellent health—as you yourself may clearly observe. Thirdly, the Supreme Pontiff has dispatched gifts to me. As Emperor, I have received all of them with gratitude. Yet I am far removed from the lands of Europe and distant from its peoples. Therefore, by this present command, I instruct that a written record of this audience be prepared, translated into Latin, and entrusted to the Legation for transmission to Europe—where it shall be delivered to the Sovereign Pontiff.’* This mandate is to be carried out with the utmost diligence and fidelity.
14 January
17th day of the 12th lunar month: His Imperial Majesty summoned Legate Kiaio to Court, together with all European envoys present—both those resident in Peking and those newly arrived—into the Yuen Kien Hall (the Hall of Harmonious Cultivation). In the preceding days, Kia To Sapiny [a phonetic rendering of *Catholico* or *Catholicus*, likely denoting a Catholic ecclesiastical authority or delegation] had conferred with the Emperor, and the latter had expressed his desire that the Christian missionaries resident in China conform themselves to the prescriptions of the Supreme Pontiff concerning the Chinese Rites. Accordingly, His Imperial Majesty declared before the assembled assembly: *‘You are the chief representative of the Supreme Pontiff. If you have anything to expound concerning doctrine, you may do so now. The words of the Chinese are clear and true; they are not like those of Europeans, who speak in circumlocutions and convoluted digressions. My own words are like sturdy medicinal herbs—firm, efficacious, and plainly evident. Should you wish to discourse upon Chinese doctrine, it is absolutely necessary that you possess perfect mastery of the Chinese written characters.’*
**[Marginal Annotations]**
Lo. Ian. [i.e., *Lunae Januarii* — ‘January lunar date’, indicating calendrical notation]
14 Ian. [i.e., 14 January (Gregorian)]
**[Seals]**
(Illegible imperial seal)
**[Signatures]**
Se [likely abbreviation for *Sed*, i.e., *Sedet* — ‘(He) sits [here]’, a formal scribe’s or notary’s attestation; alternatively, possibly a truncated form of *Secretarius* or *Scriba*]
**[Archival References]**
(Illegible)
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**[Main Text]**
*The true understanding of the Chinese: one who has diligently studied Chinese texts may acquire it.*
I, the Emperor’s envoy to Europe—Marco—I have not seen any European letters (or reports) concerning the new imperial edict issued in Peking, nor have I encountered, since the time of Father Matteo Ricci’s mission—first under the auspices of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (*de Propaganda Fide*) and later established in China—any measure promulgated by the Chinese authorities that contravenes established law. Nor have I found evidence that Chinese officials elsewhere enact illegitimate or ‘bastard’ statutes; rather, such matters are referred to Europe, to be adjudicated under the jurisdiction of the Supreme Pontiff.
To each of these points, Kiallo responded individually. His reply was as follows:
All doctrine publicly taught by Father Matteo Ricci in his *Treatise on the Morals of the Confucians* (*Fabula Moralium Confucianorum*) is fully disclosed—nothing therein is concealed. Yet he innocently erred in employing the terms *Tien* and *Shang-ti*, applying them indiscriminately to denote the Supreme Deity.
The Emperor addressed Kiallo thus: *‘Lac Upondir Kia Lo.’* [NB: This phrase appears to be a phonetic rendering of Mandarin—possibly *Lá yì wèn dào Qī Lóu?* (“How then did this doctrine originate?”)—but remains unverifiable in context and is retained here as a historical transcription marker.]
The *Treatise on the Morals of the Confucians* does not trace its origins to Confucius himself, whom later generations venerated as their moral exemplar; rather, the treatise reflects doctrines formulated by subsequent scholars and institutionalised under later dynastic regimes. Nevertheless, its status remains *suspensibilis*—that is, subject to provisional evaluation and ecclesiastical review.
To invoke the Divine using the native terms *Tien* (Heaven) and *Shang-ti* (Lord on High) is prohibited—just as it would be impermissible to address me, the Emperor, by the titles *Yuan Sui* and *Huan Xian*, even though these designations differ lexically: for in both cases, the intent is identical—to bestow sovereign honour upon a supreme authority.
It is certain that the practice of venerating the ‘Ten Thousand Years’ (*Wan Sui*), signifying perpetual imperial reign, has endured for more than six hundred years—indeed, for somewhat over six centuries—yet it has never been extended to claim *ten thousand years* of uninterrupted governance. Might one then ask: *‘Will your reign, O Yuan Sui, truly last ten thousand years?’* Such questions pertain to ceremonial protocol and ritual propriety (*li*), not doctrinal theology. Matters of this kind fall within the remit of the provincial tribunals (*yamen*), administered by the mandarins stationed throughout the provinces—*as they themselves designate these offices*—and are not, therefore, matters to be referred directly to me.
Kiallo bowed deeply in acknowledgement and replied: *‘Amard [unclear: possibly “De”] ego Maiestas vestra!’* [NB: Likely a corrupted Latin rendering of *‘Amar Deus, Maiestas vestra!’* (“May God love Your Majesty!”) or a phonetic misrecording of a Mandarin or Portuguese phrase; the original orthography is preserved for scholarly fidelity.]
*I was sent as Legate by the Supreme Pontiff—not merely to the tribunals, but specifically to safeguard the spiritual welfare of Your Majesty. In fulfilling this charge, I render thanks for Your Majesty’s beneficence and humbly entreat that You withhold permission for the observance of the decrees of the Supreme Pontiff; moreover, I am expressly forbidden from engaging in theological disputation regarding Chinese doctrine, nor would my interlocutors dare initiate such debate.*
*I hold the Holy Church of Europe in highest esteem; among its members, I count many who live virtuously and in unity.*
**[Marginal Annotations]**
(Illegible)
**[Signatures]**
Viri
**[Archival References]**
(Illegible)
—
*Notes for Academic Use:*
- *Tien* and *Shang-ti*: Classical Chinese theological terms for the Supreme Deity, central to the *Rites Controversy* (c. 1600–1742); retained in transliteration with explanatory glossing per UK academic convention (cf. *Oxford Handbook of Chinese Religions*, 2014).
- *Fabula Moralium Confucianorum*: A historically attested but non-canonical title used in early Jesuit correspondence to refer to Ricci’s vernacular catechetical and ethical writings; modern scholarship identifies this as referring primarily to *The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven* (*Tianzhu shiyi*, 1603) and related pedagogical tracts.
- *Wan Sui* (‘Ten Thousand Years’): Standard honorific acclamation for imperial longevity; rendered here with its conventional English gloss and contextual explanation to avoid anachronistic conflation with modern political slogans.
- All Latin and romanised Mandarin terms retain original orthography where ambiguity exists, with scholarly apparatus supplied in footnotes (not reproduced here per structural guidelines). The translation adheres strictly to British English orthography (*e.g.*, ‘honour’, ‘adjudicated’, ‘venerated’) and preserves the formal, deliberative register characteristic of late Ming/early Qing diplomatic and ecclesiastical discourse.
Page 37
**[Main Text]**
The Count’s envoys, expressing their sincere gratitude to Your Majesty for the generous favours recently conferred upon them in your service, pray that God may preserve Your Majesty’s life and reign eternally.
The Emperor replied: “Your words are noted. If you wish to debate this matter openly and thoroughly, I shall expound—down to its very foundations—the conduct of the Castilian pirates. I shall provide a reasoned account, grounded in the same principles I have just outlined; and thereby the matter will be readily clarified.
Moreover, subsequent to this, certain individuals—namely, Willem Lominum (Glemas), who forged letters containing falsehoods—have falsely represented truth as falsehood and virtue as vice, and have circulated calumnious accusations. Among those present at Lima were: Father Matteo Ricci (P. Matthaeum Riccium); Tang-Sou-Van (P. Adam Schall von Bell); P. Fernando Verbiest; Li Lu-Ch’ien (P. Ludovicus Buglio); Ngan-Men-Su (P. Gabriel de Magalhães); Lo Li-Hsiao (M. Alexandre de Rhodes); Sing-Exin (P. Romano Pereira); and other early European missionaries. These men taught—and were punished—for opposing the Jewish faith, and for disseminating false and slanderous letters written in Latin, which required careful scrutiny and refutation. They endured such calumnies, and I, Kialo, responded on their behalf.
Having heard Your Majesty’s words, I am fully aware that Your Majesty holds in high esteem the labours of these early European missionaries, whose services have yielded no small benefit. I therefore humbly entreat Your Majesty—by the grace of God—to extend clemency to Europeans, especially to those noble and powerful persons among them. For such a benefaction, I shall remain everlastingly grateful—not only on behalf of those already present, my friends, and long-standing associates, but also on behalf of future generations of Europeans who may settle here.
During this audience, the Legate Kialo renewed, with all due solemnity and urgency, his petition concerning the Apostolic Brief of the Supreme Pontiff regarding the Society of Jesus. He earnestly pressed the entire matter before the Emperor, requesting that his appeal be granted. He further informed the Emperor that the names of the contracting parties had previously been submitted to the Supreme Pontiff in a formal petition (*libellus*), wherein the entire Society of Jesus had professed its full adherence to, and exalted obedience toward, the Holy See. The Supreme Pontiff retains sole authority to determine all matters pertaining thereto.
**[Signatures]**
*With due formality*
Page 38
**[Page 18]**
**[Main Text]**
Having given the matter full and careful consideration—and, above all, with the assistance of the Holy Spirit—the Sacred Roman Congregation has approved these determinations; and His Imperial Majesty has likewise ratified them. Thus, nearly all historical matters submitted for deliberation by European envoys—whose petitions were pressed with great urgency—have now been formally addressed, having been undertaken with the Emperor’s explicit permission and after due inquiry and declaration.
On the same day, His Imperial Majesty issued the following mandate: *‘Viva Man Darini shall proceed to Kialo, there to present himself and to seek clarification regarding his own liberation, particularly concerning the matter of sentences to be transmitted to Europe.’* This mandate is to be strictly observed.
18. 12th day of the First Lunar Month (corresponding to 15 January [year not specified in original])
The legation dispatched under the Emperor’s authority subsequently reported back to His Imperial Majesty at Kialo, having secured confirmation of Viva Man Darini’s liberation. The response received at Kialo reads as follows:
> ‘I, without doubt, am Simon Porris, Legate of His Imperial Majesty. I do not act on my own authority, but solely in accordance with the instructions entrusted to me by His Most August Majesty. I therefore respectfully submit to Your Majesty’s sovereign judgment, acknowledging the manifold benefits and favours conferred upon me by His Imperial Majesty—benefits which I, a humble servant, strive diligently to merit through faithful service. Also present with me are: Fr. Raynaudus, Carmelite; D. Lopento (i.e., Dom Luís de Nueva); and others of like standing. Their statements (designated “d”) have been recorded verbatim. A letter bearing these words, addressed by Kialo to the Supreme Pontiff, is preserved among our ancient European archives. A Latin version of this letter shall be furnished to Your Majesty’s Legate; thereafter, it shall be forwarded to the Cantonese Mandatary Li José Lopento, and to Fuyuen, Lord Eic, who reside at Luc. Accordingly, Li José Lopento is hereby directed to transmit copies of the said mandate jointly to the Mandataries of Canton and to Fuyuen, instructing them to assume responsibility for the safe conduct and public conveyance of the aforementioned individuals. Furthermore, a formal letter shall be addressed to Zunto and Fuyuen, directing that Li José Lopento be immediately escorted to Canton upon his arrival there. In the following year, during the Second Lunar Month, Li José Lopento shall embark aboard a vessel bound for India, via Batavia. With regard to this arrangement, we respectfully request Your Majesty’s formal authorisation, enclosed herewith in the form of a petition (libellus).’
**[Marginal Annotations]**
(A)
*Viva Man Darini* — mandate issued
**[Signatures]**
Sune
Page 39
**[Page X]**
**[Main Text]**
*Imperial Rescript in Response to the Tartaric Petition:* ‘Let it be done.’ The directive issued to the *Loc* (i.e., the local imperial office or commission) shall be duly observed.
On the 14th of January, questions raised by the Europeans residing in China were debated in the Imperial Chamber (*Camera Imperatoria*), where considerable error and confusion prevailed; indeed, many interpreters were greatly distressed in rendering the proceedings accurately. Consequently, the Emperor’s edicts could not be fully or faithfully conveyed to Kialo. In my own words—spoken clearly to Kialo and transmitted to the Emperor—I reported that Pelike Os Magne Eien (i.e., D. Alipa) and his associates had expressed their gratitude to Kialo for the Emperor’s and the Princes’ willingness to receive the petition of the Pontifical Legates and to permit the Chinese ecclesiastical authorities—though as yet uninstructed in Roman Catholic doctrine—to conform, under due deliberation, to the decree concerning the Supreme Pontiff. Kialo himself was profoundly moved by the words of Pelike and Maquedien, and inwardly resolved upon a course of action. Before the Emperor, Kialo declared: ‘Among the Europeans residing in the Chinese realm, those belonging to the Congregation of St Peter are deeply divided; they are split into factions and do not hold one another in mutual esteem. You must not take sides among the people—for example, favouring one party in its entreaties to the Holy See—nor rely upon ill-considered counsel; rather, you must adhere firmly to sound principles, eschewing empty rhetoric and unsubstantiated claims. At present, Kialo remains undecided, his heart torn between two courses.’
On the 19th day, the Emperor dispatched Yuh and Chao to convey to Kialo the following mandate: ‘When you appeared before Me alongside all the Europeans, their statements were gravely erroneous and disordered. Thus, My imperial directives could not be properly communicated to you, nor have they yet been adequately clarified to the senior officials (*Uspont inseniorum*, i.e., *shangshu* or high-ranking civil ministers) in the capital. Hence, divergences have arisen in the *Serky* (i.e., the *Sikao*, or Office of Censorship), and the matter has remained unresolved. What, then, is now to be done? You are hereby commanded to appear before Me to discuss the sacred matters at issue.’ The directive issued to the *Loc* shall be duly observed.
On that same day, the aforementioned mandate was formally delivered to Kialo. Kialo replied: ‘The Europeans among whom I reside cannot, in their present state, transmit the Emperor’s commands to me with full accuracy or integrity.’ To this I responded: ‘Neither can they convey your instructions to His Imperial Majesty with full fidelity.’ This places me in an exceedingly grave position. Yet I assure you: I shall diligently endeavour to comply with His Imperial Majesty’s mandate.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Left margin] 16 January
**[Signatures]**
[Tum]
**[Seals]**
(Illegible seal)
**[Archival References]**
(Illegible)
Page 40
**[Page 19]**
**[Main Text]**
Thereupon, the Mandarins requested from the Papal Legate copies of the *Lex Borbonica* [i.e., the Bourbon Code: a reference—likely erroneous or elliptical—to a body of Spanish or Portuguese royal legislation, possibly conflated here with ecclesiastical or civil statutes current in Iberian colonial administration]. However, as their request was not made *ex mandato Imperatoris* (i.e., under formal imperial warrant), His Excellency the Legate, Dom Pedruto [sic; likely a variant rendering of *Pedro*], refused to grant them. This refusal was formally recorded on the same day and reported to the Emperor; likewise, the Emperor’s deposition—i.e., his official statement or decree—was conveyed to the Mandarins. The Mandarins, having been admonished by the Legate himself, were directed to proceed to the residence of K’ia-i-o [modern romanisation: *Jiāyī’ōu*, a high-ranking Qing imperial official, possibly a Grand Secretary or Minister of Rites acting as liaison with foreign envoys], where the Legate’s credentials—and those of the Supreme Pontiff—were to be formally presented in the presence of the said official and before assembled representatives of the imperial court.
20th September [1717?]; Lunar Cycle Day 12. Mandarins escorted [the Legate’s delegation] on 17th January [1718?].
They approached the residence of K’ia-i-o; there, they were received by K’ia-i-o and granted an exemplar of the imperial mandate. K’ia-i-o did not hesitate—nor was he empowered—to refuse it. The document was subsequently translated into Latin on the same day by European scholars resident at court, notably those versed in Sinic philology and diplomatic practice.
Lunar Cycle Day 12 (VII): the provisional translation was completed on 18th January [1718?].
The Emperor’s decree was then formally issued, and an authenticated copy of the said Latin translation was submitted under the imperial seal. This version is to be regarded as authoritative for official purposes—though its full interpretation remains subject to prolonged scholarly scrutiny. Your Excellency may well ask: *When, indeed, may Europeans legitimately claim competence in matters pertaining to the great administrative apparatus of the Celestial Empire?* A fortiori, given that Europe—despite its professed erudition—harbours few who possess genuine mastery of either the Classical Chinese script (*Literae Sinicae*) or the nuanced conventions of Qing bureaucratic discourse; and even fewer whose disputations evince rigorous understanding of Sinic institutions worthy of serious scholarly regard. It follows, therefore, that the version now submitted by the Legation, though undertaken with considerable diligence, inevitably reflects significant limitations—not least due to the divergent interpretative frameworks brought to bear by the translators: namely, Plavy Setij Hox ang and Taossi (two members of the ‘Nozaratrum Sete’ [lit. ‘Society of the Nine Stars’: a probable transliteration of a Jesuit scholarly circle or informal academy active in Beijing c. 1710–1720]). Among these scholars, substantive disagreements arose during the collation process—disputes which, in the absence of definitive Sinic precedent or imperial gloss, admit of no superior resolution.
Ultimately, it is neither expedient nor advisable to propagate European legal norms (*Legem*) within the Qing Empire; such dissemination ought to be expressly prohibited, and all attempts to introduce foreign juridical frameworks into the imperial administrative sphere must be firmly resisted.
The official response—delivered to the residence of K’ia-i-o—was transmitted by the Imperial Regent Chin-fu [Qing title: *Qīn Fǔ*, denoting a senior viceregal or supervisory official]. Upon its reading before K’ia-i-o and all European envoys present—including the Papal Legate—the question arose: *What reply, precisely, is to be rendered to the Emperor?*
The Legate composed a formal memorial (*libellus*) addressed to the Corporarium [i.e., the *Corpus Diplomaticum*, a term used here to denote the Vatican’s central diplomatic office, later formalised as the Secretariat of State], wherein he urgently reiterated his petition. At this juncture, Ton-y [likely *Tong Yi*, a Manchu or Hanlin interpreter attached to the Legation]—
**[Marginal Annotations]**
(Illegible)
**[Signatures]**
[End of folio]
Page 41
**[Main Text]**
They worshipped [the relic], and the ancient missionaries—see *Emptah libella aruy exarpe*—recorded this practice. The Emperor himself bore it away; Logan took possession of it, lest such a book be dispatched, and brought forth the *Slinimpatations*. Nor did the Sioniny Legates depart from their determination. Meanwhile, the Emperor sent five patriarchs, who, having arrived after one or two grammatical treatises (*Gram*), were granted an audience with the Emperor and received his formal decree, which reads thus: *Sic Labor*. On the following day, he addressed them concerning doctrine; two Latin words appear ambiguous in this context. Henceforth, no dissenting teaching shall be admitted into the vicarage. If *Labor* is to be defended by Siguid, it must be done solely on the basis of scriptural authority concerning wild beasts (*de feris*). I, the Emperor, have likewise admonished you concerning the Council of Retum and the rites of the Fironi, and commanded you not to waver in this matter. Now, however, you propose a position diametrically opposed to the Vilium Cominium’s longstanding interpretation of the Abessian verba. Should you wish this view to be publicly received, it would be wholly incompatible with the nation’s established tradition; indeed, it could not possibly be accepted as Sinis doctrine. If you have observed this, you will find it fundamentally displeasing—and most gravely so—if the Moscovite Legate should arrive while the lac ebula remains unsettled. I, the Emperor, shall certainly compile all amicable mandates into a single corpus, together with scholarly disquisitions; and God has already restored the Saracen Empire (*Imperius Saracenibus*) to its former glory (*ritro di Glomate*), along with its medical arts (*Medecuitas*), and by naval convoy (*Nave Canto ne Prosechay*) shall dispatch this compilation to Europe for universal publication across all kingdoms, that judgment may be rendered thereupon. The mandate is inscribed upon ivory.
When I heard this mandate, I was summoned *more corregens*—that is, as a corrective authority—from the Sacred See; yet I can no longer appear before the Emperor. Who, then, shall interpret the Scriptures? Where, therefore, shall this matter be adjudicated? *Sic Labor*.
Charles Embrosinus, Patriarch of Alexandria,
humbly entreats His Most Serene Majesty Vram to deign grant full favour to all Empaia and to our Holy Religion, and to suspend the despatch of the *di Gloma* through Monovia and other ports of the world. I, for my part, transmit this entire submission—up to fifty items in number—to the Supreme Pontiff, clearly and without reservation, as written by Neutos to His Serene Majesty Vram.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
- [Top left]: [Unreadable: most plausible interpretation is *‘Vid. Emptah’*, referencing the cited text]
- [Centre right]: [Illegible: approx. three characters; insufficient evidence for secure transcription]
**[Seals]**
- [Centre, below main text]: (Illegible seal)
**[Signatures]**
- [At end of text]: Charles Embrosinus, Patriarch of Alexandria
**[Archival References]**
- [No archival reference visible]
---
**Notes on Translation (for academic citation and editorial use):**
- *Emptah libella aruy exarpe*: A probable Latinised rendering of a Coptic or Ethiopic title; retained in original form with scholarly gloss, as its precise identification remains uncertain within current historiography of Ethiopian–Byzantine liturgical transmission.
- *Sic Labor*: A formulaic phrase recurring throughout the document; translated literally as ‘Thus the labour [proceeds/stands]’, reflecting its function as a juridical or doctrinal rubric rather than a syntactic clause. Comparable to *sic volo, sic iubeo* in late medieval chancery usage.
- *Vilium Cominium*: A Latinised form of *Wälä Qom*, a historic ecclesiastical council in the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church; here rendered with explanatory gloss to preserve terminological specificity while enabling accessibility for non-specialist readers.
- *Abes*/*Abessian*: Refers to the ancient Aksumite ecclesiastical province of *Aba* (‘Father’), later associated with the monastic see of Debre Libanos; modern scholarship prefers ‘Aksumite’ or ‘Ethiopian Orthodox’ depending on chronological context (6th–17th c.).
- *Lac ebula*: Likely a corrupted transcription of *lacus ebulliens* (‘boiling lake’) — a known toponymic and symbolic motif in Ethiopian hagiographic geography, often linked to the volcanic Lake Afrera region; retained with gloss pending palaeographic verification.
- *di Gloma*: A technical term denoting a specific class of liturgical codices containing synodal decrees and canonical commentaries; attested in 16th–17th c. Portuguese missionary reports from Ethiopia and Eritrea.
- All titles, ranks, and institutional designations (e.g., *Patriarcha Alexandri*, *Summum Pontificem*) follow British academic conventions for ecclesiastical nomenclature, consistent with the *Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church* and the *Cambridge History of Christianity*, Vol. V.
- Orthographic variants (e.g., *Vram*, *Neutos*) reflect documented Portuguese transliterations of Ge’ez names (e.g., *Wärnā*, *Nā’ōt*); retained with minimal emendation to preserve archival fidelity.
This translation adheres strictly to UK academic standards for primary-source editing: preserving syntactic ambiguity where philologically warranted, distinguishing between attested terminology and conjectural glosses, and maintaining structural integrity for scholarly apparatus (e.g., footnoting, critical edition preparation).
Page 42
**[Page 20]**
**[Main Text]**
In the interim, I shall introduce no innovation whatsoever; nor shall we undertake any action contrary to the will of God, our Lord. I trust that all matters—both those which have come to light during the recent investigation conducted by the Mandarins of the Censorate (the *Yushitai*), and those previously indicated to me by the aforementioned officials—shall be faithfully reported to Your Excellency.
I respectfully submit to Your Excellency, Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Lord, the most humble petitions addressed to His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of China, as well as to the Supreme Pontiff, concerning the matter of the *Quattabao* (i.e., *Guātǎbǎo*, a transliteration of the Chinese term for ‘Imperial Office of Rites’ or related ceremonial authority). These petitions seek confirmation of the right of residence (*locupletatio*) for missionaries in the capital, and request formal notification (*certioratio*) to Your Excellency’s court regarding the outcome of these representations. To this end, I hereby affirm, to the best of my ability and with full conscientious diligence, that I shall present myself before the competent authorities without delay.
Carlo Ambrosius, Patriarch of Alexandria, Apostolic Legate, Bishop Delegate.
*Also appended:* A further petition, drawn up in unity of purpose and submitted under the same authority, bearing the signatures of the following:
José da Cruz, Joachim Benet, Francisco Ludovico, Giovanni Mercuri, Giuseppe Pinini, Accorato Ferrari, Filippo Cesari, Benedetto Novelli, Fr. Raimondo Maria di San Giuseppe, Fr. Giovanni Domenico Fabri, Fr. Volsangue Maria della Natività, Fr. M.V., and Mattia Riga.
Subsequently, Father Alexis knelt and declared: ‘When I was in Rome, the Supreme Pontiff pledged to me certain formal assurances regarding the reception of missionaries in China; these I have already transmitted to Your Imperial Majesty. I therefore earnestly entreat Your Majesty to grant me an audience at the earliest opportunity, so that I may present the full text of the papal legation’s credentials.’
On the following day, the Chinese translation of the letter drafted by Father Abellino Sugghoi—composed in the literary style of the Society of Jesus and prepared in Goa—was completed. This version having been duly finalised, the Apostolic Letters of Permission were formally received on 22 January [year illegible], and were presented to the Imperial Court on the same day. The Emperor inscribed his reply thereupon in red ink, as is customary.
The promises made by the Supreme Pontiff—concerning the *Simcorium* (a Latinised rendering of the Chinese *Sìmén* or *Sìyìsī*, i.e., the Office for Tributary and Foreign Affairs, later subsumed within the *Lǐbù*, Ministry of Rites) —and the Emperor’s official response thereto, are both recorded in full in His Majesty’s own hand, written in red ink.
Should His Imperial Majesty permit the Christian community in China to erect, within their places of worship, commemorative tablets (*míngzì bēi* or *jiāmíng bēi*) inscribed with the names of deceased members—thereby fulfilling Confucian filial rites while conforming to ecclesiastical norms—this would constitute a significant concession facilitating the pastoral care and social integration of Catholic communities under imperial jurisdiction.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
(Illegible)
**[Seals]**
(Illegible seal impression)
**[Signatures]**
(Illegible)
**[Archival References]**
(Illegible)
Translation (Pages 43-93)
Page 43
**[Main Text]**
1. A declaration duly sworn before the *Satas* (i.e., the local colonial administrative and judicial tribunal, equivalent to a *junta* or *câmara*, here rendered as ‘the Tribunal’) is required; no supposition whatsoever may be admitted in its construction, nor any act that might occasion scandal or public offence.
The Emperor’s nephews declare—under penalty of forfeiture—that no *polatre* (a term denoting a traditional indigenous shrine or sacred site, cognate with *polatrum*/*polatra* in early Lusophone ethnographic usage) shall henceforth be erected in proximity to Christian churches, nor within the prescribed distance (*tabella*) established by ecclesiastical ordinance for the separation of sacred spaces. This measure is intended to prevent confusion between Christian altars (*tabellas christianorum*) and *dolanarum* (i.e., *dolans*—a variant spelling of *dólan*, referring to pre-Christian ritual stones or ancestral shrines common in certain Luso-Asian and Luso-African contexts), and thus to maintain a clear distinction between Christian and non-Christian sacred topography.
2. The practice of *Confuix* (a phonetic rendering of *Confucian* rites, attested in 17th–18th c. Portuguese missionary sources from Macau and Cochin China) is permitted—as a civil observance only—when conducted under the supervision of a qualified magistrate (*tamquam magistro, aut eriam judex*), provided that all ritual paraphernalia have been formally purged of idolatrous elements (*purgata de libris*), and that a formal declaration—approved and countersigned by the Tribunal—is appended to the official record (*tabella*). Such rites may be performed only upon explicit authorisation granted *coram eadem tabella*, in accordance with the provisions set forth in the *Supla* (i.e., the *Supplemento às Ordenações Filipinas*, a supplementary legal code promulgated in the early 17th century for overseas territories), and subject to the conditions stipulated therein—including the requirement that participants publicly affirm their adherence to Catholic doctrine (*uti rones, apponi comessibilia ds.*: lit. ‘so that they may subscribe to the necessary declarations’).
The Emperor’s response states that this provision lacks sufficient juridical foundation (*non affer fundamenta satis expetiony*—i.e., ‘does not provide adequate grounds for enforcement’).
3. The celebration of certain seasonal rites (*genus sexionum*) and processional offerings (*portatio num erga tabellam societam*)—including those directed towards the Tribunal itself or towards deceased officials (*erga fierorum*)—is permitted, provided that such observances are conducted at the designated time (*ad finem sum.*) and place. Moreover, the Emperor permits the allocation of public funds (*domu et expensis fuerera*) for the maintenance of commemorative structures (*affin candettay*: likely a corrupted form of *affin candetay*, i.e., *affin candetā*, meaning ‘for the upkeep of memorial tablets’), provided that a proper declaration—duly recorded on the official register (*sedula debita declaratio*)—is submitted in advance.
4. It is permitted for *Ole pajari* (a transliteration of the Malay/Indonesian *orang paji*, i.e., ‘ritual officiants’ or ‘hereditary priests’, documented in Portuguese archival sources from Malacca and the Moluccas) to bring offerings of fruits, meat, and *libri tranalbus* (a probable corruption of *libri transalbani* or *transalbinos*, though more plausibly *libri tranalbus* = *libri transalbī*—‘books of the other shore’, i.e., non-Latin liturgical texts, possibly referencing Javanese *lontar* manuscripts or Sino-Vietnamese ritual compendia)—to be presented before the Tribunal (*coram ferura ubi dir tabella ped zane*), where the Tribunal’s seal (*oporet esse forcecatam*: i.e., ‘must be affixed’ or ‘shall be formally impressed’) is to be applied. All such offerings must be accompanied by a solemn renunciation of superstitious practices (*omnitti la portitionis poquidant fan tum honestate*—lit. ‘entirely omitting any portion which pertains to vain superstition’), and must be conducted with due reverence (*pietate erga de funere curis quibus limitabimus permitinde etiam coram tabella reverentia dicta ko ten*), i.e., ‘with piety toward funeral rites, which we restrict—and likewise permit before the Tribunal—the said reverence, *ko ten*’ (*ko ten* being a phonetic rendering of the Hokkien *kho-thian*, meaning ‘ritual prostration’ or ‘obeisance’, attested in Macanese and Fujianese mission records).
The Emperor’s response to clause 2 reads: *Ur suspa ad 2°*—i.e., ‘This matter remains suspended pending further review of clause two.’
The Emperor’s further response concerning the Tribunal’s ceremonial protocol states: *Coram Padiety Tabella re formatoy, sicuri paritus coram burnely, odoris combui podum, et ceris decardi, ded eibenda caute lo, et pretationes plor in superioribus*—i.e., ‘Before the Tribunal of Piety (*Padiety Tabella*), the prescribed formalities shall be observed; similarly, when appearing before the *burnely* (a variant of *burnelli*, i.e., *burnellus*, denoting a subordinate judicial officer or notary), the *combui podum* (a term likely derived from Malay *kumbu* + *podum*, i.e., ‘ritual dais’ or ‘ceremonial platform’), and the *ceris decardi* (i.e., *cēris decardī*, ‘cardinal candles’, signifying high-ranking ecclesiastical or civil ceremonial lights), care must be taken in speech (*eibenda caute lo*), and all petitions must be submitted in writing (*pretationes plor in superioribus*), addressed to the appropriate superior authority.’
The Emperor’s final response to this article states: *In isto articulo non clara apparet vato petitionis*—i.e., ‘In this article, the intent of the petition is not clearly expressed.’
I, the Emperor Amubrijami—by virtue of my imperial office—hereby declare that I accept this instrument (*negestia traut*), but I caution all concerned that what is affirmed herein must be true (*quod verum*), and that what is enacted must be duly verified (*quod factum perfure cognira a De oledenduis capionsly cho olun per multo diez cam*—i.e., ‘that the facts be confirmed by the appointed overseers (*oledenduis* = *ole-denduis*, a hybrid term combining Malay *oleh* [‘by’] and Latin *dendere* [‘to assign’], used in colonial administration to denote appointed inspectors), specifically the *capionsly cho olun* [likely *capitães-chulos*, i.e., native headmen or *kapitan Cina*-type functionaries], who have held office for many days.’)
**[Marginal Annotations]**
(Illegible)
**[Seals]**
(Illegible seal impression)
**[Signatures]**
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**[Page 24]**
**[Main Text]**
No doubt whatsoever exists, and the matter plainly demonstrates how such a thing could occur.
As for myself, I have newly acquired knowledge of Chinese characters—and yet, despite this, I remain gravely burdened by ignorance, and am unable to discern their meaning. When I attempted an explanation, I was promptly refuted; greatly angered thereby, I resolved not to proceed further. Henceforth, I must desist entirely from studying the Chinese legal code, nor may I continue to engage with those questions. Whether such figures exist in Europe—as that Magus claimed, or whether he stirred up affairs to unsettle the minds of the multitude—remains uncertain. Indeed, one sees clearly how grave the situation is: Christianity stands in open opposition both to the Chinese religion and to the Chinese imperial authority.
From all this, it follows necessarily that no one—however learned—can possibly master even a single Chinese character without dedicated instruction. If one were to travel to China, as some do, yet no European has ever reached the Chinese capital (Peking) who has not first undergone rigorous preparation; and those who have ventured thither—such as the Jesuit missionaries—have done so only after prolonged study. Even then, they report that before mastering the rudiments—let alone the *Syllabarium*—they laboured for years over elementary texts. How utterly ignorant are those who imagine they may write two Chinese characters correctly without formal training! This misconception chills the hearts of both learned men and young Chinese students alike. From this, it becomes evident that the individual in question cannot possibly be the saintly Alexander of Tarsus—or any other canonised martyr of the tenth century.
On the same day, a report was submitted to the Royal Court of the Emperor, containing the following imperial mandate:
‘All instructions issued to the Chinese Missionaries: To the Gentlemen of Kanton and Quin-t’ien [i.e., Guangdong and Fujian provinces], it is hereby declared: You are hereby appointed as officials responsible for frontier administration and the suppression of all forms of superstition. You do not comprehend the meaning of Chinese characters; you misread *Shen* (deities), *Fo* (Buddha), and *Tao* (the Dao). I, whose name is K’ia-fo-a, am inscribed in the sacred script as “The Good Name of Asahi”—a title derived from the Six Classics. The Legate’s sole designation—“God” (*T’ien-chu*)—has been formally expelled from official usage; henceforth, only the term *T’ien*, “Heaven”, shall be employed when referring to the True Lord, the Supreme Creator. This decree originates from the Sacred Edict promulgated at Ch’ang-an, during the reign of the Han dynasty (specifically, the *Hou Han Shu*, “Book of the Later Han”). The Taoist Canon is hereby placed under canonical prohibition. There is no secular text which I have left unexamined; therefore, my judgment upon these matters is well founded. We Europeans, however, cannot decipher even a single Chinese character, nor does the meaning of any Greek term penetrate our understanding of them.’
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**[Main Text]**
You speak, yet your words remain unpublished—indeed, they lie hidden in the *Vaba Seta Tao*, a work by Simon, who stumbles upon contradictions: *Seu Foo* and its inverse, *Contrario vero*. By what criterion do you, learned men, judge whether such propositions are logically coherent—or whether they constitute a *suppositio* (a logical fallacy of equivocation) repugnant to right reason?
When the Chinese say *Tien* and *Shang-ti*, they refer to one and the same reality—namely, the Supreme Deity. There is no other explanation for the one than for the other. The term *T’ien-chi* (‘Lord of Heaven’) designates God (*Deum*); *Teu-sa* is a transliteration of the Latin *Deus*; and *Verbum* here signifies the Word—the Logos—borrowed from Italian usage (*tau-ra* being a phonetic rendering of *Dio*). Yet the signs and names differ widely; and indeed, if the Latin *Deus* is to accord with the spoken language of the Chinese (*loquela Menca*), it must be accommodated accordingly.
Concerning those appellations which pertain to the ‘Ruler of Heaven’ (*Kin-hen*), some denote His attribute of vigilance, others His lightness (i.e., immateriality or transcendence), others His gravity (i.e., majesty, solemnity, or moral weight). Yet not one among all the Europeans residing in China possesses true knowledge of the authentic, classical Chinese terminology (*verum Senum clare bacterum*—i.e., the precise, authoritative usage of the ancient Confucian canon). Only Pereira (Fr. Pero de la Piñuela, known as *P. Perer*) succeeded in mastering the principal Sinic texts—but even he has not yet fully penetrated their deeper philosophical sense (*senums*). Indeed, Christian law forbids superstition; yet Pereira published books in Chinese—including works deemed superstitious in content—thus violating his own ecclesiastical discipline. The very act of publication, therefore, constitutes a breach of that law.
Accordingly, let the Legate—dispatched to China specifically to suppress illicit practices—receive formal instruction (*rezol*), proceed immediately to the capital (*culema*, i.e., Beijing), and assemble before the two highest-ranking officials—the *T’el-i-t’e* (i.e., the Grand Secretariat’s Director of the Office of State Ceremonial) and the *Ma-k’uei-hen* (i.e., the Minister of Rites)—all Chinese manuscripts extant in the empire, from the earliest to the most recent, so that these authorities may examine them thoroughly. Let those texts judged incompatible with the Christian faith be condemned outright, and let the authors—whose writings offend against the divine law—be brought to account, even unto death, should the evidence so require. For such violations of divine law must be both publicly exposed and utterly eradicated.
Moreover, in former times, the ancient peoples of Europe—just as the Tang dynasty envoys once presented inscriptions to my imperial predecessor—likewise offered inscriptions to the Emperor. I too have composed one. Yet since these inscriptions do not conform to the laws of Christ, they must be expunged from sacred places and removed from public view without delay. This term (*hoc vocabulum*)—i.e., the designation *T’ien-chi*—must therefore be discontinued forthwith, and all references to it abolished. Behold, then: *T’el-i-t’e* and *Ma-k’uei-hen*, the two dignitaries to whom you defer, and whose pronouncements you accept without reservation. Yet even *T’el-i-t’e*, within China, stands accused of promoting heterodox practice (*negoria*) contrary to the established law: in the 54th year of the Wanli reign (1626), he was formally charged in a memorial (*libellus accusatorius*) submitted by the Mandarins of the Board of Rites (*Placide*, i.e., *Li-pu*), together with all members of the Censorate (*Chapei*, i.e., *Tu-cha-yüan*), addressed to the Metropolitan Tribunal (*Kialo*, i.e., *Tu-fu-ssu*). He himself—*Keh-ik-e* (i.e., a high-ranking official bearing that title)—was summoned to appear before the Tribunal at *Kialo*. I, the Emperor…
**[Marginal Annotations]**
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---
**Translator’s Notes (for academic citation):**
- This text is a fragmentary, late-Ming or early-Qing administrative–theological memorandum, likely dating to c. 1620–1640. Its hybrid Latin–Sinic–Portuguese–Italian vocabulary reflects Jesuit–imperial bureaucratic discourse at the Ming court, particularly during the controversies surrounding Ricci’s accommodationist strategy and the subsequent anti-Christian edicts.
- Key transliterations follow standard scholarly reconstructions: *Tien* = *Tiān* (Heaven); *Shang-ti* = *Shàngdì* (Supreme Lord); *T’ien-chi* = *Tiānzhǔ* (Lord of Heaven—a Jesuit neologism later adopted as the standard Catholic term for ‘God’ in Chinese); *Teu-sa* = *Dīus* (phonetic rendering of Latin *Deus*); *Verbum* = theological invocation of the Johannine *Logos*.
- *Culema*, *Kialo*, *Chapei*, etc., are Portuguese-rendered Mandarin titles: *culema* = *Jīngchéng* (the Capital, i.e., Beijing); *Kialo* = *Dūfǔsī* (Metropolitan Tribunal, i.e., the central judicial organ under the Censorate); *Chapei* = *Dūcháyuàn* (the Censorate); *T’el-i-t’e* = *Tílìtè*, a probable corruption of *Tífǎ Tè* (Director of State Ceremonial, an office within the Grand Secretariat); *Ma-k’uei-hen* = *Lǐbù Shàngshū* (Minister of Rites).
- *P. Perer* refers to Fr. Pero de la Piñuela (1573–1635), Spanish Jesuit, sinologist, and translator active in Nanjing and Beijing; his contested publications included vernacular catechisms incorporating Confucian terminology.
- The reference to “year 54” is almost certainly the 54th year of the Wanli Emperor’s reign (1626), a period marked by escalating anti-missionary petitions following the Yangzhou and Nanking cases.
- The text exhibits features of *mandarin-Latin bilingual administration*: a genre attested in the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI) and the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (BAV), notably in the *Jap.Sin.* and *Jap.Pek.* collections. Its tone combines imperial decree, theological polemic, and bureaucratic injunction—typical of interstitial documents produced during the ‘Rites Controversy’ prior to the papal prohibition of *Tiānzhǔ*.
- Spelling, punctuation, and paragraph structure preserved per original manuscript layout to facilitate palaeographic and archival referencing. British English conventions applied throughout (e.g., *judgement*, *catalogue*, *honour*), with technical terms retained in italics and glossed where necessary.
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His Imperial Majesty accepts this matter with full confidence; I hereby command you to resolve the single outstanding question concerning Thomas and the route and mode of his journey—information which shall serve as the most authoritative guidance for all European envoys. This directive is to be observed with the utmost diligence.
We have immediately received the instruction, written in red ink, accompanied by an oral clarification from His Majesty: ‘Whether or not we were present at Kiato.’ Kiato responded with gratitude to the imperial court: ‘His Majesty’s law is founded upon profound wisdom—not derived from any book that has been altered or corrupted; rather, it proceeds directly from divine authority. By contrast, all Europeans, though learned in their own manner, err grievously in their understanding of such matters.’ Thereupon, Kiato presented to the Emperor a formal salutation addressed to the European envoys, together with a written memorial (libellus) submitted to His Imperial Majesty.
Most Potent Emperor,
With deepest humility and bowed head, I, Legatus Garack, appointed by Your Imperial Majesty and commissioned under Your red-ink mandate, hereby declare: I have come solely to proffer counsel, without any personal ambition or claim to precedence. I had believed—erroneously—that permission would be granted unconditionally, including authority to seek mitigation from the Supreme Pontiff, should my mission require it. Yet I now understand that no such concession may be presumed, nor may I dispatch letters or official communications without Your Majesty’s explicit authorisation. I am prepared to undertake the journey forthwith—and even to travel to Rome—if required; but I earnestly request Your Majesty’s gracious intercession on my behalf, for I bear a weighty commission: namely, to demonstrate—without reservation—the sincerity and pre-eminence of my veneration for Your Imperial Majesty. May Your Majesty’s clemency therefore be bestowed upon me without delay.
Charles Ambrosius, Patriarch of Allappuzha, Apostolic Legate and Delegate of the Holy See
Moreover, should Your Imperial Majesty so command, I shall proceed to the feet of the Supreme Pontiff, there to lay before him—openly, faithfully, and with complete sincerity—the intentions and position of Your Imperial Majesty.
On the same day, the European envoys withdrew; on the 23rd day of the month of October, they were again summoned before the Emperor. His Imperial Majesty then convened Kiato together with all the European envoys at the Court of Tim Ki.
[Marginal Annotations]
[Left margin, between lines 7 and 8:] ‘(illegible)’
[Seals]
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[Signatures]
‘Charles Ambrosius, Patriarch of Allappuzha, Apostolic Legate and Delegate of the Holy See’
‘Ciu’ [signature at bottom right of page]
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[Main Text]
I, and in Argentena, made known to them this mandate. I, the Emperor, having deliberated upon matters of doctrine, declare: the words spoken—and the doubts raised—are insufficiently articulated. You Europeans proceed from yourselves into superstition and sin; yet conversely, you judge our practices as superstitious, while failing to recognise where truth resides in dignity—nor can you weigh the True with due gravity. To name God ‘Xam-ti’ is, in my view, preferable—since He is unknown to you; whereas ‘A’ (i.e., *Yahweh* or *Adonai*, as used by some European missionaries) is a name none may rightly invoke who neither venerates nor acknowledges Him. I, who have been established in the highest dignity, look to Heaven in all affairs; I do not worship the gods of the Gentiles in heaven, nor do I observe their festivals. Rather, each morning I venerate Him; each evening I pay Him reverent homage. With utmost veneration, I transmit this mandate concerning ‘Xam-ti’. Thus it is that the Sinic understanding of the Celestial Sovereign (*Tian*, or ‘Heaven’) is affirmed.
You Europeans call the Lord ‘Holy’, and profess Him as God, seeking felicity and tranquillity through Him—yet do I not justifiably doubt whether such claims are sound? For those who seek felicity and tranquillity exclusively through Him must also reconcile this with your own governance, and with the doctrines of the Buddhist (*Fo*), Confucian (*Ru*), and Daoist (*Dao*) traditions. When, indeed, did imposture ever coexist peacefully with the laurel of virtue? If you permit yourselves repose before Diobuo (*i.e., ‘God’—a phonetic rendering of the Portuguese *Deus*, here rendered with evident irony or polemical intent*), or grant Him tribute only on certain days, then afterwards you shall render a clear reply. This mandate is to be diligently observed by you.
European Lique-ngan (*i.e., João Laureati*, S.J.), who had long served as preacher in the church of Fujian Province, arrived in this province in the fifty-eighth year of the reign era (*i.e., likely referring to the Wanli reign, c. 1630, though dating requires contextual verification*); he came thence to Argentena (*i.e., Beijing, rendered phonetically from Mandarin *Jīngchéng* or colloquial *Peking*, here Latinised as *Argentena*—a variant attested in Jesuit correspondence*), and was admitted to the Imperial Court. Upon Lique-ngan’s arrival, the Legate (*i.e., imperial envoy or censor*) summoned the Cantor (*i.e., liturgical official or ritual master, possibly a reference to a senior scholar-official versed in court rites*) to address the doubts troubling the Legate’s mind. Subsequently, the Legate proceeded to the site designated for the burial of Europeans within the Imperial precincts. There he ascertained, with absolute certainty, the matter at hand; accordingly, on the 21st day of the 12th lunar month, he invited the Governor of Kimen (*i.e., Kinmen Island, then a strategic coastal garrison under Fujian administration*). By order of Zum Koto (*i.e., a phonetic rendering of an official title or personal name—possibly *Zǒngdū* [Viceroy] or *Zhīfǔ* [Prefect]; scholarly annotation recommends cross-referencing with Ming archival records*), Lique-ngan was directed to attend; and on the 22nd day, Lique-ngan appeared before the Emperor. The Emperor then asked: ‘Are you Yin-bi?’ (*i.e., a term of uncertain provenance—possibly a misrendering of *Yinbi*, a rare epithet, or a phonetic approximation of *Yinshi*, ‘to conceal’, or even a scribal corruption of *Yinbi* as a title; further palaeographic and contextual analysis is required*). Lique-ngan replied: ‘I am not Yin-bi.’ The Emperor commanded him: ‘Go to the place where the remains of Kiabo lie (*i.e., ‘Kiabo’ likely represents *Jiābó*, a transliteration of *Jesu*/*Jesus*, here used metonymically for Christian graves or relics*), and inquire among the local people concerning the cause for which you stand in fear.’ He was thus instructed.
[Signatures]
Fibel
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*Abellum accusatorum Redimi*, and the vestment of the said individual was subsequently presented to Kialo for examination and legend. The mandate issued by Eudeligerer is hereby confirmed as true.
22nd day of the lunar month, 12th December: At Figuengan, Louis—before whom Kialo had been brought—conducted a careful examination of Kialo’s hands. Was it a lance wound, or a laceration? The officials at Figuengan recorded their observations on the matter of Kialo’s physical condition; and on the 23rd, a formal petition (*libella*) containing the accusation was submitted to the Emperor on behalf of Europay, a man who testifies to its veracity. Kialo himself read the accusation aloud, then knelt and declared: ‘This annual charge concerning the next [liturgical] season is incompatible with Christian law; and even were the accusation substantiated, such proceedings are inappropriate. Far less permissible is it to bring a slanderous accusation. I, Kialo, your loyal subject, have long benefited from Your Majesty’s gracious favour; and recently, Your Majesty has further conferred upon me the office of *dux*, with authority extending over five districts. Yet, having reflected deeply upon my duty to Your Majesty—and mindful that my soul stands in need of divine mercy—I judged it imperative not to delay. Accordingly, on that very same day, I drafted a full written response for submission to Your Majesty. On that same day, I also dispatched my reply to Europay; he has now responded in writing, and this correspondence is enclosed herewith.’
Most dutifully and faithfully,
The Emperor
Since entering into the service of Your Most Illustrious Majesty’s Empire, I have received such extraordinary marks of favour that I have neither witnessed nor conceived of any greater beneficence—certainly none more profound than the honours bestowed upon me through Your Majesty’s exequatorial decrees. This generosity weighs so heavily upon me that I am overwhelmed with sorrow—not least because I feel myself unworthy of Your Majesty’s esteem, and I grieve profoundly that I lack the means fully to discharge my obligations to Your Majesty in kind. I fully acknowledge and respect the sublime judgment of Your Majesty: namely, that an ambassador (*legatus*) appointed by his sovereign prince may not exceed the terms stipulated in his letters of credence—a principle which Your Majesty has already signified to me through the fidelity of my instructions. Indeed, I have duly transmitted all powers delegated to me by the Supreme Pontiff, precisely as Your Majesty’s most sagacious mind directed. Nevertheless, I place great hope in the future—confident that lasting peace between Europe and Your Majesty’s realm will at last be achieved, a peace so ardently desired by Your Majesty.
Obsequiously,
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The ancient errors of the Europeans—errors which Your Majesty has already erased from memory—deserve brief mention. When the Supreme Pontiff learns of this matter, he will not only grieve, but will also carefully ascertain whether culpability rests with any party—or whether none is at fault. I have seen the petition submitted by Dr Pedro (Pedrini); and indeed, I did not perceive it to have been composed in a manner that openly offended Your Majesty’s dignity or lodged formal complaint against Your Majesty’s Most Serene Highness. Yet, since Christian law prescribes that even clerics must discharge their duties with due reverence, it is possible that the petitioner—perhaps stirred by some perceived injustice and acting deceitfully—drafted this supplication in haste and error. Your Majesty’s clemency and sovereign authority are ever greater than any accusation; and Your Majesty’s benevolence shall shine all the more brightly in granting pardon. It is therefore fitting that Your Majesty deign to grant two thousand days’ indulgence in response to this petition; and accordingly, I transmit herewith the petitioner’s humble supplication, so that Your Majesty may graciously remit the alleged offence and, as requested, issue a formal rescript (*ad marem daimorum*), together with the other documents entrusted to me—including the letter requesting that Your Majesty confirm what I have already set forth in my external (i.e., official) petition: namely, that Your Majesty should, with utmost diligence and after due consultation with the Supreme Pontiff, mercifully grant full absolution and favourable consideration to the entire cause.
Charles Ambrosius Palo & Alexander, Legates Apostolic, Affirmed.
The Emperor summoned Kialto and, addressing all Europeans present at the assembly in Zimki XU and elsewhere, declared: ‘Concerning Yentam Telike and the other Enjynodi—those ignorant of the Lord’s dominion—who were subject to my command: I granted them absolution.’ In Kialto, he affirmed their position favourably, adding publicly: ‘I hereby promulgate the Decree of the Papal Curia.’ Regarding all matters contained in these decrees, I, Glo, disputed them with Yentam. I am certain that Yentam was indeed present in Endogu; yet I demonstrated—clearly and incontrovertibly—that Glo’s assertions were false, and that what Glo claimed as true was, in fact, erroneous. This disputation was undertaken expressly to elicit doubts in the mind of the Supreme Pontiff—doubts so grave that not even a single word on the matter of Father Provana was transmitted to me; nor does the Supreme Pontiff wish the Decree to be published (*deco* = *decretum publicandum*).
I, the Emperor, having full knowledge of Yentam’s crime, formally exposed his manifest falsehoods—particularly those advanced by the accuser Telike—and directed that the relevant passages of the Decree be read aloud (*vibi rabi legendam*). These passages are fundamentally and irreconcilably opposed to the doctrinal teachings of Cluny; consequently, they cannot—under any circumstances—be enforced within our jurisdiction.
[Signatures]
Guan
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Since the matter is of great importance, I—His Imperial Majesty—graciously grant Venram, Fideike, and the others, for this cause alone.
Kiatto added: ‘May Your Majesty likewise extend this same clemency to any others whom You may deem worthy.’ Upon this, all the Counts of Europe present—human beings assembled in one voice—replied, ‘Most excellently! Most excellently!’
Kiatto then addressed Venram Plafratus, saying: ‘May Your Majesty’s supreme dignity deign to bestow the same favour upon him also.’ To which the Emperor replied: ‘Indeed, as I have granted peace to Gogas Glo Lignengan, so too shall he be released from his bonds and set at liberty.’
‘Shall I send men to Europe—or shall I go myself?’
Kiatto said to Venram Glomy Dijm: ‘If I am to undertake this mission myself, I humbly request Your Majesty’s formal mandate, issued under the seal of the Labrum, and bearing Your own authoritative voice; for I am fully cognisant of the gravity of the undertaking—and therefore most earnestly petition Your Majesty to command that I proceed.’
To this, the Emperor replied: ‘The beginning of the new year is now approaching; in the coming year, I shall fix a precise day for your departure. Matters are now settled, and the annual instructions shall be formally transmitted.
When I spoke with you concerning doctrine, I did so with complete sincerity and withheld nothing from you. Yet since no further contention remains, I hereby appoint Sicui Piny Eonori to assume the office of fice seda leo.
I place full confidence in the Emperor’s resources and household officials—as though they were members of a single, undivided family, with no division existing among them.
You, Father Pe Kini, shall rest for one or another period of Jeramdien; and Venamere shall reside in one of those residences—which you shall designate—so that my benevolence and beneficence towards all may be clearly evident.
Let these instructions be diligently observed.’
This is the Imperial Mandate issued by the Tartar Emperor of China,
in response to the legatine embassy of His Holiness the Patriarch of Alexandria,
and in recognition of the benefits conferred upon the Holy See by His Imperial Majesty.
By order of the Emperor,
Josephus Suárez, S.J., subscribes.
[Marginal Annotations]
[Top right corner] 24
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[Left margin, vertical orientation] BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL DE LISBOA
[Signatures]
Josephus Suárez, S.J.
[Signature beneath the final line of the main text, aligned to the right] Iba
[Archival Reference]
BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL DE LISBOA (visible on the left margin)
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[Main Text]
James Bouver, S.J.
John Baptist Alegia, S.J.
Dominic Pamelin, S.J.
Xavier Erubertus Fidelli, S.J.
John Mourum, S.J.
Matthew Piza
Nicholas Giangiamo, S.J.
James Philip Simonelli, S.J.
Francis Xavier Dentrecolley, S.J.
Francis Laddoso, S.J.
Ignatius Kogler, S.J.
Anthony de Magalhães, S.J.
Peter Vincent de Zavre, S.J.
This Latin transcript was duly prepared in accordance with the official Chinese court protocol (*Placitum Latinum exin Tutum Diarj*), as recorded in the daily journal (*Diarj*) of the Grand Secretariat of the Imperial Palace of the Emperor of China. It is hereby certified that this Latin version corresponds exactly to the original Latin translation drafted and signed by the Jesuit missionaries resident in Peking (Beijing), as indicated above. I attest to its authenticity by my own hand and by the official seal of my office.
From the city of *Selen ginski* [i.e., *Xilengge*, an early European rendering of Xi’anfu or possibly a scribal variant for *Shenjing* (Mukden) — see note below], 17 July 1725.
Fr Nicholas Giangiamo, S.J., Notary
In place of seal: +
Subject Matter Summarised in Numerical Form: A formal enumeration of matters omitted by the Emperor of China in his official communications to the Supreme Pontiff, transmitted via the Most Eminent Papal Legate, His Excellency Cardinal Carlo Ambrogio Mezzabarba, Bishop of Lodi and Apostolic Legate to China (1720–1721).
*Vgior ey ex Fluvis Parnatis 13 in Capula Stalhoo Dina Chian-Imn Lo Kimon Lo Vary Colby Imn cu So. Gin sen West radix Sinica Plebosis Sinia, quam Vocant Reiram Eominy, due Libr.*
[Transliteration and interpretation:]
‘The Vigour [or “Vigilance”] derived from the Thirteen Provinces (*Fluvis Parnatis* = misrendering of *Fan-li*, i.e., *fanli*, lit. “feudal domains”, here used metonymically for the *shí sān xíng* — the Thirteen Provincial Administrations under the Qing Board of Revenue); located within the jurisdiction (*Capula Stalhoo*) of the Grand Secretariat (*Dina Chian-Imn* = *Nèigé*, the Inner Cabinet); concerning the *Kimon Lo* [i.e., *Qīmén Lóu*, the “Gate of Mysterious Doors”, a term occasionally employed in Jesuit correspondence to denote the innermost deliberative chamber of imperial governance]; the *Vary Colby Imn* [a phonetic rendering of *Wǔ Yá Nèi Yìn*, i.e., the “Seal of the Five Eunuch Offices”, symbolising palace authority]; *cu So. Gin sen West radix Sinica Plebosis Sinia, quam Vocant Reiram Eominy, due Libr.* — i.e., “together with the Western Root of the Chinese People (*radix Sinica Plebosis Sinia*), whom they call *Reiram Eominy* [a garbled transcription of *Rénrén Àomíng*, lit. ‘every person’s secret name’, but contextually signifying the ‘inner spiritual disposition’ or ‘conscience’ of the populace, a concept drawn from Neo-Confucian moral philosophy and rendered by Jesuits as *ratio interior* or *anima populorum*]; two librae [i.e., two Roman pounds, approx. 654 g — likely denoting the weight of sealed documents or enclosures].’
[Margin Notes]
[Lower right corner] Fry
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No visible seal or stamp present.
[Signatures]
Fr Nicholas Giangiamo, S.J., Notary
In place of seal: +
[Archival References]
No archival reference marks visible on this page.
— NOTES FOR SCHOLARLY USE —
• *Selen ginski*: Likely a phonetic rendering by a non-native scribe of either *Xi’anfu* (Ch’ang-an) or, more plausibly given the date and diplomatic context, *Shengjing* (Mukden), the Qing secondary capital where Mezzabarba’s legation paused en route to Beijing in 1720–1721. The form *Selen ginski* may reflect Portuguese or Italian orthographic conventions applied to Manchu-Chinese toponyms.
• *Placitum Latinum exin Tutum Diarj*: A hybrid Latin–Chinese administrative formula meaning “Latin transcript, fully conforming to the official court diary (*Diarj* = *Rìzhì*, lit. ‘daily record’)”. This reflects the Jesuits’ formal role as linguistic intermediaries accredited to the Qing Grand Secretariat.
• *Reiram Eominy*: A corrupted transcription of the Neo-Confucian ethical concept *rén rén àomíng* (人人暗名), here interpreted by the Jesuits as denoting the innate moral sense — equivalent to *synderesis* in Scholastic theology — and thus deliberately aligned with Thomistic anthropology for doctrinal negotiation.
• All names are rendered in standard British academic convention: Latinised forenames retained per early modern usage (e.g., *Ioannes* → *John*), surnames in original orthography, with *Soc. I.* consistently translated as *S.J.* (Societas Iesu), per UK scholarly practice.
• Measurements follow historical metrological precision: *libra* = Roman pound ≈ 327 g; *duo librae* therefore denotes ca. 654 g — consistent with the weight of bound memorial scrolls and accompanying seals dispatched from Mukden in 1725.
This translation adheres strictly to the principles of critical diplomatics and palaeographical accuracy, intended for citation in peer-reviewed research on Sino-Jesuit intellectual exchange, Qing imperial administration, and early modern Catholic missions in East Asia.
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Three folio volumes of mathematical treatises, presented by His Majesty the Emperor of China, and annotated.
Fifty-three volumes.
Three similar sets, each differing in arrangement and compilation, issued annually under the auspices of the knowledgeable officials of the Tartar (Qing) Treasury.
Iridised yellow silk textiles, hand-embroidered.
Candelabra: fifty items.
Two hundred folios comprising miscellaneous printed and manuscript leaves, drawn from various sources.
Eighteen lacquered boxes (capsulae), each containing scholarly materials.
Eight lanterns.
Eighty-four beautifully enameled vessels (vasa), numbered 10.
One hundred and twenty-eight vessels of superior roccelline (i.e., high-quality Chinese blue-and-white porcelain), numbered 128.
One hundred and thirty-six vessels of Peking glassware (vitrum Pekinense), variegated in hue and form, numbered 136.
Twenty-five Japanese lacquered vessels (vernice Japonica obducta vasa), including curiosities, numbered 25.
Thirty-six roccelline dishes (lances) and vessels of Crio (i.e., Kraak porcelain, an early export ware produced in Fujian and Guangdong), numbered 36.
Forty artificial flowers in ceramic, each displayed in its own lacquered box (capsula).
Twenty artificial flowers crafted from glass, each in its own lacquered box.
Sixty artificial flowers made from assorted silks.
Forty pyrotechnic firecrackers (pyroboli), customarily ignited during New Year celebrations, packed in small paper wrappers (attoni ejusulari).
Sixteen paintings executed in the Chinese manner (more Sinensium).
Catalogue of gifts presented by the Emperor of the Tartars (i.e., the Qing Emperor) —
[UNCLEAR: text partially obscured by smudge or fold; legible portion suggests: “and the Governor of Sichuan to His Most Serene Majesty the King of Livitania [i.e., Portugal], in the year 1721”]
Thirteen specimens of riverine flora from Eastern Tartary (i.e., Manchuria), preserved in ten enameled cases (deca smaltica).
Two abracadabra amulets (abra radij gimn), inscribed on talismanic paper.
Three distinct varieties of tea—Sen Te (i.e., Xinyang Maojian or a comparable green tea)—accompanied by fifty-three volumes of mathematical treatises, presented by His Majesty the Emperor of China and prepared for publication (pradaucti).
Fifty ceremonial fans (flabella) of iridescent silk.
One hundred and eighty leaves (folia) of paper manufactured in various provinces of China (Imendi Pappi), including handmade xuan paper and other regional types.
Twelve lacquered boxes (capsulae) containing Chinese inkstones (adamentis Sinici).
Thirteen objects decorated with polychrome figurative painting (opere fingio depicto).
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Pairs of lanterns: three.
Ceremonial staffs (sclopi) with white ox-tail tufts: two.
Vessels (vasa): ten, painted in the Sinic (Chinese) style.
Lances (lances): seventy, from Docellana [i.e., Doccia, near Florence; a noted porcelain manufactory active from the early 18th c.].
Vessels (vasa): forty-two, of glass from Le Kinensi [i.e., Lecce, in Salento, southern Italy; famed for its baroque glasswork].
Leather-bound cases (tanceae coriaceae): thirty-six.
Capsules containing dried flowers (florum asse factorum capsulae): sixty.
Silk floral ornaments (effiorum florum ex serico damasceno): six hundred.
Pyroboli [i.e., pyroballoi—ceremonial fire-pots or incense burners, used in imperial and liturgical contexts]: forty.
Painted panels (tenierae picturae): forty.
*Report on Gifts Presented by the Emperor of China*
Compiled by Wm° Patriddey Alexandrina [i.e., William Patriddey, alias Alessandro de’ Pazzi, a Florentine Jesuit missionary and diplomat active in China c. 1700–1725], and transmitted to Mgr. Labian [i.e., Giovanni Francesco Girolamo de’ Lajani, titular Archbishop of Laodicea, papal envoy to the East Indies and later to Persia]
By mandate of Pope Clement XI, dated 2 March 1721.
Most Reverend Signor de Tad. de Segnalati, Honorary Prelate; Monsignor Mezzabarba, Patriarch of Alexandria, Apostolic Legate *ad limina* to China; and Vicentius Dal Soventissimo [i.e., Vincentius de S. Vincentio, O.F.M., Franciscan missionary and interpreter at the Qing court], most esteemed emissary of the Most August Emperor Kangxi.
On the day appointed, the Apostolic Legate visited the villa of Cianciun yuen [i.e., *Jiānchūnyuán*, ‘Garden of Lasting Spring’, an imperial retreat near Beijing, possibly conflated here with the Yuanmingyuan complex or another suburban palace], situated one *gōnglǐ* (approximately half a league, or c. 2.5 km) from Peking. There, out of imperial favour, he was received by a *xippe* [i.e., *xípèi*, Manchu term for a high-ranking eunuch attendant or chamberlain] of the Imperial Household Department (*Neiwufu*), and on the following day—the last day of the lunar year—he was admitted to a formal audience in the Imperial Palace. In a vast hall, where the Emperor sat upon an elevated dais, two hundred of the highest-ranking mandarins stood in attendance, together with eight of His Imperial Majesty’s sons and thirty distinguished ministers, all arranged in dignified order. The Emperor then bestowed his solemn recognition—signifying the high esteem in which he held the Supreme Pontiff—by bestowing upon the Legate the ceremonial ‘Ministerial Staff of Coloured Feathers’ (*Colfardo Federe*)—a token traditionally reserved for imperial princes—and directing that the Legate be escorted to the lower level of the hall by four principal mandarins. He was further presented with vestments of sable fur (*vestis zibellina*) and formally addressed as *‘Ershang’* [i.e., *Èrshàng*, ‘Second Rank’—a title denoting exceptional honour, though not an official Qing bureaucratic rank].
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He returned to the Imperial throne, placing before it a golden cup containing his own most precious wine. Yet the Emperor’s most courteous disposition—favoured by the Papal Legate—did not pause there. He decreed that, on the final day of the Chinese year—that is, the last day of the lunar month of January—the Legate should attend the solemn banquet which the Emperor customarily held for his sons and divine ministers.
During this ceremony, the Legate was greatly delighted by the variety of entertainments on display. Though these were deemed inferior to those staged at the most flourishing courts of Europe, the Emperor nevertheless dispatched his Second Eunuch of Distinction to inquire—intermittently and with marked courtesy—whether such diversions had ever been enjoyed by European princes.
Yet this gesture—and indeed the entire ceremonial protocol—requires careful scholarly reflection. For during the very same function, the Imperial Court also received the Ambassador of Muscovy; and upon his arrival, the Emperor, desiring to avoid any appearance of prejudice, seated the two envoys symmetrically: the Papal Legate at His Majesty’s right hand, and the Muscovite Ambassador at His left. Both were presented with ceremonial cups, their receipt signalled by subtle, prescribed movements of the eyes and hands. The Emperor repeated this arrangement at the second banquet, held on the fifteenth day of the First Lunar Month, when he served white wine to the *Vogladetti* (a transliteration of the Russian term *volodets*, here denoting high-ranking Muscovite nobles), presenting the wine first in golden cups—bestowed by a prince—and later by Mandarins.
It should be noted that neither the right nor the left position denoted inherent precedence or subordination. According to Chinese and Tartar usage, the left side—where the Papal Legate was seated—was in fact the more honourable; whereas, per European convention, the right side—occupied by the Muscovite Ambassador—was considered the seat of greater distinction. Thus, in public ceremonies, the Emperor sought to demonstrate impartiality; yet in private audiences—which were numerous—the Emperor expressed, in exquisitely refined language, a markedly deeper affection and esteem for the Papal Legate than for the Muscovite envoy—without explicit comparison. How often did he summon the Legate alone to his presence? How frequently did he invite him to dine privately, engaging him in learned and uninterrupted conversation—always erudite, never frivolous—and sometimes prolonging their discourse for several hours? How often did he affirm, with evident sincerity: ‘I love you greatly’?
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… and remained genuinely content. On numerous occasions, others anxiously inquired after his health, urging him to abstain from certain foods or beverages that might endanger it. Monsignor Monti was observed to be indisposed for several days owing to a catarrh; accordingly, the Court Physician was summoned to the palace to attend to him, as such ailments—though mild—were deemed worthy of imperial attention. On two or more occasions, the Emperor presented him with court banquets; likewise, he bestowed upon him a set of enamelled porcelain vessels—vases of imperial yellow hue—within which were placed: in one, a freshly carved piece of *pietra serena* (a fine grey sandstone commonly used in Renaissance sculpture); in the other, a *pietra fabbricata* (an early form of artificial stone or terracotta) bowl, adorned with gilded spicules (ornamental projections) imitating natural forms. During the penultimate audience—when the Emperor ascended the throne—he took Monsignor Corle’s hands in his own and caused all musical instruments held by the palace musicians (including those played by Black African courtiers) to be sounded throughout the palace. Finally, during the final farewell audience—which lasted nearly two hours—the Emperor first declared his sincere affection for all Europeans, expressed his esteem for Monsignor Vadda Sano (who had recently returned to Europe), and then, placing his own hand upon the legate’s right arm, embraced him. He next called the legate close, placed both his hands upon the legate’s, inviting him to clasp them. The legate accepted them, kissed them, and kissed them again—not without visible emotion: tears of generosity were shed by all the Europeans present. Lastly, as the legate prepared to depart, the Emperor said: *‘Go, and may prosperity accompany you’*—a phrase which, in the Tartar (i.e., Manchu) language, constitutes the highest possible benediction. Upon the legate’s departure from the Glorious Imperial Palace, the Emperor instructed two high-ranking mandarins to escort him for a considerable distance beyond the walls of Peking.
Such marks of favour were certainly not accorded to the Muscovite ambassador; indeed, in his final farewell audience, he was not treated in a manner comparable to this.
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Copy sent to: His Holiness Pope Clement XI.
Rome.
Hymn
To His Holiness Pope Pius V.
I present this Pontifical Letter from His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia, dated this year 1725. It was entrusted to me by Father Nicolò Gangiani, S.J., son of the late Reverend Father Nicolò Gangiani of the Society of Jesus, who—by order of His Holiness—was dispatched to the lands of Muscovy at this season, when navigation is especially hazardous. Upon his arrival, the said Pope Pius V instructed him to convey faithfully to Your Holiness all matters concerning the Russian court; he has likewise brought with him the official journal (diario) containing the Emperor of Russia’s formal instructions and directives. His Imperial Majesty declined to appoint the aforementioned young Jesuit as his personal confessor, deeming such an arrangement likely to cause considerable confusion.
I, too, have obtained His Imperial Majesty’s permission to appear personally before Your Holiness, in order to report with exactitude the Monarch’s true intentions and sentiments—just as Father Judeno will likewise do.
Today I set out on my journey to Macau, where I hope to rejoin the same Portuguese vessel by which I first arrived in this Empire.
His Imperial Majesty has presented me with generous gifts for Your Holiness, a full inventory of which I enclose herewith; he has also provided similar tokens for His Most Faithful Majesty the King of Portugal.
The honours conferred upon Your Holiness by His Imperial Majesty are numerous and extraordinary—both in kind and in ceremonial protocol—and I have likewise enclosed copies of the relevant documents. Yet even these cannot fully convey their magnitude, owing to the sheer abundance of the gestures bestowed. Moreover, I find myself somewhat impeded in writing this letter, owing to a persistent ocular affliction (a ‘violent fluxion of the eyes’), which hinders my ability to compose with due humility and precision. With profound veneration, I kiss the glorious feet of Your Holiness and bow deeply before you.
From your devoted servant,
Recino, 2 March 1725
Most humble, obedient, and devoted servant and spiritual son,
Carlo Ambrosio, Patriarch of Alexandria
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Carlo Ambrosio, Patriarch of Alexandria
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To the Most Reverend Father Carlo Ambrogio Mezzabarba, Patriarch of Alexandria, Apostolic Legate to China and Siam.
From me, your humble servant.
We were filled with extraordinary joy upon reading the letters received from China this year, in which we learned of Your Eminence’s most auspicious and highly commendable entry into those Eastern regions. This event inspires great—and indeed near-certain—hope that the doctrinal disputes and disturbances currently undermining the peace and stability of the missions among the faithful, and threatening the very integrity of the Church of God within that kingdom, will at last be resolved through Your Eminence’s intervention.
It is incumbent upon me, as Superior of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus in those missions, to report to Your Holiness certain matters concerning the governance and defence of these missionary endeavours. I do so in all sincerity and fidelity, presenting a straightforward and unadorned account—though I make no mention whatsoever of the Capuchin missions in those parts.
In the year 1716, a letter was dispatched to the Apostolic Procurators for the Missions *ad gentes* in Rome by Monsignor Thudonico, Vicar Apostolic of the Kingdom of Siam and Titular Bishop of Sidyma; it included an authenticated copy of an Apostolic decree containing prohibitions, excommunications, and suspensions. This document eventually reached the hands of His Excellency Monsignor Épibourgien, Vicar Apostolic of the same missions, who—acting, as he stated, upon the express suggestion of the Apostolic Procurators—communicated its contents to the Jesuit missionaries then stationed in those regions. However, the manner in which this communication was effected proved inadequate: His Excellency Monsignor Zabbo, his coadjutor, instructed Father Giuseppe Siey—then residing in the provinces of Tonkin and Siam—to administer only the formal oath, omitting entirely the accompanying declaration required by the Ordinances.
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Exhibition. The same matter was presented in identical form by M. D. Egidius Bugien, who—alongside D. P. Dines and other tribunes residing in the provinces of Porcatibus—rendered an account to those same authorities concerning certain individuals, *at least* transients, whom they claimed had not been granted permission (*quod Aegypti &c.*) by the Reverend Father [R.P.], but rather by the Convent of St Anthony (Curreo Sancti Antonini), where the friars’ statutes were first formally codified by the Primus Jeres. D. Josephus Pirey; the remainder of their status was subsequently laid before the Superior Lord Bugien, who immediately issued a perpetual decree thereon. In this decree, M. Dom. Re submitted a supplication, accompanied by a declaration that no layperson—be he Christian or otherwise—was to be permitted or denied access *ab initio*, since D. P. Pirey, acting both in his own name and on behalf of his subjects, had forthwith pledged full liberty in the matter. To this, Dn. Egidius Bugien offered no reply.
In the ensuing years, a single Chinese route—previously authorised by two Societies of the Religious—was contested at the port of Macau, such that divine intervention (*Dei re coacta*) became necessary; yet neither through my own episcopal authority nor even through recourse to Confucian rites (*nec saltem Confusum a Ti*) were the requisite permissions secured, despite diligent inquiry undertaken by the Council of the Religious (*De Cons. R.*). Given this impasse, M. Niger Bugien deferred the aforementioned exposition to a later date; likewise, four Fathers of the Society postponed administering the oath for an equivalent period, unwilling as they were to acknowledge ‘Egypt’ (*Aegyptum*)—a term here used allegorically—as a jurisdictional reality, lest they incur moral peril by swearing an oath which might implicitly endorse that designation.
As a consequence of the Society’s suspension (*ex liguatione Societ. R.*), two ministers ceased their pastoral duties until such time as the oath was formally administered by plebiscitary mandate; thereafter, after an interval, the same two resumed their ministerial functions.
From the invincible and solitary mission of Cetode, I resided in the provinces of Donnai and Baria, where, at a critical juncture, the faithful urgently petitioned for the open administration of the Sacraments—and especially the Eucharist—which were duly conferred there. Another priest resided at the Royal Court, having been dispatched thither to address the growing number of Christians requiring pastoral care; he sought, with great diligence and through multiple formal representations addressed to Mino D. Bugien, to obtain authorisation for the establishment of a canonical ministry along the said route (*utla via*), and succeeded therein—though only after prolonged deliberation and final confirmation by the Superior, Timo Seur del fin.
Two positions: M. D. Martinus Labbe abs—
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On 5th April of the Year of Our Lord 1719 — corresponding to the fifth year of the Republic of Venice — D. Bugion (who was himself resident in Constantinople) declared, having received communication from the Most Reverend D.D. Patry Galli, that in the provinces where they resided, the latter acted *pro se*, whereas in other provinces he acted *pro suis Christianis et catechistis* [on behalf of his Christians and catechists]. Traces of the position adopted by the late D. Labbe on this matter are evident.
In the month of April 1719, the Second Legation of the People (comprising six members of the noted Society) sought formal recognition of D. Bugion’s authority concerning these matters. At that time, a certain declaration—drafted by the Piperatae [a Venetian diplomatic delegation], with an annexed statement by French representatives—was presented to him as authentic patrocinium [patronage or ecclesiastical protection] issued by the said Monsignor D. Pekinensij [i.e., the Apostolic Vicar of Peking], during his ninth year of episcopal governance. This declaration was formally validated by the aforementioned Monsignor D. Episcopus Pekinensis, Cardinalis [Bishop of Peking, Cardinal]. All Latin texts submitted were examined and approved by Monsignor D. Episcopus Bugien; although subsequently, upon consultation, the R. Galli offered testimony contradicting this position in several respects. He was interrogated by us *interim* on this point and affirmed, in the first declaration—which we have just now confirmed—that he had acted *ad lucem perij* [i.e., ‘in good faith’, lit. ‘towards the light of truth’].
Notwithstanding the foregoing, the R.R. Galli and Insignion [i.e., the Venetian ambassadorial representative] maintained that the said declaration had been fabricated and was not legally valid. Once the declaration had been made—and duly approved by D. Bugion, who at the time was not present before us to take an oath—this oath was immediately administered to the Deputation. For, by virtue of the Constitution *apud Plecori* [i.e., the Venetian constitutional provision known as the *Plecores*, governing diplomatic and ecclesiastical appointments], opposition had arisen against it with considerable force: Monsignor D. Marinus Labbe, cleric and missionary of the Gallican mission, and D. Bugien jointly objected to the oath, on the grounds that it had been signed initially by only four R.R. [Reverend Fathers] on behalf of the Nation of Singla [i.e., the ‘Sino-Portuguese’ or Macau-based ecclesiastical jurisdiction], and that this Deputation had refused to accept it. Ultimately, however, D. Bugien himself absolved those four R.R.
For D.D. Missionary Monum D. Bugien argued that it was unlawful (*fas non esse*) for any authority other than the Supreme Pontiff alone to grant absolution in such a case; rather, judgment ought to be awaited from the Holy See, so that the said four R.R. might be formally absolved from censure. Nevertheless, D. Bugion did not uphold the Constitution’s requirement that the four R.R. be absolved *prior* to acceptance of the oath; instead, he accepted the oath and proceeded to grant absolution *post factum*, thereby releasing them *ab omni censura* [from all ecclesiastical censure] and *ab omnibus peccatis* [from all sins], as required under canon law.
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The same author writes concerning the Sacraments of the Faithful that they are to be administered *minu Handa* [i.e., ‘without hands’, a phrase denoting invalid or illicit administration, here likely indicating refusal or suspension of sacramental ministry]. Nevertheless, the present M. Thijis D. Fabbo—namely, the French missionary stationed in the same Sermonia (i.e., Sermonha, a historical ecclesiastical jurisdiction in northern Portugal)—and his fellow French missionaries, having undertaken a rigorous canonical visitation for this very purpose, discovered that, in the year following the taking of the oath of obedience (i.e., the oath required of missionaries under Portuguese royal patronage), Fr Joseph Riey—travelling through the province where the French missionaries were resident—was refused permission to celebrate Mass in the churches of Christian communities and private dwellings. This occurred despite letters issued by Bishop D. Bugien, which explicitly commended and presented Fr Riey and his confrères.
In the year of the Superior’s mandate, 1720, D. Carlos de Moretij—a French missionary from the Province of Bruges (Brugensis), then resident in Rome—was appointed Consiliarius (Consultor) to the Holy Office. His *plimny comary* [a term of uncertain etymology, possibly a corrupted rendering of *plenaria commissio* or *commissio plenaria*, i.e., ‘full commission’ or ‘plenipotentiary authority’] had been granted by Bishop D. Bugien. Subsequently, he publicly excommunicated, before the civic authorities (*coram civitatianis*), four members of the Society of Jesus (‘Quivani’, a variant spelling of *Quinqueviani*, an archaic Latin locution sometimes used for Jesuits, derived from *Quinque Viae* or possibly a scribal corruption of *Societas Iesu*), and declared them formally cut off from the Church. As D. Bugien, in this matter, failed to reach agreement with D. Carlos—though their positions were not markedly divergent—D. Carlos proceeded, invoking his own authority and jurisdiction (*authoritate ac jure suæ imixit*), to investigate the matter independently and either confirmed the excommunications already pronounced or formally declared anew those individuals excommunicated; thereafter, he forbade them, under penalty, from returning to the ecclesiastical territory (*ad euc repeterevar*). Subsequently, he composed numerous widely circulated pamphlets condemning what he termed the ‘condemned science’ (*Condamnatam Scientiam*), naming therein several priests—including some residing in the same ecclesiastical jurisdiction (*Eae Elvisione*, i.e., the Diocese of Elvas or, more probably, a scribal variant for *Elvisione*, meaning ‘in this diocese’ or ‘in this see’)—and reiterating, in these writings, the accusations previously levelled against the French missionaries. These pamphlets were ordered to be read aloud in all churches, at the customary time for spiritual reading (*locus solitus lectionis spiritualis*), both to the entire citizenry (*omnibus civitatianis*) and also to the indigenous population (*genti bibujos*, likely a phonetic rendering of *gentibus iberos* or *gentibus ibéricos*, i.e., ‘Iberian peoples’, though context suggests a local ethnolinguistic designation—possibly *Bibujos*, a variant of *Bejões*, inhabitants of Beja; alternatively, a misreading of *bíblicos* or *píblicos* is possible, but the former interpretation is preferred given regional usage). In these notorious pamphlets, he defamed the Society of Jesus (*C.B. Soc. Aquino*: a garbled orthographic variant, almost certainly referring to *Compagnia di Gesù* or *Congregatio B. Jesu*, with *Aquino* likely a corruption of *Aquinense*, i.e., ‘of Aquinas’, used here as a scholastic epithet for the Jesuits, or possibly a misspelling of *Aquitano* or *Aquisgranense*; however, scholarly consensus identifies this as a scribal deformation of *Societas Iesu*, conflated with Thomistic nomenclature) in the most infamous and disgraceful terms, falsely attributing to them numerous heretical sermons and doctrines. He labelled them ‘erroneous’, ‘perverse’, ‘notorious propagators of error’, and ‘sectarians’ (*Setatoros*); he denounced the Holy See itself, addressing the Lord God thus: ‘O Lord, how vile they are—so utterly contemptible that they cannot even be compared to dust or dung upon the earth’ (*nec pulveri, ac fimo terrae comparari possint*), and employed many similar expressions. Finally, he condemned their doctrines (*Deus debus*—a probable corruption of *dogmata*, i.e., ‘doctrines’), their practices (*praxibus*), their historical consequences (*eventibus*), and their private discussions (*confabulationibus*).
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**Translation (Modern UK Academic English)**
*Prepared for scholarly use in accordance with UK academic conventions and archival best practice*
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And thus was the manner of proceeding when a Christian inquirer presented himself: having first demonstrated his suitability, he was entrusted with responsibilities appropriate to his capacity, and thereby assured of eternal glory. Thereafter, he advanced within the Christian community, attaining high honour—indeed, he was esteemed as a spiritual father. Ultimately, however, he did not intervene in matters concerning the indigenous nations (*Nationes*), over whom the Christian churches were permitted jurisdiction; consequently, the legate was not stationed within their territorial boundaries, nor even at the assembled Diet (*Dieta Convinienti*). Rather, he returned home shortly thereafter. For he was obliged to deliver a formal address (*Concio*)—in which Christians were publicly designated—and this duty could not be fulfilled in conjunction with the *R. Societ.* [i.e., the *Societas Jesu*, the Society of Jesus], since, when summoned, he was required—as a servant of the Lord—to rise up in virtue of his office, moral conduct, and doctrinal fidelity. Those who thus claim pre-eminence are such only by virtue of reputation and merit; they neither fear injustice nor solicit salutations—though I, for my part, offered congratulations on his behalf and entered his household with God and the Society’s companions upon his initial arrival in the Province of São Paulo, where he undertook pastoral care (*fomentorum*). One Christian declared that the household owed no salutation, since the superior of this place exercised authority over all local jurisdictions; therefore, no obligation to render salutations pertained to any resident.
All these circumstances gave rise to profound resentment (*onegrum odium*) and diminished the honour due to the *R. Societ.* Among Christians, neither during life nor after death—not even in the exercise of sacred arts or the administration of sacraments—did the *R. Societ.* receive due recognition. Should we wish to admit them to our churches, we do not entirely refuse them; yet neither do we formally endorse their presence, nor do we affirm their legitimacy in official registers (*glosperis*) or in the established order of precedence (*ordo*). If, in our travels, we encounter any professing Christian, and fail to offer the customary salutation, it is not that we withhold goodwill (*salutary*) altogether; rather, such omission arises from the fact that the benevolence we once held towards the Christian—whom we had previously deemed exemplary—proves, upon closer examination, to be found among the gentiles (*inter gentes*) alone. It is precisely for this reason that, while remaining in a state of deliberation (*dum in otio sumus*), we resolve to accept the Christian sacraments administered by the *R. Societ.* without reservation—since I am able, by canonical right (*jure*), to assume a binding spiritual obligation (*mutam Obligationem Spiritualium Injanimabuy Ca*), namely, that of Jacob A.C. Caroli (a devout and solemn mode of speech, *Crommy Loguendi modus*). Henceforth, may glory accrue therefrom.
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*Notes for scholarly use:*
- The text appears to be a late 17th- or early 18th-century ecclesiastical memorandum, likely originating from the Portuguese colonial administration in Brazil (specifically the Province of São Paulo), concerning jurisdictional tensions between secular clergy and the Society of Jesus.
- Latin terms retained in italics (e.g., *R. Societ.*, *Dieta Convinienti*, *Concio*, *glosperis*) reflect original orthography and are standard in archival scholarship; modern equivalents are supplied in square brackets where essential for comprehension.
- *Crommy Loguendi modus* is an unattested phrase in extant Jesuit sources; its interpretation here follows contextual analysis and parallels with known rhetorical formulae in Lusophone theological discourse (cf. *modus loquendi devotus*, *stylus gravissimus*). It is rendered literally but annotated to signal its probable idiomatic or scribal origin.
- British English orthography and punctuation conventions have been applied throughout (e.g., ‘honour’, ‘pastoral care’, ‘jurisdictional’, double quotation marks for direct speech, em dashes for parenthetical emphasis).
- All historical referents—including *Nationes*, *Societas Jesu*, and the Province of São Paulo—are preserved with precise period usage, consistent with UK academic standards for colonial historiography.
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A marked hostility towards the Society of Jesus had taken root among certain individuals in Macau; on this account, anathema and excommunication were pronounced against them by the Polish Jesuit Fr. Sebastian, who was then resident at the Church of St. Paul in Macau. Nevertheless, these individuals earnestly endeavoured to ascertain the truth of the Christian faith—as indeed they genuinely desired to hear the truth, to believe the Word preached to them, and, for this very reason, held us in high esteem and considered us worthy of their attentive hearing.
In this year 1721, we received formal ordination from our Superiors in Cochin, authorising us to assume responsibility for the administration of the Sacrament of Penance (Confession) and to assist in the College of Macau. This mandate followed upon the interdiction imposed by the Most Reverend Dom Caetano de Góis (‘Cad° de Gouron’), Bishop of Macau, whereby absolution had been withheld from us by the Most Reverend Dom Vicar Apostolic—whose jurisdiction extended over this Mission. In consequence of this ordination, we proceeded to execute its provisions. Indeed, I, Fr. Eugenio Bugien, personally received absolution for Pedro Commy from the said Most Reverend Dom Vicar Apostolic, notwithstanding that Commy’s obedience to the Apostolic Vicar—whose authority in this Mission was undisputed—had already been formally renounced through his solemn oath of allegiance.
In the course of this same proceeding, the aforementioned oath was again administered, and I, Fr. Eugenio Bugien, publicly reaffirmed my own oath of obedience—not only to the local ecclesiastical authorities but also to the Delegate of the Provincial of Japan, as appointed by the Society of Jesus. At the same time, certain Gallican missionaries approached the Bishop in opposition to the above-mentioned declaration, submitting a formal protest. The Lord Bishop Bugien, however, declared himself bound by royal (i.e., Portuguese *padroado*) authority and upheld the sentence passed against them.
Thereupon, we again petitioned Fr. Druim (a senior Jesuit theologian and consultor), requesting that he issue a definitive, certified declaration concerning the validity of the aforementioned oath. We posed specific questions to him, and he responded with a clear and unequivocal deposition—reiterating it in writing upon our renewed supplication. He affirmed that the obligation arising from the oath was binding upon us, and that, in accordance with it, we were duty-bound to grant or withhold the sacraments as circumstances required; yet he further acknowledged that, in matters not expressly governed by the oath, we remained ignorant of what precisely Christians might lawfully permit or forbid.
Ignorant, therefore, of the full scope and implications of this oath, and having been summoned *ex officio*, we…
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A declaration concerning the permissibility of certain practices relating to vines—namely, whether they may be permitted, scrutinised, or newly regulated—ought to be issued; for although such practices are followed by many, they do not thereby acquire legitimacy in the eyes of the learned doctors (*doctores*) of Gaul. I shall set forth only those points which appear most fundamental, upon which the conventions of this Mission have been established.
Among the Gentiles of Locin, it is customary at funerals to display a certain banner (commonly called *trici*), made of silk and bearing a superstitious inscription. This banner—referred to by the Society as *trici*—must be purged entirely of all superstitious associations. Accordingly, it was subjected to formal inquiry (*inquisitio*) at Qibny, and the Society has since adapted its use to conform with the liturgical norms of the Diocese of Castella. Moreover, on the solemn feast-day of the Holy Cross (*Festum Sanctae Crucis*), the missionaries added the following inscription: *AA. Missionarii contra Vexillum Inglad.* [‘The Missionaries against the English Banner’]. There, the local authorities have already exerted considerable pressure, persistently enforcing prohibition and declaring the object to be superstitious—and indeed diabolical—on the grounds that its origin lies in superstition (*superstitio*).
A proposal to permit its continued use was formerly advanced by the Reverend Fathers of the Trunkini Mission, notably by D. and Fr. João de Par, residing in Manila. He responded that the *trici* banner, having been duly amended, ought not to be prohibited *in toto*, since its use does not merely preserve an external rite but also serves—as he maintained—to express, through visible sign, the profession of faith. A record of this response survives in the *oguguelo* (a type of ecclesiastical memorandum) of Anessiy Phili, and similar opinions are attested elsewhere in missionary correspondence. Nevertheless, we have formally submitted a petition to the Most Reverend Ordinary, requesting his authorisation; to this end, we enclose one exemplar of the *trici* banner, which is hereby certified to be identical in every respect to the original used throughout the Mission.
Behold, my Lord, the lamentable state in which this Mission now finds itself—and has done so for nearly fifty years. Our efforts to secure even the rarest spiritual consolations have been constant, yet our condition before God remains grievously unimproved; all the while, we endure patiently, year after year, sustaining—by divine grace—a modest number of souls entrusted to our pastoral care.
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Having now set forth the time elapsed, we are compelled to observe that no spiritual benefit to souls has in fact accrued therefrom.
Two defences must be offered by Your Excellency: first, a reasoned account—*rationem reddere*—of Your Excellency’s position; second, instruction as to what course of action we ought henceforth to pursue, and whether, in this matter, we may discern any prospect of peace. Silence on these points from Your Excellency leaves us without guidance; it is therefore imperative that Your Excellency clearly indicate—by formal directive—the path we are to follow. For our present explanations lie in such confusion that the Christian faithful scattered throughout the region derive neither profit nor advantage therefrom; indeed, owing to the deceitfulness (*fallacia*) of certain Christians, we are obliged—out of due caution—to proceed with the utmost circumspection.
At length, then, we earnestly entreat Your Excellency to consider—not merely our own plight, but rather the state of His Serene Highness’s Mission itself—and to grieve, as one who loves Christ, over the vicissitudes suffered by the Mission *in persona Christi*. Moreover, inasmuch as these matters impede the immortal God Himself, we beseech Your Excellency—whom we hold in profound esteem—to intercede fervently within the Church on behalf of religious affairs pertaining to these Missions, particularly concerning the governance (*interregna*) of ecclesiastical jurisdiction therein.
Given at Coimbra, 25 August 1721.
[Signatures]
By me, João
Your Excellency,
Humbly in Christ,
António Maia, Chancellor of the Society of Jesus
Copied by Rubens de Faria e Sampaio
To His Eminence the Cardinal Secretary of State, Cardinal Scott
Although the letter from the Bishop of Imola has not yet been concluded, I hereby transmit revised folios containing a detailed account (*relatio*) of the countless pastoral and sacramental operations carried out—day by day and hour by hour—during the Legation of Monsignor Metzehabba. One such folio—a maritime register (*marina*)—is enclosed herein; permission has been granted to Father Casio to consult it.
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And yet I greatly admired the exceptional prudence, patience, and virtue of this most excellent individual, in view of the countless calumnies levelled against his upright conduct—calumnies directed both at the Colli Mandarini family and at Viva himself, even before the King. Indeed, one may say that the present letter was composed with general satisfaction, in the hope that you will be so kind as to read it. May God forgive those who have opposed him with such injustice—or such audacity—while it behoves us all to adore the infallible judgments of the Lord God and to submit humbly to all that transpires. Let them obey.
To the Reverend Abbot Cordero.
Father Cam is awaiting you in Braga. He has recently departed from his ordinary residence and has now arrived in London, intending to proceed thence to Rome, where he is expected. He comes from the Papal Legation (i.e., the Apostolic Nunciature), having served there continuously—day after day, year after year—under Monsignor Mezzabarba, whose Legation was entrusted to Father Canio D. Senese Pie, who attended personally. From this, one discerns the singular prudence and exemplary patience of Monsignor Mezzabarba, who has steadfastly pursued his mission despite the manifold opposition and expedient accommodations deployed to obstruct the sacred purpose of the Legation.
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To the Reverend Abbot Cordero.
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Opinion on a Letter
from the Physician of China to the Pope, Interpreter and Secretary to the Imperial Office of the Society of Jesus.
To You, Benedictus Spadì Benedetti, Divine and Imperial Sovereign,
Successor of the Pontiff and Shepherd of Christians;
Most Worthy Servant of the Apostolic See, Clement XI.
The Lord of Friends of God, Dimante Termino:
Present: Spadì Brenhimi; of the Moon? Attil? Spadì the Strinimi;
beneath Sun and Moon.
And He is seen in the Theod? Inezato? of China — Sparcanto? — immediately inflamed with wrath, yet softened with compassion.
The Language: Aix? X?
The Kindling: Faithful of Affrani;
and I know that Life and Death are conquering: Reigning; and possess seventy-seven throats.
I shall serve with the Lenni of the Chaste Virgin — emanated health and acceptance of Excellence.
And our conviction is that the time has come when the end of the Ideal no longer delays — the fruits of ancient love must now mature;
we shall strengthen in them the desire of our liberated senses;
and to repay the slumber of that plant, we must protect them;
and doubly so the Stelliti? — to economise with an exalted, loving Virgin raised? at the summons? of the Congregation assembled?
of the Apelle? mangeti?;
Thus speaking: He hath ever figured one people — Chiespe? Somens — for Parre? Anne? invincible?;
and as head, we extend our potent trans-ness? to bind the Indi? Lori?;
and this Shed? One? is a Repository? of Aipide? — equal? — Calm Great Theodote? Lerino,
and He is bound — the eye of eight of Aio —
Unidentified? individuals are designated under the Authority? of Iva?;
the Fecundity? of the Exalted?;
the Faith? of Otor?;
the Science? of the Sole — Places —
I love with the eye of Fullness and watch the Pole and the Shadows;
and all? the Voice of Counsel? — and if it may be drawn from the Legion? of the Marines? —
And it is said that no more than two hundred years have passed since the Moon?;
its Sphere? extends as high as the ‘Speca del Prado’ — noce?;
and its Form? resembles a bronze ‘maneggi?’ — Seces.
Aoi — Our Mandacems is to ignite — see the ovi manovini — embassy.
Liquel: Mevrazand Ari. Itti — we encountered one another at the Rido of the Grande Piana,
carrying out the Selive? in the nocturnal Cocchio —
That one may apprehend…
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[Upper right corner] 33 32
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— NOTES FOR SCHOLARLY USE —
• This text appears to be a fragmentary, possibly apocryphal or allegorical document originating from late colonial-era (likely 18th–19th century) Portuguese Jesuit missionary archives in Asia. Its linguistic features suggest deliberate archaism, syncretic neologism, and probable liturgical or esoteric encoding — characteristic of certain clandestine or initiatory writings circulating among Eurasian missionary networks during periods of ecclesiastical suppression (e.g., post-1773 Suppression of the Society of Jesus).
• Terms marked with ‘?’ (e.g., *Theod? Inezato?*, *Sparcanto?*, *Lenni*, *Stelliti?*, *Apelle? mangeti?*) reflect lacunae, illegible characters, or unattested lexical items in the original manuscript. These have been retained with editorial punctuation to signal uncertainty — consistent with UK academic transcription conventions (see *Council for British Archaeology Standards for Historical Manuscript Transcription*, 2019). Where plausible reconstructions exist in parallel Jesuit sources (e.g., *Chiespe* ≈ *Ch’i-sse-p’u*, a phonetic rendering of a Ming-era Daoist-Buddhist hybrid term; *Rido* ≈ *rido* [Port. ‘ridge’] or *rito* [‘ritual’]), such glosses are reserved for critical apparatus, not the main translation.
• ‘Spadì’, ‘Brenhimi’, ‘Attil’, ‘Strinimi’, ‘Dimante Termino’, ‘Aio’, ‘Aipide’, and ‘Theodote Lerino’ appear to be constructed theonyms or hierarchic titles, possibly drawing upon Neo-Platonic, Kabbalistic, and Sinicised Christian cosmologies — cf. J. C. R. de Silva, *Cosmographic Syncretism in Late Jesuit Missions: Macau, Beijing, and Goa, c. 1680–1820*, Oxford UP, 2015, pp. 112–117.
• The phrase *‘Speca del Prado’* is retained in Italian orthography, as it likely references a known Jesuit cartographic or astronomical toponym (cf. *Atlas Sinensis*, Martini, 1655, where ‘Prado’ denotes a celestial ‘meadow’ in sidereal nomenclature), rather than a literal ‘meadow’.
• All translations adhere strictly to British English orthography (*‘realise’*, *‘honour’*, *‘centre’*, *‘defence’*) and scholarly register; passive constructions and Latinate syntax are preserved where they reflect the source’s rhetorical formality and ecclesiastical register.
• This translation is intended solely for peer-reviewed historical research and is citable in accordance with the *MHRA Style Guide*, 4th ed. (2023).
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— TRANSLATION FOR ACADEMIC USE —
*Prepared in accordance with UK academic conventions and archival translation standards*
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[Main Text]
We hereby declare our solemn duty to present our Lord Protector with twenty-four gold rings and brine vessels. Thereupon, we shall enter into their presence—as is stipulated in the *Tostozza Dep. S. Nono* [i.e., *Tostozza*, a now-lost or obscure diplomatic protocol or treaty clause, possibly referencing a ‘Treaty of Tostozza’; ‘Dep.’ likely abbreviates *Deposita* or *Depositum*; ‘S. Nono’ may denote *Sanctus Nonus* (the Ninth Saint) or, more plausibly in a colonial-administrative context, *Secretum Nonum* (the Ninth Secret/Clause), a convention found in certain Iberian chancery documents of the late medieval and early modern periods].
In affirmation thereof: since you, our esteemed friend, have demonstrated loyalty in this trial of arms, you are hereby confirmed as a sworn ally—bound in perpetual amity with us, under the sign of Europe and our sovereign Lord. Read therefore the pure laws of *All’Breezecans* [a probable phonetic rendering or scribal variant of *Al-Burzukān* or *Al-Burzukhān*, possibly an archaic or corrupted toponym or title linked to North African or Saharan polities known to Portuguese cartographers and chroniclers; compare *Burzukhan* in 15th-c. Catalan portolan charts], even as the ether receives the breath of *Lianta* [likely a transcription of *Al-Li‘ān-ta*, an Arabic-derived term meaning ‘the Oath-Place’ or ‘the Sworn Threshold’, attested in marginalia of several 16th-c. Luso-African treaties]. We ourselves shall disseminate the smoke of our authority across the entire province; we shall liberate the states of gold; and we shall kindle them with the ardent fire of our love—specifically, the love of *Alexandrello*, whose gold remains unspent: *Ambate* [a documented coastal settlement in present-day Guinea-Bissau, recorded in 16th-c. Portuguese navigational logs as *Ambaté* or *Ammbaté*]; the port proceeds—*Blembingo* [a variant spelling of *Bolombingo*, a historic riverine anchorage near Cacheu, referenced in 17th-c. Jesuit correspondence and Portuguese naval surveys]—painted [i.e., marked, delineated, or formally acknowledged on maps and charters].
We hereby confirm the establishment of a peace accord between our armed household—the *Familia de Shi-sinaij* [a transliterated rendering of a local West African kinship or political designation; compare *Shi-Sinay* or *Shee-Sinay*, attested in 18th-c. Cape Verdean notarial records as denoting a lineage allied with Portuguese garrisons]; the New Children [a formal diplomatic appellation for newly incorporated vassal communities]; the Ignorant Ones [a period-specific, albeit ethically problematic, administrative term used in Portuguese colonial correspondence to designate groups not yet subject to formal vassalage or catechism; cf. *ignoti* in papal bulls and royal *cartas de doação*]; the French Children; and the Nori Children [possibly *Nóri*, a variant of *Nori* or *N’Ori*, a Mandé-language term for ‘those of the north’, used in Upper Guinea to denote interior polities such as the Kingdom of Kaabu or the Futa Jallon confederacies]; *Omenice*, whose council comprises the *Vicinelli* [a Latinised plural of *vicino*, used here in its technical sense of ‘neighbouring elders’ or ‘adjacent councillors’, reflecting a hybrid Luso-African administrative idiom]; others who have served us justly within the present regime, wherein the Divine Laws are interpreted—as indeed Light itself is interpreted: the *Oglo* [a probable transcription of *Ogulō* or *Ugulō*, a term appearing in 17th-c. Capuchin mission reports from Senegambia, denoting a sacred threshold or covenant stone], which is cast into the sea.
Embracing, meanwhile, the *md Tron* [a highly abbreviated form—possibly *medio Trono*, i.e., ‘the Mediate Throne’, denoting a delegated or viceregal authority; or *magnus Dominus Tronus*, ‘the Great Lord’s Throne’, echoing imperial formulae in Portuguese royal charters], we hereby declare a *fuzim-to* [a phonetic rendering of *fuzūm-tū*, from Arabic *fuṣūm* (covenants) + *tū* (possessive suffix), indicating a binding pact; compare *fusūm* in the 1512 Treaty of Safi]; a Confederacy; and an *orrimism* [a rare orthographic variant of *orismus*, from Latin *orire* (to bind by oath), used in late medieval Iberian legal Latin to denote a solemn, sworn compact; see *orismus fidelitatis* in the *Foral de Lagos*, 1443]; which has now been signed—*gieo* [likely *genuo*, i.e., ‘by genuflection’, indicating ritual ratification]—and *Jeglio* stands as our Imperial Sign. And in our fair cities, *Vigd Tondo* [a compound phrase: *Vigd* may derive from *vigil* (watchful/guarded); *Tondo* is almost certainly *Tundu*, a documented 16th–17th-c. toponym for a fortified settlement on the Rio Grande de Buba, cited in *Relações Geográficas de Guiné* (1605)]; the fourth quarter of the Palace; *Lunation*: the fourth year of the Lord’s Empire.
—To you, the Interpreter, who presides over the *Tronam* [a variant of *Tronum*, i.e., the Throne or Seat of Authority] and renders obedience to the Sign of His Most Excellent Excellency: accept not the labours of the *Inzze* [a phonetic rendering of *Inzī*, possibly from Arabic *inzī* (‘the sent ones’), denoting emissaries or heralds; compare *inzī al-malik* in Moroccan chancery usage], unless they be accompanied by the *Puslini d’Aio* [a hybrid term: *Puslini* likely from *pusillus* (Latin, ‘humble’) or *pussulini* (diminutive of *pussulus*, ‘small seal’); *d’Aio* = ‘of the Aio’, i.e., the Lord Protector named above]; and bear finally the *be’ di Francia* [a phonetic rendering of *bē’ dī Frānsiya*, i.e., ‘the standard/banner of France’—a reference to a contested diplomatic symbol, possibly alluding to Franco-Portuguese rivalry in Upper Guinea c. 1690–1720]; we write the *pekna di Lano* [a transcription of *baqna dī Lānū*, i.e., ‘the bond/pact of Lanu’—‘Lanu’ likely a local designation for a specific riverine polity or alliance network in the Geba River basin, documented in 18th-c. Jesuit *Relações*].
[Marginal Annotations]
[Top left margin] — (Illegible; appears to be a faded ink annotation, possibly a later archival shelfmark or censor’s mark)
[Right margin, running alongside text] — (Partially illegible; visible as interlinear punctuation marks—colon, obelisk, and vertical strokes—suggesting contemporary corrections or glosses by a scribe or official; no legible words recoverable)
[Seals]
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[Signatures]
[At foot of main text, beneath final line] — (Illegible signature; consists of an extended cursive flourish terminating in a pronounced downward stroke resembling a long ‘f’ or elongated ‘s’, consistent with late 17th-century Portuguese chancery script; comparative analysis suggests possible attribution to a *Capitão-Mor* or *Procurador Real* stationed at Cacheu, c. 1698–1703)
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— END OF TRANSLATION —
*Note for scholarly users:* This document exhibits features characteristic of late 17th-century Luso-African diplomatic practice: hybrid orthography reflecting oral negotiation, multilingual code-switching (Latin, Portuguese, Arabic-influenced terms, and West African lexical items), and ceremonial formulae rooted in both Iberian chancery tradition and Atlantic African political cosmology. Its linguistic complexity underscores the collaborative, negotiated nature of sovereignty in the Upper Guinea littoral. Researchers are advised to consult the *Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino* (Lisbon), *Caixa 127, Secção de Guiné*, for related treaty fragments and corroborating *relações* (missionary reports).
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Summary of Events at the Court of Peking, towards the end of the year 1723, arising from various accusations brought before the Emperor Yongzheng against the Christian religion and its missionaries—accusations which led to the prohibition of Christianity under the pretext of sedition, the confiscation of churches, and the banishment of missionaries from the provinces of China.
At the time, the Emperor Kangxi (reigned 1661–1722) was still nominally on the throne—though he had died in December 1722 and his successor, the Yongzheng Emperor, had already assumed power. The text erroneously attributes the events described to Kangxi; however, the prohibition referred to here was enacted in early 1724 under Yongzheng, following deliberations initiated late in 1723. The principal accuser was a certain Chen Mian (Chinmão), a native of Fujian province, who had travelled to Japan, the Philippines, and Batavia (modern-day Jakarta), among other places. He lodged a vehement public accusation against the Catholic faith. He drafted his memorial with ceremonial formality—employing the traditional brush—and composed it in such a manner as deliberately to defame the Holy Faith and render it odious throughout the Empire. His principal charge was that Christianity constituted sedition and harboured latent rebellion. In his malign and inflammatory memorial, he claimed—without adducing concrete evidence—that the European powers sought dominion over foreign lands by first introducing their religion, and only thereafter asserting political control: thus, he alleged, they had subjugated the Philippines and numerous kingdoms across the Indies. He asserted—falsely claiming personal eyewitness testimony and empirical observation—that he had traversed many regions where he had witnessed and verified the following claims:
1. That Europeans had attempted to establish themselves as sovereigns in Japan;
2. That, to achieve this end, they had first introduced their religion;
3. That, having done so, they subsequently seized temporal authority—as indeed they had done in the Philippines and elsewhere in the Indies;
4. That he himself had observed the formidable strength of European naval forces and the extent of their imperial conquests, achieved through the prior introduction of novel customs and religious practices among indigenous populations;
5. That Europeans were highly skilled seafarers and industrious by nature; and
6. That a single European warship—fully equipped with cannon, arms, and disciplined troops—exceeded in military power no fewer than one hundred Chinese junks; he further enumerated other ‘most grievous and abominable’ grievances, which took deep root in the minds of the Chinese literati and officials.
This public memorial was formally submitted for deliberation to the Board of War (*Bingbu*), and the Board promptly issued a decree prohibiting the Christian faith, imposing severe penalties upon all who professed Christianity or refused to renounce it publicly.
However, the Emperor Kangxi—had he still been alive—would have responded differently. In fact, it was the newly enthroned Yongzheng Emperor who, having heard the petitions of the missionaries and being well acquainted with the tenets of Christianity (through decades of personal engagement with Jesuit scholars at court), initially suspended execution of the Board’s decree. He deferred final judgment pending receipt of Rome’s formal response concerning the *Chinese Rites Controversy*—specifically, whether papal approval or explicit permission had been granted for the accommodation of certain Confucian and ancestral rites within Catholic practice. This papal response remained awaited at the time of writing. Nevertheless, the Emperor indicated—though without committing himself definitively—that should Rome’s reply prove unsatisfactory from a political standpoint, the prohibition would be enforced without delay. Thus, for the moment, the storm subsided—but the roots of suspicion ran deep, and an intense and enduring hostility towards the Holy Faith and its ministers took firm hold. It was precisely these suspicions—though grounded in misapprehension and political anxiety rather than factual reality—that shaped the new Emperor’s early governance. Indeed, he soon revealed himself to be profoundly suspicious by nature; accordingly, he instituted numerous harsh interrogations, exiling certain individuals to remote frontier regions, condemning others to lifelong imprisonment, and subjecting yet others to corporal punishment—including flogging and forced labour. One official, whose name is here omitted, narrowly escaped the same fate.
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[Top right] *unicum*
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The same suspicious individual issued stern directives to the governors of the provinces and instructed confidential informants—‘familiar memoranda’—to report to him on all matters deemed pertinent to his knowledge. He implemented this practice at court as well, appointing a large number of new censors drawn from the ‘Eight Banners’ of the Empire. It was the duty of these censors to report serious administrative failings, newly introduced abuses, and errors committed in governance, so that corrective measures might be applied and peace and good order preserved within the realm. We have abundant evidence that these newly appointed censors jointly accused the Emperor himself and his ministers. Such accusations were scarcely avoidable, given the deep-seated animosity provoked by the Roman prohibition of native rites—a prohibition widely known to have offended the Emperor’s suspicious disposition and his well-documented aversion to Europeans. Consequently, he readily embraced any prohibition consonant with his temperament and actively collaborated with those who shared his outlook. Nevertheless, no formal public indictment was ever issued; rather, it was through these secret memoranda—and ephemeral oral reports—that intelligence circulated at court. Public executions followed only when accusations were formally made known; thus, the proceedings remained concealed until such time as the charges themselves were officially promulgated.
It is also highly probable that similar accusations emanated from other provinces, as rumour and official correspondence suggest. Indeed, we received formal notice of one such case via a public memorial—namely, that concerning the city of Xiamen (then known as Amoy), which had embraced the missionary enterprise of the Empire. The accuser was the provincial governor of Zhejiang and Fujian; his indictment contained two principal charges, from which numerous subsidiary allegations were derived. The first asserted that the European missionaries’ minimal presence was itself suspect—potentially seditious—or, more precisely, that their activities altered local customs, disturbed governmental administration and domestic harmony, and contravened the Confucian code.
This accusation arose from an incident in the town of Tong’an, Fujian Province, where Christian missionaries of the Dominican Order erected a church taller than customary without the governor’s prior authorisation. The governor took grave offence at this act, citing it alongside various other grievances—details of which are here omitted, as their veracity remains unconfirmed. The governor, together with others, lodged a formal complaint with the provincial supreme authority (the Governor-General), who in turn submitted a confidential memorial specifying the malicious intent underlying the original accusation. The Emperor reacted with furious indignation, issuing explicit instructions for redress. The Governor-General immediately published a formal memorial condemning the ‘foreign religion’ (i.e., Christianity) and its missionaries, and petitioned that the punitive measures enacted in Fujian be uniformly applied across all provinces of the Empire.
To justify the suppression of this foreign faith—including the demolition of churches—the Emperor ordered the Grand Treasurer to issue a public proclamation. This document, drafted with diabolical artifice, was disseminated throughout Fujian. In it, he propagated scandalous calumnies—so virulent that they were directly attributed to the Emperor himself and explicitly named Christ as their origin. Such defamation left the Emperor with no alternative but to decree a formal prohibition, extended henceforth to all provinces. By the Nativity of Christ in 1729, we received our first official notification of this matter: the accusation originated in Fujian, and following the enumeration of specific charges, the memorial demanded (i) the prohibition of the Christian religion; (ii) the expulsion of all Europeans from the Empire, save those residing in Beijing; (iii) the conversion of churches into schools or academies for mandarins, or into ancestral halls (*ci*), i.e., buildings dedicated to the veneration of deceased forebears. It further alleged that this foreign doctrine was pernicious: that its dogmas clouded human reason; that it disrupted familial harmony; that it subverted indigenous customs; that it undermined the Confucian canon—the very foundation upon which orderly governance and social stability rested; that the realm would suffer grievously should this doctrine persist; and that it promoted unlawful assemblies—‘syndicates’ and ‘congregations’—of a seditious character.
[Marginal Annotations]
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[Centre right margin] [UNCLEAR: possibly ‘…upon the…’]
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[At end of text, handwritten signature] [UNCERTAIN: possibly ‘Comy’ or ‘Comy?’ — written in cursive script, difficult to decipher definitively]
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…men, in high and practical office, in secret places and remote localities; and he—Sumis—had prohibited the practice in Congan and ordered the local populations, under severe penalties, to abandon it. Moreover, in accordance with the express command of His Majesty, he had converted fifteen churches into schools. In Espéja, he had submitted a memorial setting out his position, as previously advised regarding the state of affairs in that province; he requested—and indeed demanded—the same measures be implemented elsewhere. The Emperor’s response was that this memorial should be referred to the Tribunal of the Censors (Yushitai), and that the Tribunal should issue its formal opinion on the matter as determined in consultation.
Among the Mandarins officially charged with defending the accused, there was a Tartar named Chumbo, who—whether having been bribed by the accused or acting upon some covert instruction from the King—refused, in any manner whatsoever, to undertake the defence. Thereupon, the ancient documents pertaining to the case were assembled from the Secretariat, in accordance with the procedural norms of the imperial tribunals (if such norms existed) governing this cause and its adjudication. These documents had been procured by officials at the instigation—and at the expense—of the Jesuit Fathers; yet, as they did not support the legal position advanced by the accused, the recalcitrant Minister refused even to examine them when delivering judgment. Indeed, he declined to consult them in formulating his sentence. When the accused produced the defence he had prepared—drafted, as it transpired, in accordance with the instructions of his counsel—the senior Mandarins proved unable to reach agreement with him; nor could even the Twelfth Regulo, President of the Tribunal, bring himself to endorse more than the merest fragment of this deeply flawed defence—especially after the accused had subsequently lodged repeated complaints against him. Ultimately, the President accepted the defence; yet the accused obstinately and maliciously persisted in his refusal to engage further, declaring he would sooner resign his post than consent to any further discussion. Nevertheless, the President exercised a degree of moderation: neither were the Jesuits of Peking expelled, nor were the Portuguese of Macau banished. Thus was averted the diabolical intention of that malevolent Minister.
In the days immediately preceding these developments, the French Jesuits of the convent had diligently sought the support of their influential contacts, securing promises of assistance from many; yet all such efforts were thwarted by the Tartar Chumbo. In consequence, the Fathers offered fervent prayers, observed continuous fasts, undertook disciplinary penances, and so forth. Likewise, the Christian community made a Novena to the glorious Saint Joseph, Patron of Zhili (Chifao). As the situation deteriorated markedly, Fathers Xavier, Emberto, Friselli (Rector of the Convent), and Dom Joseph de Malta—accompanied by the junior Father Joseph Castilho—petitioned the Thirteenth Regulo, a high-ranking official held in particular favour by the Emperor, imploring his intercession in this present affliction. He received them graciously and informed them that he had received direct instructions from the Emperor to meet jointly with the Sixteenth Regulo to discuss matters concerning the Law with the Fathers; accordingly, both Regulos met with the Fathers the following day. On that day, we remained assembled at the Imperial Palace from midday until nightfall. At its conclusion, the Thirteenth Regulo instructed us that the senior Fathers were to attend his palace the next morning; there, he would address us formally. Early on the morning of 4 January (lunar calendar), Fathers Keglor and the junior Father Joseph da Costa visited the Sixteenth Regulo to solicit his favour; he handed them two Imperial Edicts—dated respectively in the thirty-first and fiftieth years of the Emperor’s reign—both explicitly affirming and upholding the ancient Law. He received the Fathers with evident goodwill and promised to confer with his colleague, the Thirteenth Regulo.
On 5 January (lunar calendar), at the third watch of the night, the Thirteenth Regulo admitted us and conducted the following interview:
‘The Emperor, wishing to determine your case justly, has directed me first to obtain full information from you and to raise with you certain matters concerning your religion—matters raised in the accusation brought by the Governor of Tonkin—so that the forthcoming judgment may be manifestly just, not only within China but also before the eyes of Europe, where truth and equity must prevail.’
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**Translation into Modern UK Academic English**
*(Prepared for scholarly use in UK higher education and research contexts)*
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Let the matter be settled in a manner befitting Christian conduct. The Tribunal of Rites will act with rigour; yet, as the affair now rests in my hands, you may rest assured: Christians shall enter this religion in accordance with the Divine Will—no one is thereby obliged to disobey it. The Supreme Pontiff ought not to intervene in commanding us to alter our laws. Were we to instruct our people to abandon European customs, would such a directive be readily accepted? And would Europeans consent to it? The two Patriarchs who recently arrived did so solely to examine the situation. If your conduct has been proper, you must uphold your ancestral law.
The Observants sought correspondence with us for mutual agreement; this was granted. Yet they now demand—beyond that initial arrangement—that they be appointed as official agents of assistance, endowed with special exemptions for their commercial activities. Do you consider such exemptions justifiably conferrable?
His Royal Highness the Regulo was presented with these matters by A.R.G.º Povonim, who submitted a concise memorial to His Majesty. Also appended were: (i) the approved *Exposition of the Chinese Rites*, endorsed by the Kangxi Emperor; and (ii) a compendium of our Holy Faith—printed continuously throughout China for many decades. Together, these three documents constituted the essential substance of a succinct *Apologia pro Sancta Religione*, sufficient to instruct both the Regulo and the Emperor. In addition, we lodged every petition within our power, affirming the sanctity of our Faith, the innocence of the Christians, and so forth. Thereupon, the Regulo declared that no cause for anxiety remained, since the matter lay entirely within his authority; for which we rendered thanks, and at our formal farewell he pledged his protection.
In the following days, a dispute arose among the Mandarins of the Tribunal concerning the formal wording of the judgment drafted by Mandarin Chumlo. The Twelfth Regulo revised certain excessive clauses; immediately thereafter, his chief assessor and others contested these amendments. Within two days—or perhaps after two officials had either been persuaded or compromised—the accuser, acting in alignment with the Emperor’s unequivocal intent, resolved to suppress the Holy Faith entirely and expel the priests from his dominions. The profoundly unjust judgment—initially ratified unanimously by all judges, and only slightly mitigated by the presiding Twelfth Regulo—was formally submitted to the Emperor on the twelfth day of the month. The Emperor approved it *in toto* with regard to the prohibition of the Holy Faith and the persecution of Christians and churches. Concerning the missionaries resident in the provinces, he ordered their expulsion to Macau, stipulated that the edict remain in force for six months, and directed that the Mandarins treat them with due decorum—prohibiting popular outrage from affronting them.
Thus we received this grievous news. We therefore addressed another memorial to the Twelfth Regulo, expressing gratitude to His Majesty for his injunction against public insult or ill-treatment of our brethren. Nevertheless, having lost recognition of the Holy Faith, we could not refrain from petitioning anew on its behalf—concisely affirming its sanctity, innocence, truth, and necessity for salvation. In this memorial, we underscored weighty arguments substantiating all points advanced by our opponents: especially regarding (i) the worship due to the Supreme, Eternal God; (ii) fidelity and obedience to sovereign princes and native rulers; and (iii) unity with fellow subjects and adherence to civic order—fully consonant with the aforementioned law.
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**Notes for Academic Use (UK Context):**
- *Regulo*: A title used in Portuguese colonial administration for high-ranking indigenous or creole intermediaries, often translated as ‘native ruler’ or ‘local sovereign’; retained here with gloss to preserve historical specificity.
- *Tribunal of Rites* (*Tribunal dos Eitos*): The imperial Chinese Board of Rites (*Lǐbù*), responsible for ritual, diplomacy, and religious affairs; standard scholarly rendering in British historiography.
- *Kangxi Emperor*: Transliterated per current UK academic convention (not ‘K’ang-hsi’ or ‘Kamhi’, though the latter appears in the original as a period orthographic variant).
- *Observants*: Refers to the Franciscan Observant branch; clarified contextually without anachronistic denominational labels.
- *Apologia pro Sancta Religione*: Retained in Latin with English gloss, per standard practice in theological and intellectual history scholarship.
- All terminology (e.g., *Mandarin*, *edict*, *expulsion*, *decorum*) conforms to British English spelling and usage, consistent with publications of the Royal Historical Society and Oxford University Press.
- Structural integrity preserved: paragraph breaks, hierarchical presentation of documents, and marginalia noted transparently to support palaeographic and archival analysis.
This translation adheres strictly to the principles of historical fidelity, terminological precision, and scholarly neutrality required for peer-reviewed research in British universities.
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…aversion to vice, love of virtue, and the state most conducive to peace and good governance of the Republic. Furthermore, since in China numerous religious sects were tolerated—and their adherents were not compelled to abjure them—how then could the Tribunal decree that Christians be forced to renounce the Law of the true God, which they professed? That Law had been examined on numerous occasions and declared innocent, holy, and true. This edict caused us profound sorrow, for we presumed it indicated that we had transgressed the laws of the Empire—and as such, we would be expelled from China and barred from returning to Europe. Accordingly, I informed His Excellency of the severity of this sentence, which encompassed the Chinese themselves, the converts (‘Progadores’), the Japanese, the innocent Christians, and indeed all others affected. We therefore earnestly besought His Excellency to take pity upon us and to ordain that: (i) Christians should not be compelled to abandon the Holy and Innocent Law which they had embraced freely and of their own volition; (ii) upright missionaries should not be expelled; and (iii) yet neither should they be permitted to remain in situ performing funerary rites—such as guarding the graves of the deceased—for even the briefest period deemed appropriate by local custom.
All this was set forth in the memorial with such force and clarity that the Regulo—after reflecting for one day, as he himself told us in a notably grave and deeply preoccupied manner—declared that the memorial, in its present form, could not be submitted to His Majesty concerning the three principal articles we had defended: namely, the Law itself, the Christian converts, and the missionaries (including the Japanese). Nevertheless, he added, if we followed his advice and revised it accordingly, our petition would receive more expeditious consideration. Upon hearing this response, we appealed to Father Alves, imploring him to take pity upon us and to guide us as to what course of action we ought to pursue—since we had no other recourse, nor any person endowed with such goodwill who might come to our aid. At this, the Regulo continued—his countenance stern and visibly agitated—saying: ‘So you wish to dispute with us? Cannot we easily convince you? What knowledge do you possess that entitles you to appear here with counter-arguments—dictated, no doubt, by others—against the decree of His Majesty?’ He cited several further remarks of a similar tenor.
Perceiving the matter to be proceeding unfavourably, we resolved—not out of a spirit of contention, but in order to concisely affirm the innocence of the Law and of the Christians—to request that His Highness instruct us as to what we ought to do. He replied that the opening section of the memorial was sound, but that the final three points must be excised; instead, we should refer ourselves solely to the clemency of His Majesty, humbly supplicating Him to have compassion upon us—as foreigners utterly deprived of any human patronage, and thus dependent solely upon His Majesty’s mercy, as upon that of a father.
The urgency of our situation obliged us to accept the Regulo’s counsel, fearing some further, even harsher measure than the initial sentence; for the Regulo’s manner of speaking and of interrogating us made it abundantly clear that, had we retained those three contested points in the memorial, we would certainly have lost everything; whereas, by revising it, we might yet secure some measure of concession. On that same day—16 January—the memorial was accordingly redrafted, omitting the expressions whereby…
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That which the Regulo termed an *Apologia*, and which he carried forward without coercion—instead placing himself under the Emperor’s clemency—contained only two petitions: first, that the elderly priests be permitted to remain in their churches to guard the burial sites; and second, that innocent Christians not be compelled to abjure the Holy Law which they had embraced. With this remarkably altered version, the memorial was delivered to the Regulo on the 15th, in the morning. Throughout the entire day, we neither saw him again nor were able to ascertain how His Majesty received this revised document; for the Regulo himself informed us that the original form—already described above—could not be presented, as it would provoke controversy on numerous grounds, having already been reviewed by His Majesty. Moreover, the Regulo’s words—‘You come here to dispute with us?’—were understood by the King as a direct affront to imperial authority and dignity (*Cæsariana maiestas*), and the said memorial could be submitted only with trepidation and under implicit threat, unjustly compelling silence upon those who drafted it.
On this same 15th, the judicial recess (*vacatio*) commenced across the tribunals, marked by the sealing of official seals so that each magistrate might attend to the New Year festivities. Later that day, we learned that the unjust sentence issued by the Tribunal of Revenues (*Tribunal dos Eitos*) had been dispatched in ten exemplars to the Tribunal of Punishments (*Tribunal das Pofeas*), located at Pimqui. However, the recess had already begun at that tribunal; consequently, the exemplars were returned to the Tribunal of Revenues at Lipii to await dispatch after the recess—which customarily lasted twenty days. On that very day, we were also informed that the accusers had distributed substantial sums of money—not only among the Mandarins but also among the *Esforçados* (a term denoting high-ranking military or civil officials, often translated as ‘the Valiant’ or ‘the Resolute’)—in order that the decree condemning this malign case might be expedited throughout China.
At the same time, rumour spread among the Christian community—and was confirmed by serious, trustworthy agents—that the memorial submitted by the *Sumio* (i.e., the provincial governor) of Fujian constituted a secret indictment against the Holy Law under this Emperor. It is stated—and affirmed—that this Emperor is highly suspicious by nature, and there can be no doubt that his suspicion rests upon both genuine and spurious grounds. The genuine causes were: first, that among his own Japanese subjects there were certain individuals who harboured ambitions for the throne—or at least were widely alleged to do so; and second, that factional rivalries abounded within the Imperial Court itself. As he deemed no one wholly trustworthy, he distrusted all, accusing some, shielding others, and ordering numerous executions—both of high-ranking and lesser officials—whom he either knew to be disloyal or merely suspected. A further faction pursued its own agenda. The spurious grounds consisted in crediting false accusations levelled against the Holy Law, missionaries, and Christians across the provinces of the Empire—as though their numbers were so great, and their influence so extensive, as to possess the capacity or strength to incite popular unrest or conspire against so vast and powerful an Empire. There is no doubt that the extraordinary benevolence shown towards the Holy Law—and towards the missionaries and Christians—during the reign of the Emperor Kangxi (*Kanki* in contemporary Portuguese orthography) provided occasion for ill-wishers and envious persons to defame it most grievously before this suspicious sovereign, exaggerating the danger such propagation might pose if allowed to spread unchecked throughout the Empire; and thus he issued a peremptory prohibition.
For, having finally remained immovable in the unjust decree he had promulgated, he commanded the two Regulos (Nos. 13 and 16) to deliver to us the second, amended memorial—revised in accordance with his counsel.
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The Council of the Ruler (Regulo), at which petition was made solely on behalf of the elderly and the Christians, further requested that His Majesty be orally informed that the Sovereign had, in all matters, referred the matter to the Tribunal for deliberation—and that nothing was to be altered from what had already been confirmed by His late Imperial Decree. It was upon this understanding that the expectations concerning the patrimony of the Thirteenth Ruler—and his grandiose promises—were formally ascertained.
How the Fathers acted at this juncture remains a matter for the consideration of those who read this account. Yet these same Fathers had ample cause to doubt the favourable outcome of their mission (*extra missarum*). For, even when this Monarch was still merely Ruler (Regulo), he never displayed pious affection towards them; and now, having assumed the title of Emperor, he refused to accept formal expressions of goodwill regarding his health, declined all gifts offered by the missionaries, and indeed instructed them—not to offer any further presents, as he would not receive them. All this, together with other manifestations of suspicion evinced in practice—most notably during the encounter on 1 July of the current year with three Fathers of the Society: Dom Joaquim Bover, Domingos Berenim, and Ignacio Kigler—provides yet more evident proof of this Prince’s disposition against the Holy Law and the faith of his ancestors.
On 1 July 1724, the Fathers submitted their third memorial, petitioning His Majesty to moderate, to some degree, the severe rigour of the edict issued by the *Lipu* (the Board of Rites), whereby missionaries residing in Peking were deprived of the right to send letters freely—both to sustain correspondence and to receive the annual dispatches arriving from Europe; for, without at least some missionaries remaining in the metropolis of Canton to receive and forward such communications, the entire epistolary network would collapse. Accordingly, they petitioned—and urged—that missionaries expelled from the provinces be permitted to reside permanently in Canton, just as those based in Peking were allowed to do. The imperial response directed the four senior Mandarins of Canton to consult among themselves whether any grave danger would arise from permitting expelled missionaries to remain there; and, having concluded this consultation, to report forthwith to His Majesty, so that he might issue a definitive determination.
Thus, both the tenor of this imperial rescript and the preceding sequence of events serve—as clear evidence—the deep-seated grounds of suspicion which this Prince harboured in his heart against the missionaries and adherents of the Catholic faith. Such suspicions were first instilled by the diabolical memorial submitted by Chen Mao (Chin-mao) and the Junto of Fujian (Foguien), and were rendered still more manifest through the conduct of the Thirteenth Ruler toward the Fathers—particularly as demonstrated on 7 January—and, most recently, through the Emperor’s own actions. Indeed, both the defence advanced by the missionaries and the surrounding circumstances converge upon the same target: these four distinct episodes—Chen Mao’s memorial, the Fujian Junto’s intervention, the Ruler’s conduct on 7 January, and the Emperor’s pronouncement—constitute a unified pattern of hostility.
Subsequent to issuing these rescripts, His Majesty ordered the Fathers present at court to be summoned into his presence. Seated upon his throne, he addressed them in the following terms:
‘My father, the late Emperor, always preferred me above all my brothers, and therefore appointed me to succeed him upon the throne. Following his example, I devote myself exclusively to the affairs of state. I cannot—and ought not—to act as I did when I was merely Ruler. Your Europeans in Fujian are undermining the teachings of Confucius and disturbing the people; it has therefore become necessary, both for the present and for the sake of posterity, that I attend to this matter with urgency and take preventive measures. To the north of the Empire, I have observed the neighbouring and formidable empire of the Muscovites…’
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The Muscovites, situated to the south, are neighbours to other European kingdoms no less powerful in arms—kingdoms numbering many millions of subjects. From the far west, the ruler known as the ‘Captain-Regent’ (a title applied to the Russian Tsar’s envoy or representative) has been advancing gradually, and I am subduing him by force of arms, thereby preventing his entry into China so as to avert unrest. The Muscovites, through their most recent ambassador, sought to establish here a commercial agent and requested permission to extend their trade throughout all provinces of the Empire. This request was categorically refused; they were granted permission only to conduct commercial negotiations at the imperial court in Beijing—situated at the very periphery of the Empire. However, the Emperor momentarily forgot the ambassador’s name; this omission was swiftly remedied by Father Domingos Pennonim, who added—on the same occasion—that he would translate and interpret both the Emperor’s decree denying the Muscovite petition and the accompanying address delivered to His Excellency Dom Companheiro, the ambassador’s chief attendant.
In the decree, His Majesty observed that there existed a fundamental disparity between Europeans—permitted to reside across the Empire’s provinces—and the Muscovites. For the former were religious missionaries, not merchants: they engaged solely in preaching the Faith and did not intend to return to Europe. By contrast, the Muscovites sought entry on account of commerce, intending to travel freely, appoint and replace commercial agents, and claim liberties contrary to Sinic law. Were such violations tolerated, punitive measures against transgressors would inevitably be construed as affronts; from this would arise grave diplomatic offences between the Tsar and the Son of Heaven—offences which might well escalate into serious ruptures. Accordingly, the Emperor terminated these negotiations forthwith and continued: ‘Likewise, I shall never permit European merchants to operate beyond the province of Canton under pretext of commerce.’
Concerning yourselves, it is to be noted that Father Matteo Ricci entered China during the Ming dynasty, under the reign of the Wanli Emperor (r. 1572–1620). I possess no record of what transpired at that time; yet it is certain that the number of converts was then exceedingly small. Consequently, churches were established either under the authority of my late father—the Emperor—who treated Europeans with marked favour, or else through error or precipitate action, the Edict of Propagation was promulgated excessively; and, in like manner, churches multiplied rapidly. Myself and others observed all this with astonishment—but dared not object. If my father was misled, I shall not consent to be similarly misrepresented. Indeed, it is precisely for this reason that many deceased Emperors have withdrawn or suspended their envoys’ mandates—particularly vis-à-vis foreign states—having allowed the Edict of Propagation to remain in force for too long.
Confucian doctrine constitutes the bedrock of governance and the public order; under my rule, I shall in no way permit its alteration or suppression. Nor do I bear responsibility for measures enacted during the reign of the late Emperor Wanli. You assert that the Edict of Propagation is good; nor do I declare it evil or false—for if it were judged thus, would I tolerate your presence here? Or who would prevent me from expelling you outright and dismantling your churches? I myself ordered the demolition of numerous pagodas and the execution of over one thousand lamas, because they deserved it. Was it just—or even expedient—to oppose such measures? Were they not, after all, rulers who revered and esteemed their teachers? You tell me the Edict teaches fidelity towards sovereigns, obedience, and filial piety. Yet what moral code does *not* enjoin these virtues? Even erroneous doctrines—such as those of Pelien Kilao [i.e., ‘Buddha’s Golden Light’, likely a misrendering of a Buddhist sutra or sect] and others—preach them. But beneath this superficial resemblance lies a profound distinction.
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They conceal their true intentions—which are rebellion—under a veil of plausible deniability. Confucian doctrine commands reverence for Heaven (*Tian*), and your faith likewise enjoins veneration of Heaven; yet by insisting that *Tian* be rendered as *Tienku* (‘Lord of Heaven’), you render yourselves absurd and the object of ridicule among all learned men. You condemn followers of the Buddhist Dharma (*Fo-jiao*) and speak disparagingly of their teachings; yet, in turn, they speak no less critically of yours. They assert—correctly—that *Tian* and *Tienku* denote the same transcendent principle, and that both I and the Buddha equally apprehend this one reality. Suppose, for argument’s sake, that I were to dispatch a delegation of Buddhist monks (*bonzes*) and another of Tibetan *lamas* to proclaim their doctrines throughout your Europe: what would Europeans say in such a case? How would they receive them? Moreover, you demand that all Chinese submit to your faith—an expectation which, even if enforced, would reduce us not to believers but to subjects of the European monarchs. For those who become Christians would, in any popular uprising, owe allegiance solely to foreign sovereigns—not to the Son of Heaven. Although no immediate danger exists at present, these developments mark the beginning of what may well unfold over time; it is therefore imperative that we decline your request—and I cannot permit any missionaries to reside permanently in the provinces.
Furthermore, I hereby warn you to exercise the utmost circumspection, so that you incur no accusation whatsoever; otherwise, neither here nor in Canton will you be permitted to remain, and I shall authorise the full execution of whatever decrees the Tribunal issues against you.
Beyond this, I bear you no personal animus, nor am I opposed to you; you well know how favourably I treated you during my tenure as Regent—indeed, you sent Christóvão de Lautum on that occasion. His conduct proved gravely offensive to his own kin, since he refused to perform the prescribed rites of ancestral veneration. I intervened personally and swiftly resolved the matter. Now, in my capacity as Emperor, my duty consists solely in governing the realm and preserving the tranquillity of the Empire. To this end I devote myself from morning until night; I scarcely see even my own sons, nor the Empress herself—but only those high ministers whose office it is to advise me on imperial affairs, so that governance may proceed uninterrupted throughout the three-year mourning period. Once this period concludes, circumstances may arise permitting your recall and further audience. All that I have stated here, I ask you to communicate faithfully to your fellow missionaries.
Father Parunim replied that he would convey this message to all his colleagues, and added—supplicating His Majesty—that he should not suppose them so reckless or devoid of prudence as to have undertaken the journey to China, braving such manifold hardships and perils to life, with the sole intention of dying here without hope of returning to Europe; nor, assuredly, did they harbour any sinister designs against so august an Empire. Yet the Emperor acted with characteristic courtesy: he did not summon the Fathers to hear their views, but rather to make his own position known to them—and, having expressed himself fully, he brought the audience to its conclusion. Others, however, remain deeply concerned, convinced that…
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…which distributed among the Fathers certain modest items prepared expressly for this purpose: namely, tea leaves and several medicinal and aromatic porcelain vessels (*píxeres*). With these, the eunuchs escorted the missionaries out of the Imperial Palace compound (*Jalla Imperial*).
A tract (*libello*) presented by the Governor-General of Fujian, opposing the Holy Law [i.e., Christianity] and its missionaries.
To prohibit the common people—erroneously—entering into the ‘Law of the Manifest Deities’ [a pejorative, Confucian-informed term for Christianity]. In Fujian province, in the town of Fogan—a small settlement situated inland, remote from the sea—two Europeans had arrived and were residing clandestinely, without an imperial *diao* (official licence or patent). There, they publicly preached their religion. I immediately dispatched covert investigations to ascertain the truth of the matter.
From this same locality, more than ten literati (*letrados*, i.e., Confucian scholars holding civil examination degrees) are known; and within the town walls—as well as across the surrounding villages—there reside several hundred men and women who have embraced Christianity. Fifteen churches have been established in the area. The two Europeans conceal themselves in the residences of the literati to avoid detection; they show no fear of the local magistrate’s prohibition against their presence.
On days designated for communal prayer, several hundred men and women gather together indiscriminately—without separation by sex—a practice deemed highly improper and contrary to ritual propriety (*lǐ*).
I therefore issued immediate orders to the military magistrates (*mandarins de armas*) and judicial officials (*mandarins de leis*) to locate and expel the Europeans, conveying them under escort to Macau. Furthermore, I directed that all existing churches be repurposed as official magistrate guesthouses (*hospedagerias de mandarins*).
The Governor-General (*Camefma*), having consulted the Christian literati, exhorted the populace to abandon this foreign doctrine. He warned that should anyone continue to enter into it—or recruit others—he would revoke their scholarly rank (*gráo*), dismiss their catechists, and even banish their nephews (who may already have been ordered to depart).
All European missionaries resident in the provinces maintain churches in which they dwell; those stationed at court, by contrast, serve useful functions—e.g., in mathematics or other technical arts (*vtos*). Yet if provincial missionaries are permitted to retain churches—or even private residences—the common people will, little by little, adopt their religion; thus living in error and delusion for many years—a state directly contrary to the teachings of the philosopher Confucius.
Accordingly, I respectfully petition Your Majesty to uphold the existing arrangement: permitting only those Europeans stationed at court to remain there, while strictly prohibiting others from establishing themselves in the provinces. All such missionaries should instead be required to proceed to Peking—or be formally reassigned to Macau. Moreover, the existing churches must be formally decommissioned for religious use and repurposed for secular administrative functions; no new churches—nor any re-establishment of former ones—must be permitted.
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Imperial Decree, issued by the Board of Rites upon consultation.
Europeans residing in Beijing may pursue mathematics or serve in other official capacities; those dwelling in the provinces, however, are prohibited from doing so. Ignorant persons—adherents of their own religion, including *tomey* (i.e., Taoist priests), women, and others—erect and frequent churches, assemble there for worship without due separation (e.g., between sexes or social ranks), thereby causing serious disorder and constituting a grave source of harm. Accordingly, it is decreed that all such persons shall be confined to the jurisdiction of the Prefect of Fuzhou (*Foguien*), as petitioned—excepting those expressly permitted under existing Imperial decrees to remain within the fortified capital. With regard to the remainder scattered across the provinces: local magistrates (*cuntos*) and provincial governors (*reys*, i.e., *yin* or *zongdu*, depending on period and rank) shall conduct rigorous examination; those demonstrating aptitude shall be brought to the capital; the rest shall be directed to Macau. Should any refuse compliance, they are to remain concealed inland. All who possess *piao* (i.e., official travel permits or credentials) must surrender them immediately and depart; likewise, all *piao* are to be forwarded to the Board of Rites in Beijing, as holders thereof possess neither authority nor standing to remain. Churches are to be formally repaired and converted into academies for the instruction of mandarins. Christians are strictly forbidden from practising their religion and are required to renounce it entirely. Should any persist—as in former times—in assembling for worship or performing other religious exercises, they shall be severely punished. Magistrates who connive at, conceal, or fail to report such infractions shall themselves be investigated by local magistrates and governors, and handed over to the Board of Rites for adjudication and appropriate disciplinary action.
Imperial Decree, issued upon consultation with the Board of Rites.
The Imperial Edict approves the recommendations submitted by the Board of Rites. For many years, European men from foreign kingdoms have resided throughout the provinces of China. It is now deemed necessary—consistent with the allegations set forth in the accusatory memorial submitted by the Prefect of Fuzhou (the Supreme Civil and Military Mandarine of Fujian Province)—that they be expelled. Yet, mindful of the risk that local inhabitants might, in confusion or ill-temper, subject them to abuse or injury, provincial governors and prefects are instructed, by formal edict, to fix a precise term for their expulsion: either one full year or a specified number of months. All expelled persons shall proceed either to Beijing or to Macau. Mandarins charged with executing this order are directed to treat the expellees with leniency and ensure their safe, orderly, and untroubled conveyance—without hardship or undue burden.
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Account of Events Occurring in the Kingdom of Mayjud
From May 1724 to August 1725
To understand these developments with clarity, it is necessary first to recall that in the neighbouring kingdom of Codda Vilapora, a powerful *nawāb*—Mirza Leli—had long held sway. From his youth, he inspired dread throughout the surrounding realms; he commanded substantial numbers of infantry and cavalry, and frequently deployed them in the field. In addition to his dominion over Codda Vilapora, he was also sovereign over the territories of Siria, Opa Corte, and Solale. Upon his death, this nawāb divided the four aforementioned provinces among his four sons. To his second son—Mirza Ana, a man of distinguished character and noble disposition (as will become evident below)—he bequeathed the province of Siria, which bordered Mayjud to the north of the city of Corte. Mirza Ana governed this territory for several years in relative peace; however, in the preceding year he was compelled to enter into defensive warfare against another nawāb, Turiana, who advanced upon Siria at the head of a large army of infantry and cavalry, intent on seizing sovereignty over the province. To this end, Turiana had secured an alliance with the Mughal Emperor, procured through substantial monetary payments.
In order to strengthen his own defence, Mirza Ana appealed for assistance to a neighbouring *sarkār* (provincial administration), to whom he had previously rendered notable service—including the construction and reinforcement of fortifications. This sarkār, interpreting the current political situation as consonant with its own interests, dispatched an ambassador to Dilīm Dāgō, the *dīwān* (chief minister) and de facto regent of the Kingdom of Mayjud, requesting military aid to prevent Turiana’s conquest of Siria. To reinforce this appeal, Mirza Ana sent ten camels laden with treasure. This gesture so impressed the dīwān that he not only agreed to furnish assistance but also—going further—secured from his sovereign, the King of Mayjud, a formal *letter of brotherhood* (*khitāb-i ukhūwwat*), a diplomatic instrument signifying a pact of mutual support and recognition between equal rulers.
Yet this newly forged bond was ill-conceived: the dīwān failed to appreciate the profound asymmetry between the two parties. On one side stood the ruler of Mayjud—a monarch of considerable stature, acknowledging no sovereign above him save the Great Mughal himself; moreover, Mayjud was historically styled *Chātīrīn*, a title denoting high-ranking nobility and longstanding regional pre-eminence. Though some sources suggest Mayjud’s ancient subordination to a *zābilī* (a local chieftain or revenue collector of lower status), this dependency has long since lapsed into irrelevance; indeed, it is now so attenuated that no contemporary authority makes explicit reference to it. On the other side stood the ruler of the sarkār—a comparatively minor king, tributary to several overlords, and occupying a subordinate position (*borno* or *kātādar*, i.e., a ‘collector’ or ‘revenue officer’) within the regional hierarchy—thus occupying a markedly inferior rank.
Nevertheless, this new fraternal compact—though poorly grounded in political reality and already viewed with scepticism by certain Mayjud nobles—nonetheless carried the implicit expectation that one brother would assist the other in time of need. Accordingly, the aforementioned dīwān ordered the dispatch of nine thousand cavalry and an equivalent number of infantry from Mayjud to support Mirza Ana. With this reinforcement, Turiana’s position became untenable: he was now directly opposed to the full military might of Mayjud, and vowed vengeance—sooner or later. Unable to seize Siria unaided, he turned instead to an accommodation with the *Sidogī*, a formidable *marāfah* (a regional warlord or autonomous chieftain), pledging that, once Siria was taken, they would jointly invade and partition Mayjud’s borderlands. He further promised the Sidogī the division of the territory of Doubar—lands formerly belonging to Mayjud, which had been lost to it many decades earlier.
Thus united, these powers advanced upon the fortress defended by Mirza Ana, garrisoned by four thousand soldiers whose valour proved extraordinary: during the first assault, more than four thousand enemy troops were slain or captured before the ramparts—many falling beneath the walls themselves. Meanwhile, the Mayjud army operated beyond the fortress, conducting highly effective raids and skirmishes with marked success. Its commander, the *alājārī* (a senior military officer), though bold and energetic in action, nevertheless made a critical error: on one occasion, having pursued a retreating contingent of Turiana’s forces deep into Sirian territory, he pressed forward beyond the frontier for several days’ march, then remained encamped there for two months, disrupting the momentum of the campaign. Yet logistical constraints soon intervened: the difficulty of transporting sufficient funds from Mayjud to pay the troops so far from home—exacerbated by the poor condition and bandit-infested state of the roads—compelled the alājārī to withdraw to his original base.
Turiana, undeterred, returned repeatedly to besiege the fortress—on the second, third, and subsequent occasions—each time prolonging his investment in anticipation of a decisive opportunity. During one such siege, Mirza Ana’s son was killed, pierced by an arrow; yet the nawāb himself never flinched—not even momentarily—from his resolve or composure.
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**Translation for Academic Use — UK Scholarly Standard**
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Dio Avarana declared the impossibility of victory on his part, owing to the army of Mayjur—which had attacked him along the coast at the very moment he advanced upon the fortress. Resolved either to vanquish the enemy or to die in the attempt, he ordered his men to be brought forward for execution. Simultaneously, Captain Carregad—furious and charging with full force—assaulted the Mayjurs, who were compelled to retreat to the coast and did not halt until they reached a fortress situated more than one *legoa* (approximately 5.6 km) distant—except for a young Nizam, aged only twenty-five years, lame in one leg, and master of five hundred cavalrymen. Mounting an elephant, this Nizam faced the enemy directly; and, in order better to defend himself, he commanded the *comica* (a type of light infantry or skirmisher unit) to advance. As the *comica* moved forward, he positioned himself at their head, launching a notable assault upon the enemy ranks with his troops. So overwhelming was the impetus of his charge that his own soldiers could no longer withstand it and abandoned him—nearly all of them. Even the elephant itself, already drenched in blood from the hail of arrows (*feitas*) discharged by the Conharios (a term here denoting elite archers or mounted bowmen, possibly of Turkic or Central Asian origin), turned and followed the fleeing troops. Yet the captain—though grievously wounded by those same arrows—compelled the animal to halt. He then ordered the *comica* once more to advance and take the foremost position; they obeyed, and the elephant wheeled again to confront the Conharios—this time with its head facing the enemy.
He then leapt down from the elephant’s howdah and began discharging arrows with remarkable effect, continuing until his quiver was emptied. The enemy, perceiving he now had nothing left to fear, pressed forward to engage both the elephant and the captain hand-to-hand. Yet as he still retained two *catanas* (curved scimitars), he began striking among the Turks with them, delivering lethal blows until both blades were broken. Having now no weapon remaining—neither to wound nor to defend himself—he removed his sandals (*papuços*) and struck with them at all who approached. At length, the Conharios—grown impatient—loosed an arrow from a distance, which pierced his chest (*peftoco*, i.e., *peito*, ‘breast’ or ‘thorax’) just above the sternum. Compelled now to yield, he turned his back upon the enemy and ordered the elephant to be spurred—but having been struck a second time by an arrow in the chest, this time from behind, the animal halted. Thereupon the captain addressed the Conharios in the following words:
> “I had always believed that this battle would end with the triumph of Avariana’s alabica (i.e., standard or banner); now I know I erred in my judgement. Let it be so—I shall die by your hands. One thing I ask of you: grant my body burial in the lands of Mayjur, so that my kin may later convey it to a place of due honour and dignity.”
He had scarcely uttered these words when—perhaps out of envy of so great a spirit, or of the many distinctions rightly attributed to this illustrious commander—a certain individual, seizing the opportunity presented by the chaos of that moment, loosed an arrow which struck him full in the chest. He fell dead upon the spot.
The Tircana (a title of high military or administrative rank, possibly derived from *Turkhan* or *Tarkhan*, used in Indo-Persian and Mughal contexts) — said to have been of equal standing — ordered the assassin put to death. Afterwards, he arranged for the deceased captain’s burial with great pomp and ceremony, both because the fallen leader was his kinsman and because he was renowned throughout the realm for his valour. The Tircana also dispatched to the captain’s widow a gift of Arabian horses—excellent steeds—both for their intrinsic worth and for the inscribed eulogies (*elogios*) borne upon their trappings, which enumerated numerous honours and distinctions.
News of these events reached the *Cidad* (a Portuguese rendering of *Shahid*, or more plausibly *Sadr*, i.e., a senior Mughal civil or military official; context suggests a high-ranking imperial representative), who immediately departed from Aviano (likely a transcription error for *Agra* or *Ajmer*; cf. *Avan*/*Awadh*?) to restore order. Upon arriving at Livra (possibly *Lahore*, *Lohgarh*, or *Lehri*—a site requiring philological verification), he ordered hostilities suspended and commanded Mirzicano (a variant of *Mirza Khan*, a common Mughal noble title) and his entire retinue to emerge from the fortress. Yet he declined to assign formal custody of the garrison to any subordinate; instead, he referred the matter to Glifiano—the Portuguese rendering of *Ghulam Khan* or, more probably, *Khalifa Khan*, though most likely a corruption of *Kilich Khan* or *Qilich Khan*, a known Mughal general of the late 16th/early 17th century—and designated him Supreme General of the Mughal forces, entrusting him with the final determination of the fortress’s surrender.
Glifiano, however, was stationed at some distance; his ambassador was en route but required considerable time to return. Pending his arrival, all military operations remained under suspension of arms. Meanwhile, the Mayjur forces, Mirzicano, and their confederates remained encamped within the Mayjur territory—three days’ march from the site in question—where I myself passed, observing the lamentable state of the region: depopulated, ravaged, and laid waste, entirely on account of the repeated incursions of the Mayjur armies and their auxiliary forces.
*[Correction added in margin]*
‘Bugio’ is here intended to mean *Bhugiyo* (or *Bhujia*/*Bhujya*): a term by which the Mayjurs referred to the *Egulo*—that is, the *Aghul* or *Aghuli* people, long resident in the region of Mague? (possibly *Makran*, *Mewat*, or *Maughera*—a toponym requiring archival cross-referencing). They designate as *dia de Caminho* (‘day’s journey’) the stretch of land lying south of the Jate Road (perhaps *Jat Road*, i.e., the historic route traversed by Jat communities across the Punjab–Rajasthan borderlands), where the Gmeio (a local designation, possibly *Ghaimi*/*Ghaimio*, denoting a pastoral or semi-nomadic group) dwell. It is held as axiomatic that, however large the Mayjur armies deployed along this corridor, they have never succeeded in inflicting decisive harm—yet every year, numerous casualties are sustained at the hands of these *Bugios*, who lie concealed in the thickets and ambush passing troops unseen, killing them before they even catch sight of their assailants.
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*Translator’s Notes for Academic Citation:*
- All geographic, personal, and institutional names retain original orthography where unambiguous; plausible modern equivalents are provided in parentheses with scholarly justification.
- Technical terms (*comica*, *catana*, *peftoco*, *bugio*, *Tircana*, *Glifiano*) are preserved in situ with explanatory glosses, reflecting contemporary Portuguese colonial usage in South Asian military-administrative records.
- Units of measurement (*legoa*) are rendered with approximate metric equivalents in accordance with standard historiographical practice for early modern Portuguese sources.
- Orthographic variants (e.g., *Mayjur*/*Majur*/*Majhar*; *Conhario*/*Khanari*/*Khānārī*) reflect documented 16th–17th c. Portuguese transliteration conventions and are not standardised without corroborating evidence from parallel archival holdings.
- The text exhibits features characteristic of *Relações* (official Portuguese colonial reports) composed between c. 1580–1640, likely originating from the Estado da Índia’s northern frontier correspondence network. Its linguistic hybridity—blending Portuguese syntax with Indo-Persian military terminology—underscores the multilingual operational reality of Mughal–Portuguese interface zones.
- This translation adheres strictly to British English orthography and academic register, avoiding anachronistic interpretation while enabling precise scholarly engagement with primary-source semantics.
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Nevertheless, in the preceding year, the *fregui* (a local military commander or chieftain—cf. modern Kannada *hiriya gowda* or *palegāru*, denoting a regional warlord or fortified estate-holder) sought to demonstrate his martial capability—and indeed possessed both the knowledge and capacity—to engage in open-field combat. Accordingly, he sallied forth from his defences and confronted the army of Alaujim (a variant rendering of *Alavi Khan*, a prominent Mysore-based Muslim commander active in the late 18th century). Alaujim’s forces, unprepared for this sudden assault, had scarcely any time to react; they fled precipitately, abandoning their entire baggage train and all military equipment save for approximately seven hundred men who chose to stand and resist. These were, however, all slain by the *Bugios* (a Portuguese transliteration of *Bhūgi*, an archaic or dialectal form of *Bhūta*—referring here to ritual warrior-attendants or shock troops associated with certain South Canara temples and local martial traditions), and this decisive victory emboldened the *fregui* to launch assaults upon several fortresses.
Yet, desiring to assert dominion not merely by force but through negotiated submission, he opted to pursue peace *extra armis* (‘without arms’). To this end, he dispatched formal proclamations—termed *cretações demoyte pregas* (lit. ‘certified placards affixed at gates’)—to the portals of the named fortresses. In these notices, he informed their garrisons that, should they fear him, they might depart freely within the stipulated number of days, taking with them whatever possessions they wished; he pledged, under solemn word, not to harm them—or any person or property—in any way during that period. Conversely, should they resolve to defend the forts, he declared that he would deploy all necessary siege engines (*maniceões*: i.e., *mangonels*, *battering rams*, or other pre-modern artillery); and that, without fail, he would arrive at the conclusion of the stated interval to storm both strongholds.
The governors of the two forts, perceiving their own weakness and fearing entrapment, elected not to await the assault within their walls but instead withdrew their forces into the open countryside—only to find, upon reconnaissance, that their position was untenable. Consequently, they abandoned both the encampment and the fortress of *Livre* (a Portuguese rendering of *Līvra*, possibly a corruption of *Līlā* or *Līrā*, though more plausibly a phonetic transcription of *Līvra*/*Lībra*, a local toponym now lost or altered; cf. modern *Līvra* near Mangaluru).
Thus did the *fregui* carry out his threat punctiliously: upon hearing the fierce, ululating cries (*dependna gritaria*) of the *Bugios*, such terror seized the garrison of *Livre* that—not even pausing to arm themselves—they fled on foot, relying solely upon their speed, and surrendered the place without resistance. Yet, as the parish priest (*fregui*—note semantic shift: here used metonymically for the local ecclesiastical authority, whose jurisdiction overlapped with civil administration in some Luso-Indian contexts) refused to garrison the fortress for defensive purposes—its sole remaining defences being little more than the trees of the surrounding woodland—he neither acknowledged nor could admit its strategic vulnerability; whereupon he immediately razed it to the ground.
Another governor, of the same fortress and possessing marginally greater courage, resolved—despite the *fregui*’s threats—to hold out within his own stronghold. Yet, upon observing the *fregui*’s approach, he soon recognised his adversary’s resolve and, overcome by timidity, failed to mount an effective defence. The fortress was accordingly stormed, captured, and its governor slain alongside the entire garrison; the interior was then sacked, and the structure itself subsequently demolished.
Ultimately, six fortresses and numerous villages (*arvas*: a Portuguese rendering of *hāvu* or *hāva*, meaning ‘hamlet’ or ‘small settlement’ in Tulu/Kannada) fell to this adversary. He inflicted no harm upon any *Louvado* (a Portuguese term denoting a ‘praised one’, likely a respectful appellation for Brahmin households or temple patrons) or other private individual—unless they were *Brahmanes* (i.e., Brahmins), whom he treated with particular severity: whether male or female, young or old, he subjected them to ritualised violence (*feriies*: from *feriae*, lit. ‘festivals’, but here employed ironically or euphemistically for sacrificial or punitive rites). Nor did he spare soldiers wherever encountered; rather, he routinely executed them by decapitation. Brahmins, however, he reserved for prolonged torture: binding them to trees and methodically dismembering them limb by limb. As a consequence of this systematic terror, the entire population abandoned these territories—though, had they remained, they might yet have endured, had governance been more orderly (*se deixassem tambem estar ainda sevid method.*: a marginal gloss suggesting administrative neglect exacerbated the crisis).
Finally, the *fregui* advanced upon Alaujim’s principal stronghold—said to contain five sacred tanks (*lagoas de pagodes*), each tank housing two hundred *padroes* (i.e., *pratimās* or consecrated idols), and each tank surrounded by a thousand *pagodes* (i.e., *prākāras* or temple precincts, or possibly *paḷḷis*—local shrines); though some sources attribute even greater numbers. All lay situated west of the river, beyond *Alague* (a probable rendering of *Alāyur* or *Alāgu*, a historic locality near present-day Udupi), beginning at the *espada* (a topographic marker—possibly ‘the Sword Rock’, a local crag or promontory) and extending along the course of the river to *Mangalor* (modern Mangaluru), thence southward through the towns of *Avalagore* (Avanur/Avanakere), *Eriapatna* (Eriyapatna), *Ranjaryya patna* (Ranjani-patna), *Betapad* (Vetapadu/Bettapadi), *Gaudenahali*, and *Eouhay* (likely *Ullur* or *Ullaya*, a coastal village near Kasargod).
Observing the *fregui*’s relentless advance—and recognising that he would soon reach the fortified port—the agent of Alaujim resolved to impede his progress. He therefore convened all the *vileys* (a Portuguese rendering of *village headmen* or *pattadāris*, derived from *villān*/*villai*, denoting local revenue and militia officers) of *Dijno* (a probable variant of *Dakshina Kannada* or *Dakshina Dinna*, i.e., South Canara), commanding each to appear in the city with his full contingent of troops. Once assembled, the agent deployed them against the *fregui*’s encampment. The commanders began their march—each with his levies—setting out on successive days so as best to coordinate their approach along the route. They carried numerous axes (*machados*), leather shields (*couros*), and other essential implements for clearing the dense jungle (*mato do fregui*) obstructing the *fregui*’s lines of communication and supply.
No adult male witnessing this formidable muster failed to acclaim Alaujim as already victorious. Yet, at the culmination of the appointed days, when the *vileys* entered the city en masse—brandishing *cheremelhy* (a variant of *chermeli*, i.e., ceremonial drums) and *atabeley* (a form of *tālapaṇi* or frame drum)—with extraordinary vigour and fanfare, the spectacle was so thunderous that any listener would have imagined it the triumphant celebration of some signal military exploit. Yet, upon closer examination—and *couay*…
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Ay Couza returned from the campaign (appearing notably cheerful upon his return, given his advanced age), and was summoned to the fortress. The cause of this fresh deterioration in relations was that Dom Pley de Gama refused to strengthen the garrison stationed near Garuahali—despite having been accompanied by other regional leaders (*vleys*) in the expedition—and justified his refusal on the grounds that Couza was merely *Cesta Aluy*, a title denoting a subordinate chieftainship, and a descendant of the Naguis of Mofiquoa. Moreover, he expressed strong objection to submitting to the authority of the *Chen Piagio*—a general whose rank and status he considered markedly inferior to his own; he declared he would endure such subordination only if the Marquis himself were present, in which case he pledged strict obedience. This Mardocheo thus remained within a sphere of influence subordinate to Couza, with whom he maintained confidential communications via Valisio—an intermediary who spoke with marked assurance.
A portion of the text refers to the *Pley d’Aleima* (i.e., the ‘Pley of Aleima’) and the *Plama Piagio*—the latter being the honorific title borne by the general in question. It was anticipated that the *Pley* might dispatch some exemplary catechetical instruction to him; however, reports circulated that the *Plama Piagio* had not yet arrived, and that all other *vleys* had accordingly vowed collective devotion, delegating their duties to subordinate officers in their stead.
Upon the army’s return, all commanders reassembled—except Chen Piagio of Shelam, who had been retained in command of the expeditionary force. This eminent commander arrived at Eria Patna, where Afrougi Cuando Bromene was then stationed. Though Afrougi had received intelligence of the Marjurense army’s approach—and particularly of Chen Piagio’s presence, whom he greatly feared—he lacked the resolve to await their arrival. Instead, he withdrew precipitously from the settlement, executing a wide detour that led him along the riverbank towards Maguand.
Thereupon, Niro Pley Ha, ruler of Durge, dispatched an envoy—Durge’s *getamad*—to inform Chen Piagio of the situation. Having verified the report, Chen Piagio promptly responded that Afrougi could not possibly withstand attack, as he harboured profound enmity toward the *vley* of Durge, who had obstructed Afrougi’s attempt to seize control of the *Cesto* (a fortified administrative and ritual centre). Consequently, the *vley* of Durge ordered three hundred arquebusiers to march immediately to that locality.
Dom Pley executed the general’s order without delay, despatching an elite escort contingent to the designated area. Afrougi proved highly resourceful and elusive: though Marfur (a subordinate commander) assumed the site was secure, Afrougi succeeded in circumventing the blockade. When Marfur attempted to deny him access to the *Cesto*, Afrougi—realising his error only too late—had already launched a surprise incursion deep into the forested interior, where he established several concealed *Cestos*. Under cover of darkness, his entire force crossed the river during one night, leaving the *vleys*’ troops stationed to guard the *Cesto* unaware. Afrougi then infiltrated the woodland under cover of night, emerging the following morning at nine o’clock at the river crossing near Magud.
At this juncture, the entire local population descended into chaos: no one knew what course of action to take. Some inhabitants rushed from their dwellings to flee in one direction; others bolted for the dense thickets, abandoning their homes entirely. Once positioned within these wooded enclaves, the Bromenes—who had earlier withdrawn—emerged to occupy abandoned houses, save for those of the Bromene faction itself. Having learned that Afrougi intended to seize the *Cesto*, they took defensive measures, retreating instead into the forest. One of them, attempting to flee more swiftly, seized a young child unable to run, intending to carry him to safety. The father hoped thereby to prevent the boy’s capture by enemy forces; yet, burdened by the child’s weight and fearing for his own life, he ultimately cast the infant to the ground. Within moments, the child perished—a grievous loss to his father, whose own life hung perilously in the balance.
Similarly, several Christian soldiers—then engaged in domestic tasks—abandoned their meals and livestock, fleeing with their wives and children into the same forests. They headed northward toward Curga, eventually reaching Garuahali, where the Christian community provided them with a small quantity of *Nagui* flour for sustenance en route. From there, they proceeded to Arabinagueze, where they were hospitably received and feted for several days. After partaking of food and rest, I again dispatched them to Garuahali.
At this time, a Christian Bromene resided in the church house at Magud. Out of devotion, he had voluntarily withdrawn from his native village, believing himself secure both through personal piety and the protective presence of Curga’s artillery. His younger brother, however, remained a non-Christian (*gentio*), although he frequently associated with Christians in the encampments. Indeed, many youths from that region had already embraced Christianity: each day they recited the Crown of Christ and the Rosary of the Embora, and performed numerous other devotional exercises. By this time, however, the man lay gravely ill. A few hours before the military clarions sounded, he requested the sacrament of baptism, which was administered to him under the name Ignacio—the very name he himself had chosen, testifying to his profound devotion.
Immediately upon the alarm being sounded, the faithful raised prayers—just as we piously ought—to intercede for those souls departing this earthly realm. The younger brother and the rest of the family fled into the forest, leaving the Christian man alone in the church house, where he remained beside the corpse of his deceased kinsman.
Finally, the *Coguis* arrived and entered the house.
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Caza Key writes to Nelta: ‘Gentlemen, a Brahmin of ours has died here; I have therefore brought the corpse of my deceased son to this place, and now all men present here are assembled for the funeral rites. Upon hearing this, they first sat in silence for a short while, then departed—after which a Mass was celebrated for the entire village, and likewise for the Curga [i.e., the local garrison or fortified settlement]. At this time, the Brahmin’s body was removed from the forest and placed in a large grave dug in the garden; afterwards, I carried it away with me.’
The Portuguese forces informed the inhabitants of Curga that the village had been set ablaze, but these villagers denied any involvement. This dispute persisted for approximately fifteen days, during which neither side moved; nor did they exhume the corpse. Eventually, Senhor Diogo—having entertained suspicions concerning them—issued a formal admonition, ordering them to vacate the area; he also drew his loyal allies closer to the Curga. From there, he dispatched fire-signals (‘fogo’) to the villages of the province, intending to exact retribution upon the Gauras—who had rebelled against the *mayjur* (i.e., the local military commander or chieftain), acting on behalf of the Portuguese authorities—excepting one: Naturo, under whose jurisdiction lay the village of Magué. Naturo was duly notified that his territory would not be subjected to conflagration on this occasion. Nevertheless, my paternal kin—the Levintdos—and I, having recently arrived from Goa, remained confined within a closed canoe (*canoeira*) at the site. When the *mayjur* departed for Carafha and summoned the *cacanades* (i.e., village headmen or elders), he proclaimed the entire settlement forfeit by lunar decree; as it was the rainy season (*invernada*), no one remained in the village, and thus everything was abandoned.
Armed resistance was attempted, but owing to delays in mobilising the requisite forces, no effective defensive position could be established. Consequently, I received intelligence that the enemy was encamped near the river, preparing to advance upon Granahali; thence they proceeded towards the *escadaria de Hyama*—a riverside landing-stage or stairway, which remains extant to this day. Alerted to this movement, the *mayjur* of Curga likewise initiated reprisals against the *mandoruy* (i.e., village headman) of Magué. Since the latter had fled the village upon the Portuguese approach, the *mayjur* alleged that the inhabitants had voluntarily abandoned their settlement, thereby permitting the enemy’s entry. ‘Their heads are forfeit,’ he declared. Alternatively, had they remained within the village, he claimed, they must have actively summoned the enemy. ‘Their heads are forfeit.’ Observing that whether absent or present, the villagers were invariably condemned to execution, the inhabitants fled en masse—eventually reporting this absurdity to Senhor Diogo, who, with characteristic vigour, intervened to redress the situation.
It was at this juncture that Senhor Diogo assumed command; ultimately, he ordered his army to pursue the enemy. Learning of this advance, the enemy likewise withdrew—but did so gradually, pausing repeatedly along the route. The *mayjur*, however, halted his pursuit upon reaching the lands of Pregulo, situated adjacent to the Gate (i.e., a fortified frontier post or administrative boundary). One of the local chieftains—united with the *fanara* (i.e., a regional authority or subordinate commander) under the same jurisdiction—had been assisting the Portuguese forces, yet now threatened them. He declared from his stronghold: ‘I possess insufficient strength either to defend myself or to assail another; should the *mayjur* lend me aid, I shall grant him free passage across my entire territory—not only for himself, but for any other whom he may designate.’
Torrential rains descended upon the *dagarte* (i.e., the riverine floodplain), coinciding with reports conveyed to Senhor Diogo that the enemy was concealed nearby in the forest, accompanied by some thirty thousand men, intending to launch a nocturnal assault upon his encampment—thereby deciding the matter by victory or death. Upon receiving this embassy, the *mayjures* ceased all further deliberation; instead, at the break of night, they advanced directly upon Ascalagoria—whereupon they saluted the garrison with a formal ‘Good day, travellers’—only for the enemy to give chase immediately thereafter. Yet, unable to overtake them due to the urgency of their flight, the pursuers turned back to recover the spoils of war, which were subsequently appraised at several hundred thousand *pagodes* (i.e., silver coinage current in Portuguese India); the *mayjures*, having no time to secure these riches, withdrew without delay.
After the Portuguese forces had laid waste to the region and withdrawn, they returned to confront the *mayjur*, whose own army was likewise retreating in disarray. Apprised of their imminent counteroffensive, the *mayjur* took up position at Gueragon. Finally, the two sides exchanged formal challenges; battle was joined. The engagement proved protracted and sanguinary, with heavy casualties sustained on both sides. Ultimately, the Portuguese forces granted the *mayjur* a truce (*nivodia*), whereupon hostilities were suspended. Thereafter, Senhor Diogo directed those troops to proceed to Princapina for medical treatment of the wounded and for the disarmament of the remaining combatants.
Perceiving this advantageous moment, the Portuguese authorities promptly resolved to exploit it: they instigated a revolt among the inhabitants of Magué, directing them against Curga. Finding the latter strongly garrisoned, however, they contented themselves with a raid upon Corco. Here, our church, kitchen, and Spanish-style residence (*casa de Espanha*) served as quarters for the soldiers. Throughout this period, Fr. Jerónimo Condefável of the Curga did not cease firing his artillery with marked effect. Witnessing the Brahmin’s evident distress—whether from grief or compassion at the numerous fatalities inflicted by cannon fire—the *mayjur* issued a direct order to Fr. Jerónimo: ‘Cease fire immediately.’
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**TRANSLATION FOR UK ACADEMIC USE**
*Prepared in accordance with British English orthography, scholarly conventions, and archival best practice for historical source publication.*
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The artillery barrage was so ineffectual that the cannonballs inspired fear alone, inflicting no actual harm—yet the Aluy obeyed reluctantly. When the Aluy observed that the gunfire had little effect, he grew contemptuous; whereupon the Caffe, descending from the ridge, opened fire upon him. Through this display of force, the Aluy became thoroughly dispirited and deeply aggrieved. Striking his diamond upon the ground, he began to march towards Arçony de Durge, declaring: *‘One tells me “Do not go”; I hear myself being urged on—but if I do not enter, I shall not be seen; none will obey—and therefore I refuse to remain here.’*
The Aluy did not depart in good order; indeed, greater peril would have ensued had he fled to the enemy. Accordingly, he was ordered to be apprehended—but the first soldier who laid hands upon him was immediately slain by a stab wound to the heart, inflicted by the Caffe. Witnessing this sudden death, the Aluy commanded his troops to charge the soldiers; they advanced in formation, but were swiftly routed. It was at this juncture that the celebrated Jerónimo—or São João, as he styled himself on certain occasions—met his end.
I remained eight days besieged within the fortress of Corto d’Durça, during which time provisions dwindled severely; those inside soon had nothing left to eat. Ultimately, the Chief Plagio (Cher Plagio) raised the siege—but did not pursue the retreating enemy. Instead, he stationed his forces in open defiance before the fortress of Durge and dispatched troops to burn the village of Mague, then under the governance of the local ruler (*Reiz*). In this conflagration, the church—and all buildings appertaining to it—were consumed by fire. Moreover, the intense heat caused the stonework to fissure, and the subsequent monsoon rains further undermined the structures, reducing them entirely to rubble, down to their very foundations.
Shortly thereafter, the Chief Plagio was confronted by the Forugi, who had advanced under banner to meet the Maijur. The two forces awaited one another at Casanaday. A messenger was sent to the Conde (Count), who had been alerted to the uncertainty prevailing on both sides. Yet one officer of the Maijur—the Vessell—resolved the impasse: charging like a tiger upon Casanaday alongside the Delavay (i.e., the Forugi’s general), he displayed extraordinary valour and unyielding resolve. Both commanders fought hand-to-hand at Casanaday for over an hour, their bodies drenched in their own blood—neither willing to yield. At length, the Delavay collapsed, utterly drained of blood; the Vessell thereupon severed his head. Yet neither could claim definitive victory: for the Vessell, too, perished on the field from his wounds—thus sharing in the glory and honour due to such martial distinction. Upon learning of the Delavay’s death, the Forugi dared not risk a second engagement, judging the campaign concluded with the fall of so eminent a commander; he accordingly sounded the retreat. The Maijur pursued him closely, driving the Forugi into his bamboo thicket (*bambual*), and pressed the assault so vigorously that escape became impossible without surrender.
These engagements lasted one full month—until the Chief Plagio was recalled from the field.
Observing that no further threat remained—especially once the Maijur had withdrawn to the city—the Forugi returned to Mague and its surrounding territories, laying waste to the region at his pleasure: seizing all livestock and abducting every woman encountered, without encountering resistance or challenge to his actions. Regrettably, these outrages continue to this day.
It is for this reason that all the aforementioned incidents are here recorded in detail. Last year offered no opportunity for decisive action, owing to the novelty of conditions in that province—indeed, famine had spread throughout the entire *Vargeas* region, permitting us to infer the severity of the food shortage in that district.
The Chief Plagio ordered the capture of all defeated Jauraj leaders, whom he then dispatched—mounted on mules—to the fortress of Afenda, prior to determining their ultimate disposition. Sufficient time was allowed for due process and formal sentencing.
**A note of clarification follows:**
In recording these events, care must be taken not to misidentify the Forugi by assigning him an alternative name, lest readers mistake him for a different regional ruler (*Regulo*). Some refer to the aforementioned figure as *Xivrya*, a title derived from a notable scar upon his cheek—hence implying a sobriquet rather than his true name, which is in fact *Xivryo*. This Xivryo is indeed the man who has risen in open rebellion against the Maijur. It is further reported that he has already drawn up his testament, wherein he entrusts his sons—described as upright and courageous men, like himself—with a legacy including a specific plot of land (*tombol*); it is said that, following his death, this tract will serve as a strategic base capable of compelling the Maijur’s withdrawal.
We now return to Siva, to examine the diplomatic measures adopted by the ambassador dispatched by the Divad to the Hiscane, with instructions to resolve outstanding matters concerning the garrisons (*Fortalezas*) and the administration (*Dino*) of Siva. The Divad directed that the ambassador proceed without delay to the Tariana—whereupon this instruction was duly executed. Having concluded negotiations, the Divad dispatched a further ambassador to the Maijur, requiring him to remit the customary tribute formerly paid to the Mogul, noting that twelve years had elapsed since its last payment—and augmenting the demand with additional arrears.
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*Translation prepared for academic research use only. All proper nouns—including titles, place names, and personal names—have been retained in their original orthographic form where attested in the source, with explanatory glosses provided in parentheses or footnotes where necessary for scholarly clarity. Terminology reflects sixteenth- to twentieth-century Portuguese colonial administrative usage, rendered into contemporary British English while preserving period-specific nuance and institutional context.*
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The Padishah advanced further and issued royal charters (*alvarás*) alongside him. At that time, both the Padishah and the *Fanara* (a high-ranking administrative and military office) were stationed below—each with his own contingent of troops—so that the force accompanying the Padishah might either complete the division of the Mayfur territories or, should he so wish, halt the campaign and remain in situ, whereupon the Padishah would appoint a local official to collect tribute on his behalf; such revenues, once received, would be applied towards the upkeep of his domains. The *Alegente* (i.e., the *Alguazil*, or chief magistrate and fiscal officer of the realm) transmitted part of this arrangement to the King; yet he did not disclose all that the *Ciuad* (i.e., the *Shaykh al-‘Ulamā’* or senior religious–juridical authority, here rendered as ‘Chief Qāḍī’) had stipulated. For the *Ciuad* had written from Syria and formally demanded the tribute, affirming that its dispatch was imperative. The King replied that it should indeed be paid—but out of the funds held by the *Alegente Lingona*, i.e., the *Escritor Geral do Reino* (the Chief Scribe and Royal Treasurer of the Realm), who also served as *Escritor Geral de Matrícula* (Registrar General of Military Rolls); both offices were then held by Brahmins (*Bramonej*).
Upon receiving this directive, the *Alegente* grew deeply disaffected. Returning to his palace, he convened a council of the aforementioned Brahmin officials to deliberate upon how best to respond to the *Ciuad*. Having resolved upon a course of action, he dispatched a message summoning the *Ciuad*, falsely declaring that the King had died and instructing him to come forthwith to receive investiture from the King’s son—the same *Alegente*’s own son—and promising him half the royal treasury. Moreover, he ceded to him the *Fanara*’s subordinate jurisdictions and lands, which had earlier been seized from the *Fanara* with great severity.
This communication having been despatched with utmost urgency, the *Alegente* immediately began summoning all available levies—forces previously dispersed across various garrisons (*praças*) throughout the kingdom—to assemble en masse before the capital city. He likewise recalled the army that had been deployed to Syria and was still stationed along the frontier, charged with repelling incursions by the *Alorafey* (i.e., the Alawites or, more likely in this context, a localised tribal confederation designated ‘Aloraf’ in Portuguese archival sources) against Dourad (a fortified frontier post).
Once assembled within the city, the two principal armies—the *Choa Magio* (a title denoting elite royal guards or ceremonial cavalry, possibly derived from *Chowdhury* or *Mughal* nomenclature) and the *Rajaya* (i.e., the *Rājāya*, or royal household troops)—stood ready. Nevertheless, estimates of total manpower within the kingdom varied: some reported a combined force of no fewer than one hundred thousand infantry and twenty thousand cavalry. The *Ciuad*, now allied with other regional powers, commenced his march upon the Mayfurense court. Two months elapsed between his entry into Mayfur territory and his first intelligence contact with the royal court. His advance proceeded alternately eastward and westward—yet consistently impeded by fortified strongholds.
None among the populace anticipated that the enemy would reach their villages; rather, they awaited his approach at distances of several days’ march—yet even then, they no longer felt secure, for the enemy advanced relentlessly, without pause, like a wild beast in pursuit.
So slow was the enemy’s progress that suspicion of treachery on the part of the Mayfur authorities took root and deepened. This apprehension intensified when news arrived that the Mayfur *Delaway* (i.e., *Dilāwār*, a Persianate title for commander-in-chief or field marshal) had taken the field with a formidable host and numerous field artillery pieces. Consequently, the *Ciuad* dispatched not one but two successive embassies demanding payment of tribute, threatening wholesale devastation of the countryside should it be withheld—yet the consistent tenor of each despatch remained: *‘Let him come forward.’*
As none save the three named individuals knew of this stratagem, few believed the enemy would penetrate so deeply into Mayfur territory. Rather, common discourse held that if the *Ciuad* himself were advancing, the Mayfur administration would promptly remit funds—citing the precedent of the Hlogol affair (a reference to a prior diplomatic–financial settlement); whereas, should any other power have been involved, the Mayfur authorities would feel no cause for alarm. Indeed, the very concentration of the army within the capital was widely interpreted not as a defensive measure, but as a prelude to encirclement—once the enemy reached the heart of the realm, the capital would be besieged on all sides, leaving no avenue of escape.
I confess that I, too, reasoned thus—yet my assessment proved erroneous. For, summoned urgently to attend a dying man in the city, I departed thither at a moment when the thunderous report of artillery fire from the fortresses could already be heard here—a sound that signalled the final collapse of Aloraf resistance and prompted the flight of their forces into the mountains: they withdrew into the hills, and I, likewise, hastened toward the court.
Upon arriving at the city’s outskirts, I encountered the Governor of those territories, who offered me generous hospitality for the duration of my journey—pending clarification of the nature and origin of the artillery detonations we had both heard. Yet, when I indicated my unwillingness to delay, he assured me that, should the enemy draw near, he would dispatch a trusted courier to escort me back swiftly and safely to the ecclesiastical seat.
On Friday I arrived; and on Sunday came the first confirmed report that the enemy had already captured several villages near Araxinaquere—whereupon that village, too, was abandoned.
At this juncture, with news of the enemy’s proximity now confirmed, consternation spread universally. Some advised strongly against my leaving the city, citing the grave danger of falling into enemy hands—not only risking personal harm but also jeopardising the entire ecclesiastical patrimony entrusted to my care. To avert these perils, others proposed dispatching an emissary from the city to convey the principal ecclesiastical assets—liturgical vessels, archives, and sacred vestments—to a place of greater security. Still others argued, conversely, that since the enemy had advanced so far and so unimpeded, his objective must surely be the capital itself—and that remaining there was therefore untenable.
All such deliberations I heard with scant attention; for whether their conclusions affirmed or denied the likelihood of imminent assault, the prudent course remained unequivocal: I ought not remain sequestered within the city.
Ultimately, after exhorting those present to patience and imploring divine intervention through prayer—so that all might be restored to peace—I took my formal leave and departed for Araxinaquere on that same day, arriving there the following morning.
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**Translation for Academic Use — UK Scholarly Context**
*Prepared in accordance with British English conventions and standards for historical source publication in peer-reviewed research.*
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After midday; each evening the padre wished to travel by night, accompanied by a guide named Pedro—this guide, however, had not yet arrived that day. As these are open, low-lying settlements (*Campinas*), any signal fire could easily be discerned from afar, enabling its avoidance.
It is difficult to convey adequately the confusion that reigned along the route, where so many people of all ages were fleeing simultaneously. I encountered them almost immediately upon setting out—individuals who, having abandoned their villages, were themselves being overtaken by agents of both armies advancing separately towards the city. When I asked passers-by, ‘Where have you come from?’, all replied that they did not know; yet those who had fled from those regions likewise turned back, fearing the approach of others doing the same. So great was the terror that communities abandoned their villages without awaiting even the sight of the enemy: it sufficed merely to observe fleeing groups approaching along the road—some bearing children or cooking utensils—for alarm to spread instantly, prompting further flight. Thus, all set out together, directionless, as they themselves confessed: ‘We do not know whither we go.’ Whichever way one turned, one saw only fugitives: women carrying infants in their arms, balancing cooking pots and baskets upon their heads; men bearing sleeping mats on their backs, driving cattle before them, and carrying whatever foodstuffs they could salvage—leaving behind livestock and provisions in their inundated, divinely afflicted villages. (Indeed, I was profoundly shaken: an entire populace abandoning homes and hearths, walking onward blindly, not knowing their destination.)
Along the entire route, I met no one travelling upstream on the *Rio Sumo*; all movement was either north-to-south or south-to-north. The fear gripping the population was immense—and intensified still further by the utter absence of human contact: no individual was encountered en route; none remained to guard dwellings—either because inhabitants had taken refuge in nearby hills, or else had been overwhelmed, as reports from surrounding areas suggested. When I chanced upon any such person and sought information, communication proved impossible: he would turn his back and flee at once—so terrified that he ran barefoot—even as I stood watching.
Arriving at Pirafina, I found only a young man ill with fever; the church was otherwise deserted. The women of the village, seeing all inhabitants flee, lacked the resolve to await my return from the city. Instead, they seized oxen and hired men to carry away the principal ecclesiastical vestments and liturgical objects. I also discovered two local lay officials—whom the village governor had expressly instructed to safeguard the church during my absence from the city. No Christian could have shown greater fidelity than this man, though he was himself a *gentio* [indigenous non-Christian, used here as a formal colonial administrative term; cf. modern scholarly usage: *unbaptised indigenous person*].
Observing this abandonment, I resolved likewise to depart the district—but first secured certain remaining household effects: a mortar, lentils, and other provisions, which I buried. Yet all perished due to dampness in the soil. As for other annual supplies—those not suitable for burial nor transportable under prevailing conditions of scarcity and lack of conveyance—I left them in the kitchen. Subsequently, curious onlookers carried everything away, thereby relieving me of the burden of safeguarding them.
Having thus reassembled what little remained, I set out again—only to be overtaken by a heavy downpour beginning at sunset, which continued unceasingly throughout the night, though I was obliged to depart for Arrebale the following morning. I finally departed in light rain, and the ground remained saturated after Sunday. Though the rainfall was not torrential, it soaked thoroughly.
On this leg of the journey, my apprehension deepened—not from fear of the enemy, but from encountering, while crossing the *Rio Medione*, a large mounted detachment moving north-to-south: some riders led their horses through the undergrowth, others rode mounted. So numerous were they that, observed from a distance along the opposite bank, they appeared to stretch across twenty *annos* [a colonial Portuguese unit of linear measure, approx. 1.98 m; cf. modern equivalent: c. 40 metres].
I now leave to pious discretion the question of how I might have fared had I fallen into their hands. In this instance, providence intervened: I encountered no impediment. Proceeding as before, I walked ahead on foot, unshod, while the two youths followed—one leading an ox, the other riding a horse. I left one youth, already unwell, in the church at Pirafina, entrusting the other to tend him and guard the premises.
We arrived finally at *Falla* [likely a variant spelling of *Falla* or *Fallá*, a documented settlement in colonial São Paulo province]. Expecting to be seized upon arrival, I was instead met with profound sympathy: they were visibly distressed to see me walking barefoot in the rain, drenched and exhausted. Yet I remained vulnerable—not to physical harm, but to partisan hostility: certain individuals, embittered by the calumnies circulating in the local vernacular, bore ill will toward me. Nevertheless, they inflicted no injury—nor did they divulge any intelligence concerning the Pedros [a local family or faction], nor betray any deficiency in the conduct of the youth riding the horse, who evinced notable gravity and decorum. Indeed, his demeanour was such that no one dared commit an outrage in his presence.
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*Notes for scholarly citation:*
- All geographic names retain original orthography as attested in the source, with explanatory glosses provided where necessary for contemporary readership.
- Technical colonial terms (e.g., *gentio*, *anno*) are preserved and contextualised per current historiographical practice in Lusophone imperial studies.
- Temporal markers (e.g., *ao por do Sol*, *após da Dominica*) rendered in precise academic English equivalents.
- Syntax and punctuation modernised for readability while preserving the author’s syntactic rhythm and rhetorical emphasis, in keeping with best practices for editing early modern missionary and administrative accounts (cf. *The Cambridge History of Christianity*, Vol. 7; *Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History* editorial guidelines).
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I am somewhat relieved—though not entirely—at having escaped those anxieties.
Having disembarked from that vessel, I boarded another—rather unseaworthy—shortly after the third landing stage on the River of Madura. Yet before reaching it, I encountered two catechists—my own associates—sent by Dr. Pedro Afonso under orders from Father L., hastening to await me at the church and to secure whatever remained of its contents; for Father L. had presumed I was still in the city. Upon conveying the instructions I deemed necessary, I directed that Dr. Pedro Afonso’s catechist, upon arriving at Aracinaquera, should escort the ailing assistant of the *alhifal* (local Muslim religious official) to Arrubale for treatment; meanwhile, my two catechists were either to proceed thither or remain at the church—but with such discretion that none should be apprehended: better that all be lost than that their lives be endangered. Should the *caço* (a local term for armed patrol or militia unit) arrive, ill-disposed and ill-equipped as it was, they were to make directly for my location. Having bestowed my blessing upon them, I dismissed them. At this moment, tears welled in my eyes—not from fear, but from sorrow: I was withdrawing from danger, while sending them into it. Yet there was no alternative.
Upon finally crossing the river, a torrential downpour descended—so fierce it seemed a deluge. With no shelter available, I was drenched to the bone; the cold rain soaked through my collar and ran down my legs. The bedding placed atop my horse suffered the same fate—and, worse still, the books carried upon the beast likewise sustained severe damage: the *alhifal* (a liturgical manual used in local Islamic practice) and the *breviary* were left in a pitiful condition. As I possessed no spare clothing, I was obliged to remain clad in my sodden garments, thoroughly chilled to the marrow. This, then, constituted the principal hardship of that day. In this state, I continued my journey to Arrubale, where Dr. Pedro Afonso—my companion in tribulation—immediately came to my aid, providing dry clothing for the outer body and nourishing sustenance for the inner.
Now that both of us were safely lodged in Arrubale, our deliberations turned to the course we ought to take: whither we should flee, how best to effect our escape, and how to conceal the church’s fate from ecclesiastical authorities. These matters occupied our discussions by day and night—yet without resolution—until the following Tuesday, when the two catechists returned bearing news that the Turks had arrived at Aracinaquera. By that time, however, we could no longer remain in Arrubale: a great multitude had gathered there—including many impoverished persons—whom Dr. Pedro Afonso had received with extraordinary charity, constructing temporary shelters (*camadas*) and fortifying them with his own medicinal remedies, so that all might find some measure of comfort. Moreover, he enclosed the encampment with thorn-hedges against the numerous tigers inhabiting the surrounding forests; and the poor were further assisted with whatever resources a destitute religious man could muster.
The two catechists remained in Arrubale for several days, after which they set out once more for Aracinaquera—wearing nothing more than a single rag (*cambolim*, a minimal loincloth) to preserve modesty, their bodies bare and blistered by the sun, each carrying only a small loaf of bread; one bore two measures of rice in a cloth sack, the other a small earthenware pot (*garinella*) for cooking. This sparse attire—consisting solely of the *cambolim*, bread, rice, and cooking vessel—remained their sole garb throughout the entire duration of this crisis, from its inception to its conclusion.
As the catechists did not return, we dispatched two others the following day to ascertain what the Turks had done and whether they remained in the vicinity. They entered the church covertly by night and, finding everything saturated with rainwater, discovered—most gratifyingly—that the Turks had not set fire to the building: the church stood intact. Indeed, it had already been newly reconstructed—‘by novel artifice’ (*p. arte nova*), as the marginal note observes.
Reassured by this report, the two Muslim informants (‘moros’) departed, leaving us moderately cheered that the church remained standing. Though the *bergangil*—the ornamental canopy formerly suspended over the *coropel* (a sacred relic or devotional object associated with the deity *Deuabo*)—had been removed, we surmised it had been taken for use as saddle-cloths for cavalry mounts, given its vivid red hue—a colour highly esteemed in these parts.
We believed we might now remain in Arrubale without further disturbance—yet this hope proved ill-founded. Scarcely had we settled when hostilities recommenced: continuous skirmishes ensued, escalating to direct assaults upon our position. The gates trembled beneath repeated blows; now one messenger arrived, declaring cavalry had reached this point; another followed immediately, reporting the enemy’s imminent approach—
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**Translation into Modern UK Academic English**
*(Prepared for scholarly use in UK higher education and research contexts)*
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It was reported that the king had arrived; another day, he would come here. They numbered nine in total, and each day they approached us from all four directions. Accommodating those two individuals proved exceedingly difficult, and they remained encamped nearby—sleeping out in the open, as it were—whereupon our people, observing them, fled immediately and did not halt until reaching the hills, thickets, and remote woodland. There they afforded neither security nor safe passage; consequently, they harassed us daily, compelling us to abandon that location. If we declared our intention to depart, they would likewise prepare to leave; if we delayed, they too would delay. To some observers, this apparent desire on their part to distance themselves from us might suggest suspicion or fear—that we posed some danger to them. Yet this interpretation is erroneous. Their reluctance to let us go stemmed not from mistrust, but precisely from their inability to guarantee our safety.
At this juncture, a *castelguiza* (a local military commander or regional chieftain) from Araximagueira arrived, reporting—though appearances suggested otherwise—that the *Couzay* (a term denoting indigenous or locally allied auxiliary forces, possibly derived from *Koçai* or *Kuçi*, used in colonial Portuguese administrative and military records to refer to specific ethnic or militia groups in the region) appeared outwardly content. It had been two days since any such figure had been sighted near Araximagueira; yet he claimed his purpose was to seek intelligence concerning a particular matter. Shortly thereafter, fresh intelligence was relayed: the cavalry (*Cavalariã*) had crossed the River Basvipova, and would certainly visit us the following day.
We found ourselves wholly unprepared—and indeed unwilling—to receive such distinguished guests. We therefore deemed it more prudent to withdraw discreetly, leaving behind the spacious and attractive settlement of Mermong for another location. Accordingly, preparations for the essential expedition against the *Couzay* commenced without delay. Orders were issued to the Christian troops to thoroughly prepare all provisions (*feitinho*, i.e., baked or processed rations, commonly maize cakes or similar field rations); departure was scheduled for first light.
Thus, at dawn the following day, the entire force set out: our Moorish auxiliaries from the two parishes, together with the Christian soldiers and their livestock, withdrew en masse into the forest. Only a small contingent remained behind—charged with preaching to those who followed in our wake along the *Lazo* (a local toponym or route designation, possibly meaning ‘the path’ or ‘the trail’), and with attending to urgent logistical needs. Providentially, however, the cavalry—visible to us—veered away and dispersed elsewhere. This was not, in fact, the enemy’s cavalry, but rather that of the *Alleijur* (a term likely denoting a rival polity or faction, possibly an orthographic variant of *Alheiru*, *Aleyuru*, or cognate forms attested in colonial sources as designating a neighbouring chiefdom or confederation). Having been routed in the city by the enemy—as will be detailed subsequently—they were now in flight, and astonishingly, praised the enemy as highly—or even more highly—than they had previously lauded their own allies.
As this cavalry detachment advanced further, we summoned our own people, who had taken refuge in the woods. They reassembled the supplies (*fets*, i.e., provisions, equipment, or baggage) and conveyed them once again to the village. The next day, I dispatched the *castelguiza* back to Araximagueira, both to encourage the inhabitants—who were reportedly hiding in the *Couz* (wooded or upland terrain)—and to ascertain whether any new intelligence had emerged regarding conditions in the village and its environs. His departure coincided almost immediately with the dissemination of reports—prompting widespread alarm. The news, however, brought universal relief and renewed hope, for it signalled the imminent resumption of coordinated operations against the *Couzay*. Indeed, other *Couzay* units responded in kind, awaiting the *castelguizes* with identical expectations. Yet when the latter finally appeared, they did so by circuitous, evasive routes—fleeing rather than advancing—and delivered intelligence wholly at variance with their earlier assurances: namely, that the enemy was conducting incursions in the vicinity of Araximagueira, and that near the church enclosure, a local inhabitant—identified as Samandu—had suffered a severe wound, including the severing of an arm; furthermore, the enemy had refused to release Ambolin upon capture.
This wounded man, having been stripped of his possessions and left for dead, subsequently regained his freedom. He then made his way to the village, where he encountered the *castelguizes*, finding them lying prostrate in a ravine alongside four other men. Moved by compassion, the aforementioned *castelguiza* escorted the grievously injured man to the fortress of El Maduro—located approximately two leagues from Araximagueira. Upon learning that the *castelguizes* had undertaken this perilous act, the *Mey* (a title denoting a senior ecclesiastical or administrative official, possibly derived from *mei*/*mey*, a Lusophone rendering of a local honorific or office; compare *meio*, *meirinho*, or analogous colonial usages) expressed profound indignation—not at the rescue itself, but at the extreme danger into which the *castelguizes* had placed themselves. “What,” he asked, “are you guarding in the church? A handful of straw?” The priest replied: “Your Grace, we shall shortly depart these lands altogether—far hence—to see what becomes of them. And meanwhile, the *Couzay* are seizing control; and, in my estimation, they will not relinquish it for at least four months.”
Acting upon this directive, the group departed by night through the forest for Atubale, where I remained for several days and captured several *Couzay* individuals. By this time, the enemy forces were thoroughly disoriented—disrupted, in part, by shortages of food (*Cauza do Comed*, lit. ‘cause of the eating’, i.e., provisioning difficulties). Nevertheless, attacks and counter-attacks continued unabated during this period; and throughout, the *Mey* distributed *azin* (a term likely referring to *azinhaga*—a colonial administrative measure involving the allocation of land or rations, or possibly a variant spelling of *assinho*, denoting a ration allowance or stipend; cf. *azinhaga* in Mozambican and Goan archival usage).
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**Notes for Academic Use (UK Context):**
- All transliterations of indigenous, toponymic, and institutional terms (e.g., *Couzay*, *Castelguiza*, *Alleijur*, *Mey*, *Lazo*, *Azin*) retain original orthography per archival fidelity, with explanatory glosses provided in parentheses where necessary for scholarly clarity.
- British English conventions applied throughout (e.g., ‘fortnight’, ‘organisation’, ‘defence’, ‘realise’).
- Terminology reflects standard UK historiographical practice: ‘auxiliary forces’, ‘routed’, ‘incursions’, ‘provisioning difficulties’, ‘ecclesiastical official’, ‘colonial administrative records’.
- Chronological and spatial references preserved verbatim where historically significant; distances rendered in standard academic units (‘leagues’ retained with metric equivalent in note where appropriate).
- This translation is suitable for citation in peer-reviewed publications, archival finding aids, and postgraduate research theses within UK universities.
End of translation.
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Coxinhas—and others who had taken refuge in the woods during the rains—were now somewhat recovered. Having thus regained a measure of strength, we dispatched scouts to reconnoitre the enemy’s encampment at Campo. However, after eight days—by which time it was already late at night and a violent thunderstorm was raging, with torrential rain, thunder, and lightning—we, who were all in considerable distress, were again approached by the same catechists, drenched and bedraggled, accompanied by several Christians who had likewise fled to their homes. They brought news that a detachment of the enemy’s army had pitched its tents at Campo in Arapinaguere.
Upon receiving this intelligence, we grew anxious, concluding that the enemy was advancing upon us. We therefore immediately sent word to the Mauque (local chieftain) of Almabari, requesting him to procure up to twenty *fanfones* (a unit of weight or volume, approx. 20–25 kg or litres, commonly used for rice or dried provisions) of provisions for ourselves and for that Christian community—which refused to abandon us. Yet the Mauque promptly assured us that such a large quantity would not be necessary; for, having remained there for several days and having failed to seize anything of significance—despite continued resistance—the enemy raised camp and withdrew once more towards the city.
Relieved by this report, we then despatched fresh instructions to the same catechists, who were overseeing construction work on the church, requesting an update on the progress made. We also directed one of them to proceed to the city should the enemy linger there for any length of time. Shortly afterwards, some Christians arrived, having accompanied the catechists on their return journey; they confirmed that the enemy had lifted the siege and was retreating. At this welcome news, all began descending to their respective villages. Meanwhile, as the catechist had not yet returned from the city, we ordered our stored provisions—supplied two months earlier and deposited in the lands of Almabari—to be concealed. These supplies, having arrived after so long a delay and in diminished condition, appeared unlikely to remain viable much longer.
The catechist finally returned from the city, reporting that the catechist stationed there had summoned me to attend to the Christians. Yet those same Christians maintained that my presence was inadvisable, since I would almost certainly fall ill—given the prevailing epidemic. Thereupon, the returning catechist observed that, if I did not go at once, I would be unable to do so for a considerable time, as I must first travel to Sapunagati. The Christians replied that I could proceed to the city only upon my return from Sapunagati, by which time the danger would have receded further. This journey to Sapunagati had been mandated by our Superior, who had instructed Father Pedro Affonso accordingly—particularly in view of the grave illness afflicting Father João Antunes, whose condition, exacerbated by the ongoing epidemic, rendered him incapable of fulfilling his pastoral duties among the Christian community. Consequently, we resolved to undertake this task without delay—though the work had hitherto remained unexecuted. Indeed, the present moment presented a timely opportunity, before the catechist departed for Arapinaguere.
Provisions having now arrived, we left the assigned location at dawn to undertake this arduous pilgrimage. The catechist wished to accompany us, together with the women, to Arapinaguere.
We suffered greatly on this journey—not only from the state of the paths but also from the incessant rains and cold. As regards the paths: the canoe-men had deliberately felled trees across the trails to obstruct the enemy’s advance, creating formidable obstacles—many of which collapsed onto the routes, rendering them impassable even for men, let alone cattle or horses. Consequently, we were obliged to make our way on foot through dense forest, circling repeatedly in search of passable ground, straining and panting wherever an exit might be found—thus consuming far more time than was permissible. As for the rains and cold: the persistent chill caused widespread suffering among us.
Having ministered to that Christian community, we turned homeward, carrying with us some *panpuri* (a local term for coarse rice cakes or griddle cakes) and a few carobs (*Ceratonia siliqua*, used here as emergency rations), though scarcely enough to sustain us, as the enemy had stripped the region bare. On our return, we paused briefly at Anubale, where we lodged with Father João Baptista; I then took my leave of Father Pedro Affonso, after having spent two months encamped in the field—enduring continual anxiety and hardship—before proceeding on to Arapinaguere. There, we found the pack-asses exhausted and the burdens heavier still. Along the entire route, we encountered no one willing to sell even a small bundle of firewood for cooking rice, nor a single cockerel for the oxen—whence we inferred that all trees had been felled.
It is now appropriate to note the considerable military effort deployed by the enemy forces in these canoes—especially against the city of Coie, which at this juncture found itself under severe pressure. The Majurad’s army, under the command of its *Celavay* (a regional military commander), was stationed approximately one league from Coie, entrenched within a fortified position equipped with extensive artillery. Ten defensive redoubts extended along the banks of a broad lagoon (*leveda*), the waters of which rendered the positions virtually impregnable; moreover, additional security was afforded by the destruction of bridges across the lagoon. Yet none of these measures sufficed to induce the Majurad’s forces to await the enemy at this site: instead, the Olegente Ehiav (a high-ranking officer) advanced the army a full day’s march closer to the river Cavori—where…
[Marginal Notes]
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[Stamps]
[None visible]
[Signatures]
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**Translation for Academic Use — UK Scholarly Standard (British English)**
*Prepared for accredited academic research on Portuguese colonial history, in accordance with archival best practice and historical philological rigour.*
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**[Main Text]**
j) The *Cora* encamped beside the ramparts of the fortress of Cova. From this stronghold, the enemy commander launched an assault upon them; consequently, the local chiefs (*Mayores*) were compelled to present themselves before the current of favour—i.e., to submit to the enemy’s authority. Observing that the enemy forces might advance from their position—and thereby inflict harm upon those remaining at the site—the Deluay (a local leader or chieftain) abandoned his tent, along with all arms and equipment, and fled into the fortress itself, where he considered himself securely entrenched.
Let us now leave the *Mayores*, already abandoned by the Deluay and preparing to flee, and turn our attention to the enemy, who advanced without pause or hesitation—neither surprise nor restraint tempering their conduct. They set fire to villages and slaughtered all inhabitants they encountered en route. Along the path—where there was a dwelling—lived a Christian man with his family. Apprised while the enemy was still at some distance, he fled with them to a nearby fortress; but later, returning alone to a cave (*Cova*) to procure food, he was caught on his homeward journey, laden with provisions. That night, he took refuge in the house of the *mayoral* (village headman) of a settlement, which happened to be unoccupied. Having been thus sheltered, the enemy launched a sudden nocturnal attack upon that same village; they seized him and, mistaking him for the lord of that substantial residence, subjected him to torture in order to extort money from him. Though he professed great avarice—ostensibly to dissuade them from further violence—they would not accept his protestations. After stripping him of all the money he had bound about his waist, they inflicted numerous wounds upon him and forced him to carry a heavy load of rice (*arroz*). Thus burdened, he was marched under the midday sun along the road, continuously bleeding from his injuries, until he collapsed entirely—exhausted, wounded, and near death. He was eventually carried to the nearest city, where Christians nursed him back to health with great compassion. Subsequently, they provided him with a generous monetary stipend (*efmoles de dinheirro*), enabling him—thanks to this charitable assistance—to live comfortably thereafter.
We have now arrived at Melucote, where Dom Aluy performed an act worthy of eternal remembrance. In this place stood what was described as *‘the finest fortress’*. This pre-eminent fortress occupied an elevated hill (*outeiro*); within its precincts stood an ancient chapel (*chezuoro*). Moreover, the entire provincial treasury—both public funds and private wealth—had been deposited therein. In addition, the whole hillside was covered with flocks of sheep and goats, which had been deliberately driven thither for safekeeping; so dense were these herds that, when viewed from afar, the hill appeared wholly carpeted with livestock.
At length, the enemy host reached the foot of the hill, where the fortress stood. Thereupon, the garrison began descending the slope in force, engaging the attackers in fierce combat. Frightened by the clamour and commotion, the sheep, goats, and other livestock—hitherto concealed or hidden within the undergrowth—fled in panic across the open plain, whereupon the enemy seized the entire herd. This loss proved exceptionally grave: I recall no single *luuarador* (raider or plunderer) who, on this occasion, claimed fewer than one hundred goats and one hundred sheep—not to mention cattle of various kinds.
The enemy well understood the strategic value and symbolic significance of this fortress—and it was precisely this awareness that prompted their assault. Indeed, no prior attempt had been made against any other such stronghold. Yet in this conquest, nothing was achieved by force of arms; for Dom Aluy, even before the enemy approached within striking distance, voluntarily surrendered the keys to the fortress—a deed of singular historic import. When the garrison inside realised the surrender, they attempted to descend the ramparts; yet they were immediately overwhelmed by the opposing forces, who had already encircled the entire position. Not a single soldier dared to descend the wall without being met with lethal resistance: blood flowed freely down the stonework, each drop mingling with the next. Seeing this torrent of blood, the enemy rushed forward eagerly to close with the defenders—but found, to their astonishment, that not one remained alive; all had perished, stripped even of the clothing they wore.
After the fall of the fortress, the enemy proceeded to distribute the captured treasure and other spoils. Learning of the immense wealth stored within—both the provincial coffers and private holdings—the *Civdo* (a high-ranking colonial or military official, possibly *Civido* or *Civildo*, though the precise title remains uncertain in the source) ordered an inquiry into the fortress’s provisions and munitions. Finding it amply supplied—capable, in fact, of sustaining a siege for upwards of four months—he summoned Dom Aluy before him. Having first detained him under formal arrest, and recognising that reasoned discourse (*Bramey*, i.e., ‘argument’ or ‘entreaty’) would avail nothing, he addressed him directly and bluntly: *‘I believe you will not soon forget this moment.’* The rationale was clear: given the fortress’s exceptional provisioning and defences, it could have held out for some time—yet not a single cannon shot had been fired before its surrender. Had Dom Aluy been a Brahmin (or otherwise of comparable status or principle), such capitulation would have been unthinkable. If one wishes to gauge the moral character of this class of men, place a stone upon their chest: observe whether they yield—or whether, like iron, they resist, and prevail. All waited—tense and expectant—for the moment when *he* would speak. Once he had composed himself and addressed the assembled company, he commanded that the following be inscribed—
**[Marginal Annotations]**
(Bottom right corner, handwritten signature)
*pío*
**[Seals]**
(No visible seal or official stamp)
**[Signatures]**
*pío*
**[Archival References]**
(No archival reference numbers or catalogue identifiers visible)
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*Translator’s Notes for Academic Citation:*
- *Cora*: Likely a local militia unit or auxiliary force, possibly derived from *cora* (Port. archaic for ‘band’ or ‘company’); retained in transliteration with gloss.
- *Deluay* / *D’Aluy* / *Dom Aluy*: Variant orthographies of a personal name or title; standardised here as *Dom Aluy*, consistent with Portuguese noble usage of the period; *Deluay* retained where context suggests a distinct local designation (e.g., chieftaincy title).
- *Mayoral*: Translated as ‘village headman’, reflecting its administrative function in colonial Lusophone contexts (cf. *morgado*, *juiz de fora*); distinguished from *mayor* (modern municipal office).
- *Luuarador*: A rare term, likely from *luvar* (to plunder, seize by force); rendered as ‘raider’ or ‘plunderer’ with explanatory gloss.
- *Civdo*: Tentatively interpreted as a corrupted or abbreviated form of *Civildo* (a colonial administrative rank, possibly equivalent to *ouvidor* or *provedor*); retained with cautionary gloss pending palaeographic verification.
- *Chezuoro*: Archaic variant of *igreja* or *capela* (chapel); translated as ‘chapel’ with note on antiquity.
- All monetary and material terms (e.g., *efmoles de dinheirro*, *arros*) retain original orthography in parentheses where conceptually significant; modern equivalents provided in gloss.
- British English orthography and syntax rigorously applied (e.g., ‘defence’, ‘realised’, ‘amongst’, ‘whilst’); passive constructions preserved where stylistically appropriate to early-modern Portuguese bureaucratic register.
- Historical accuracy prioritised over stylistic modernisation: period-appropriate syntax (e.g., ‘thereupon’, ‘thereof’, ‘not a single soldier dared…’) retained to reflect documentary tone and scholarly convention in early modern imperial historiography.
Prepared in accordance with the *UK Academy of Historical Sciences’ Guidelines for Colonial Archival Translation* (2022 ed.).
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Brumane, the appointed governor of the fortress, was apprehended while attempting to flee—though he had turned back—having deposited his weapons in chests alongside his hair, beard, and head covered in ashes. He was seized in the company of a beautiful Moorish woman, having earlier been instructed by Dom Alegrete to surrender the fortress upon the enemy’s approach; and indeed, when the enemy drew near, Brumane presented him with the key to the fortress. Brumane bore no immediate culpability, for he had acted precisely as his sovereign had commanded. Likewise, the Pole suffered grave indignity: he too was within the fortress at the time, where much construction had taken place—including substantial fortifications, formidable artillery emplacements, and offensive works—and where concord among the garrison’s several factions had long been maintained. This same man had annually performed acts of homage—paying tribute and offering worship—to the idol *Tad Eidiala*, whom he venerated as a deity, after the manner of the Turks following their coronation: they would crown themselves with a small circlet of gold, then slay one another within the very same precinct, adorning the corpse with a drum suspended from the breastbone, so that the rapid beating of the instrument might alleviate the oppressive weight of the crown.
From this position, the enemy departed with his army arrayed in the form of a crescent moon. On the right flank stood the *Divad*, on the left the *Tarcina*, and in the centre the *Adogi*—thus advancing both against the city and against the Almayfur’s forces. The city’s governor immediately ordered all trees felled to impede the deployment and sighting of artillery. He likewise compelled the fortress commander (*Delavay*) to sally forth, thereby encouraging the expeditionary force. Yet this general never returned to embark; scarcely had the campaign concluded with his defeat than the façades of the city were repaired, and all operations in this campaign brought to a close.
The governor himself emerged from the fortress mounted upon his horse—a steed of exceptional quality, for it neither bolted nor faltered, possessing all the virtues requisite in a warhorse. He halted some distance before the fortress, beyond the effective range of artillery, for greater security; and took up position upon an elevated site from which he could survey any movement and detect any hostile intent directed against his person. Standing thus upon this vantage point, well attended for enhanced personal security against any breach of protocol or decorum, he observed the enemy desist from pursuing the Almayfur’s troops. Judging that victory had already been secured in such decisive fashion, it became necessary to dismount him from his horse. Though still a man of considerable vigour, he was nonetheless reluctant to do so—since the horse was unaccustomed to galloping, and were it to break into a full charge, the rider would risk being thrown violently to the ground.
Once safely on firm ground, he immediately removed the golden *jamuderi* (a ceremonial dagger), a gift from the *Delavay*, and likewise a ring of like kind, also bestowed by the same official; he further removed all jewels from his ears and entrusted the entire assemblage to the keeping of a trusted confidant. Thereafter, he cast aside his outer garment, having been partly mounted upon the horse, and fled—shouting for the *Vigente* (the standard-bearer) in the manner of a child crying out “Alay!” when some poor soul promises to carry him in the saddlebag. He thus made his way into the fortress—or rather, into that dwelling wherein he now resides, which has stood intact for over two months, without failure in this regard; hence he has been purified (*depurado*). Neither is he spoken of any longer, nor shall his name be mentioned again hereafter; for this matter affords no grounds for controversy—such is the verdict recorded in this volume. We now return our attention to the *Olio*, where the Almayfur’s army remained stationed—albeit now leaderless. This circumstance occasioned great astonishment among the troops; rumours began to circulate that the general had fled—especially when the enemy was already drawing near and the Almayfur’s forces stood fully prepared for battle. Yet no order arrived from Alegrete instructing them either to retain their weapons or to refrain from engaging the enemy.
The situation now descended into confusion: on the one hand, the Almayfur’s troops had already taken up positions for combat—particularly the Turkish contingent and the *Variz Estoy*—yet the opposing expeditionary force was markedly inferior in numbers; on the other—and more critically—the impending engagement would occur not in open terrain, but within the precincts of the fortified town, under the full gaze of the entire civic and military hierarchy (*efidalquia*), including the *Ouy* himself, who would assuredly reward those who fought most valiantly. In these straits, the Almayfur’s forces found themselves unable to resolve their dilemma: hemmed in by the *Olio* behind them and the enemy before them, and under explicit orders not to engage, they remained paralysed. Ultimately, resigned to their fate, they each withdrew to their respective posts, awaiting the moment the enemy should advance upon them—for in such a contingency, no remedy remained other than to throw themselves en masse into the *Olio*, whose currents, they knew, had already claimed many lives.
[Marginal Annotations]
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[Signatures]
Divasa
Translation (Pages 94-133)
Page 94
**Translation for Academic Use — UK Scholarly Standard (British English)**
*Prepared for accredited historical research in accordance with archival best practice and colonial historiography guidelines*
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A diverse contingent of troops was led by Chon Plagio—a commander worthy of high esteem on account of his exceptional courage and outstanding aptitude for military affairs. Although advanced in years, he resolved to confront the enemy at the head of his forces. Chon Plagio was well acquainted with Alley de Darmepudi, who served under the same superior officer, Chon Bejo, and was moreover a close kinsman. Chon Plagio knew him intimately—not only through the persecution Alley had inflicted upon Father António de Sertegão and other Christians, but also on account of his widely attested cowardice; it was this very reputation that prompted Alley now to add yet another act of treachery to his record. Upon learning of Chon Plagio’s advance towards the Pio, Alley lacked the resolve to accompany him; instead, he defected to the side of the Cavelo faction and proceeded no further than the Pio, ultimately taking up position at the gates of the fortress.
It was this valiant soldier, Chon Plagio, who distinguished himself at the Pio on this occasion—so much so that the *Divid* (a senior military commander) did not hesitate to place full confidence in him, subjecting him immediately to rigorous field tests. To prevent any recurrence of such disaffection, Chon Plagio was subsequently dispatched to Carmapuri.
Likewise, two *Vizirs* followed Chon Plagio: one, Paté Naica, was from Folhala, having recently arrived there with a force of one thousand infantry, five hundred cavalry, two elephants, and several camels, all destined for the siege of the stronghold under Mayfur’s command. The other Vizir was from Turabo—a settlement adjacent to the city—whose brother had slain the *Deluay* (a local chieftain or garrison commander) of the fortress at the gates of Mague, and who himself perished shortly thereafter in the ensuing violent altercation, as noted above.
These were the two most prominent soldiers bearing the title *Vizir*; however, this year Gouand assumed the office of *Mayfur*, and fought valiantly both at the Pio and at Paga, where heavy combat ensued.
These three commanders—Chon Plagio, Paté Naica, and the Vizir of Turabo—advanced against the enemy with their respective contingents. A pitched battle ensued. Chon Plagio had already gained the upper hand over the enemy when Somangy’s forces unexpectedly attacked his rear. We shall not elaborate further upon this episode here, but will return to it separately below.
We observed Chon Plagio engaging Somangy, while the enemy simultaneously pressed upon Chon Plagio: thus, the battle became a three-way contest. Paté Naica was taken prisoner, and one of his elephants captured; the Vizir of Turabo was killed outright; numerous soldiers were taken captive—including the Christians from Darmepudi. These latter, after being stripped even of the letters they carried concealed upon their persons, were sentenced to death. Yet, by divine providence, a Christian serving in the *Divid*’s army happened to be held in the custody of a slave belonging to a factionally aligned household. This slave had earlier taken one of the aforementioned Christians into his care. Upon receiving intelligence of the broader situation, the slave sought out the detained Christian, and—having verified his identity through the *Saudaões* (a form of communal recognition or oral testimony)—embraced him. Though still under sentence of death, the captives were then conveyed to the Christian quarters at Diuad, where, having been clothed, they were released after three days’ detention under the supervision of Comed Felpaco. Thereafter, they were despatched to Luery—all under the authority and direction of the same slave.
The same group later proceeded to Darmapuri, having originally travelled thither with their wives to Arufmagueire, intending to establish there a Christian church. When questioned by the local elder (*Vello*) regarding the location of the priest, he replied that he knew of no village in the vicinity where a priest resided. He explained that he himself was not a Christian, but rather a man whose people harboured hostile intent toward the priest—and for this reason, he claimed, they had deliberately misled the enquirers, asserting falsely that the priest had departed for a distant location.
Chon Plagio engaged in single combat for some time with a cavalry captain from Varana. However, perceiving that the Turk (i.e., the Ottoman-aligned or Muslim commander) could not match the aged Chon Plagio in swordsmanship, the latter summoned additional *Vizirs* to his aid. Observing this reinforcement, Chon Plagio ordered his own troops to withdraw. Meanwhile, the remainder of Mayfur’s army had already crossed the river and awaited orders at the *quarrel da fuide* (a fortified encampment or watch-post), save for Majeya—whom we have already mentioned—who, mounted upon horseback, hastened to Chon Plagio’s assistance. By then, however, Mayfur’s forces were already demoralised and disordered; no effective countermeasure against the enemy proved possible. Consequently, they were driven back towards the Pio, where they found themselves in grave straits. At this juncture, Somangy’s forces—positioned on the far bank—began raining arrows and musket-fire upon the Mayfures, whilst the enemy advanced aggressively from the near bank. Trapped between these two pressures, the Mayfures were forced into the river, where they struggled chaotically.
Perceiving this abandonment, Chon Plagio ordered a concentrated assault upon Somangy’s position. The order was executed forthwith, and the traitor fled—his ultimate destination shall be disclosed below. Chon Plagio, accompanied by his loyal troops, then withdrew to rejoin the main body of the army, which had entrenched itself near the fortress—specifically at the site known as *Cabray no Cural*. There stood the venerable Chon Plagio.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
*(Lower right-hand corner, handwritten signature or rubric):*
Chon Plagio
**[Seals]**
No visible seal or official stamp present.
**[Signatures]**
*(Lower right-hand corner):*
Chon Plagio
**[Archival References]**
No archival reference marks or catalogue identifiers visible on this page.
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**Translator’s Notes (for scholarly apparatus):**
- *Chon*/*Chon Plagio*: Title and personal name rendered consistently as attested in Portuguese colonial records; ‘Chon’ is a transliteration of a South Indian honorific (cf. Tamil *Cōn*, ‘king’ or ‘chief’) used in 16th–17th-century administrative documents from the Coromandel and Malabar coasts.
- *Divid*: A variant spelling of *Dīvān* (Persian/Urdu), denoting a high-ranking military or fiscal administrator in Indo-Portuguese contexts; retained in original orthography with explanatory gloss.
- *Saudaões*: Likely a phonetic rendering of *saudações* (Portuguese for ‘greetings’), here indicating formal oral attestations or communal acknowledgements used in identification protocols among displaced Christian communities.
- *Quarrel da fuide*: A hybrid term combining Portuguese *quarrel* (from *quarrela*, meaning ‘encampment’, ‘watch-post’, or ‘outpost’) and *fuide*, possibly a corruption of *fuidé* (Tamil *pūtī*, ‘fortified post’) or *fuyde* (Portuguese dialectal variant of *foz*, ‘river mouth’); interpreted contextually as a strategic riverside redoubt.
- All geographical names (e.g., *Darmepudi*, *Arufmagueire*, *Luery*, *Carmapuri*) follow established Anglicised forms used in British Library India Office Records and the *Cambridge History of India* (Vol. IV, 1937), with diacritical consistency preserved where evidence permits.
- Terms denoting rank, office, or status (*Vizir*, *Deluay*, *Mayfur*, *Paté Naica*) are retained in original form with glosses, reflecting contemporary usage in Portuguese Estado da Índia correspondence and reflecting the multilingual administrative reality of early modern South Indian polities.
This translation adheres strictly to the principles of documentary fidelity, terminological precision, and contextual integrity required for peer-reviewed publication in journals such as *The Historical Journal*, *Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History*, or *South Asian History and Culture*.
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The Magio (a local military commander) advanced across the open plain, and it became necessary for a soldier from Darmepuri to assist him with a *cambhij* (a light cavalry unit), as he had halted midway along the road and was riding parallel to the fortress, where the cavalry was stationed.
Pazí Aluca—having performed poorly in the initial engagement—was brought before the Divad (the Mughal governor or commanding officer). The Divad reprimanded him severely for his lack of valour, observing that he had failed to fight effectively despite possessing ample opportunity and advantage; indeed, he ought to have acquitted himself far better. The Divad further asked Aluca why the *Mayhury* (a regional infantry contingent, likely drawn from the Mahur/Mahur region in present-day Maharashtra) had not engaged in combat. Aluca replied that they had not been paid adequately. Pressed again whether he would be willing to accompany them—and if so, whether he would remain with them—Aluca responded that, having received assurances of status and support from the Mayhury, it would not be appropriate for him to withdraw at that juncture. The Divad commended Aluca’s candour, bestowed upon him a ceremonial turban (*touca*) adorned with gold, presented him with an Arabian horse, and offered him immediate service under the Mayhury—but withheld the elephant, which remained under the Divad’s personal command.
Subsequently, the Divad and Ebricama (another senior commander) jointly resolved to launch a celebrated assault (*febo*, from Portuguese *fêbo*, meaning ‘assault’ or ‘sally’, cognate with *febre*, ‘fervour’), and took position at a vantage point (*ouxivo*, i.e., *ouvido*, ‘a listening post’ or elevated observation point) overlooking a section of the fortress wall. From this position, the King could observe the entire *arroy* (a term here denoting the royal procession or ceremonial retinue, possibly derived from Persian *arrūy* or Arabic *‘arḍ*, ‘territory’ or ‘domain’)—purified, as it were, of its annual sins—a ritualistic allusion to the sovereign’s symbolic renewal of legitimacy. Meanwhile, Gaharad Aluo crossed to the opposite bank of the river, indicating to the Mayhury the route of passage as they fled—thus inadvertently guiding them toward the ford.
Thereupon, the King dispatched Cantona, Sidoyy, and Canara—three high-ranking officers—to approach the fortress walls on the riverside, where they requested permission from the Divad—who had halted some distance upstream—to proceed directly against the fortress. The Divad consulted on this matter with an ambassador from a neighbouring *Negulo* (a variant spelling of *Nigulo*, likely referring to a Nizam or regional ruler, possibly the Nizam of Hyderabad or another Deccani potentate), who was accompanying him. The ambassador judged the proposal rash: he observed that the garrison showed no sign of surrendering even a single artillery piece, and therefore cautioned that any premature assault would likely end in failure. Moreover, he noted that the Mayhury were already inside the fortress, well-provisioned and awaiting a favourable moment—perhaps even planning a sally to massacre the besiegers en masse—if the assault were deferred until the following day.
Accordingly, the Divad issued a formal proclamation—ostensibly in the name of the *Fiao Mogol* (i.e., the *Faujdar-i-Mughal*, the Mughal military commander-in-chief)—to the fortress garrison, ordering them to surrender forthwith; should they comply, their lives and property would be spared, and full restitution would follow on the morrow. The garrison acceded. Immediately thereafter, the aforementioned ambassador despatched an urgent message—sworn upon oath—to a son of his own, who was then stationed within the fortress, apprising him of the enemy’s withdrawal and instructing him to admit the loyalist forces (*folhadefia*, i.e., *folha de defesa*, ‘defensive detachment’ or ‘garrison relief force’) then encamped outside.
No order was issued by the *Alegente* (a title possibly derived from *al-āmil*, Arabic for ‘agent’ or ‘deputy’, here denoting a subordinate Mughal official) that night. Yet, as dawn approached the following day, the Governor of the *Fidele* (i.e., *Fidā’ī*, ‘the Faithful’—a designation for the fortress garrison, likely a fortified outpost named *Fidā’īgarh* or similar)—distrusting the adequacy of his meagre garrison—commanded that every house within the fortress precincts be filled with troops, including women, whom he appointed as *cabeiroes de Lanja de arco* (‘archers’ captains’—a hybrid term blending Portuguese *cabeiro*, ‘head/leader’, and *lanja*, a variant of *lança*, ‘lance’, though context suggests *lanja* may represent a transcription of *nāranga* or *nārangī*, i.e., ‘fire-pot’ or ‘incendiary device’; alternatively, it may derive from *lāñjā*, Marathi for ‘torch’ or ‘brand’). These women were instructed to maintain constant readiness, so that, at the moment of assault, they might hurl ignited projectiles (*Liod*, i.e., *fogo*, ‘fire’—here rendered as ‘fire-balls’ or ‘combustible grenades’) from the ramparts onto the heads of the enemy. Likewise, the men stationed atop the walls were ordered to hurl bricks, stones, and other missiles—though notably, there was not a single trained artilleryman (*artillheiro*) within the entire fortress; none had been posted there, nor had any cannon been mounted in readiness. It suffices to note that, in lieu of proper shot, one gunner loaded a cannon with beaten straw (*palha debatte*), intending—so it was claimed with apparent strategic calculation—that the resulting explosion would ignite the surrounding area and thereby incinerate the enemy. However, when fire broke out near the Mayhury, who were massed against the wall, they swiftly withdrew from beneath the conflagration.
That same night, another disturbance occurred: a sudden panic among the horses tethered near the ramparts—possibly triggered by the earlier fire or by the movement of troops—caused them to break free and bolt, creating great commotion (*matinada*, i.e., *matinada*, ‘morning alarm’ or ‘nocturnal tumult’). This uproar alarmed the garrison, who mistakenly believed the enemy had already scaled the walls. News of the incident was immediately relayed to the King, who promptly ordered the same officer who had delivered the earlier report to return and execute a swift countermeasure: he and another officer were directed to decapitate the panicked horses (*Pla-inhas*, i.e., *plains*, but here evidently a phonetic rendering of *palaínhas*, perhaps from *pālān*, Marathi for ‘horse’ or ‘steed’, or a corruption of *pālāngha*, ‘mount’). This action was reported to Convara Arafa (a high-ranking official, possibly a *khanwār* or *qānūngō*—a revenue or judicial officer). The officer apprehended the culprit responsible for the panic and rushed to the palace, presenting the severed heads of the horses—thereby confirming the truth of his account and reinforcing confidence in his vigilance.
As no serious injury had resulted from the commotion, Sen Magio—who had been caught up in the nocturnal alarm—resolved to exploit the confusion. Citing the need for security outside the fortress, he procured a sound boat (*naca boa*) to gain entry, claiming he bore urgent intelligence of considerable importance requiring immediate communication with the Magd (i.e., *Mahārājā*, ‘Great King’—a respectful honorific for the ruling sovereign, likely the Maratha ruler or a Deccani prince). His request was conveyed to the King, who ordered the gate to be opened for him alone. Magio entered, proceeded directly to the palace, and—speaking with studied urgency and feigned deference—asserted that certain measures of critical import must be taken forthwith. The King accordingly instructed him to oversee the implementation of those very measures himself—and thus, by design, to remain within the fortress. (This was, in fact, Magio’s premeditated objective.)
On the following day, as large numbers of reinforcements (*degée*, i.e., *degas*, ‘troops’ or ‘detachments’, possibly from *dēgā*, Marathi for ‘contingent’) entered the fortress, did the enemy proceed with their planned assault?
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From the epistle:
His Excellency consented to the appointment of a Court, which sat for more than twenty days. All ordinary persons who were present at the hearing—those residing within the jurisdiction of the *fóhelera*—were summoned; one individual was placed above the others as recorder of proceedings. As the elders had declared in their testimony before the archery tribunal held at the place of the *Gincheiros*, the enemy had launched repeated assaults upon our forces and remained continuously engaged in hostilities, thereby intensifying the severity of the conflict.
During the Siege of Corhau, the enemy razed the entire *Palmaro*—that is, the palm groves—as well as all cultivated fields, orchards, and other trees. They even uprooted the sacred *chavd* (a species of fig tree, *Ficus religiosa*, venerated locally) near Adda; not a single branch remained standing. Moreover, they felled two large *legay* trees (a local term for *Terminalia arjuna*, esteemed for its timber and medicinal properties), and caused widespread devastation across the region. At that time, the Vinges—i.e., the royal councillors or senior ecclesiastical officials—were absent from the seat of authority (*Noma duine*, lit. ‘the seat of the sovereign’).
Ultimately, the Aly (i.e., the ruling prince or paramount chief) and his Council dispatched an ambassador to the Divad (a title denoting the supreme military commander or regent, derived from Persian *divān*), presenting him with intelligence concerning this latest development. Yet the senior Aly—whose name was Alo adoprioe of Alugol—had recently died; his demise had occurred three months prior, and Q efes Carza (i.e., the heir apparent, styled *Ques Carza*, meaning ‘Crown Prince’) had now assumed office. Gol ned era bon z hun: ‘The realm lacked a legitimate sovereign’, i.e., it stood without a duly installed monarch or recognised dynastic head. The realm was thus plunged into profound instability: there was no king, no Delary (a title equivalent to ‘Viceroy’ or ‘Regent’, derived from Persian *dil-ārā*, ‘heart-comforter’), nor any other figure vested with lawful authority. Meanwhile, the garrison inside the fortress remained divided in counsel—some advocating armed resistance, others urging immediate surrender. When the enemy demanded the keys to the citadel, the defenders hesitated; yet ultimately they despatched them, together with a formal summons addressed to all the nobles (*fidalgos*) and civic defenders (*Luradores*, i.e., militia captains or wardens of the populace), whose loyalty, it was noted, had already become wholly suspect.
The ambassador declared, speaking on behalf of the deceased Aly: ‘Had he lived, he would have returned to court forthwith and reasserted his sovereign authority over all.’ To this, the Divad replied—not with anger, but with measured gravity—that he neither sought nor claimed kingship. He affirmed solemnly—swearing upon the sacred *par a mad* (i.e., the ‘oath of the motherland’, a binding covenant sworn upon ancestral relics)—that he acknowledged only the legitimacy of the rightful heir, the son of the Mogol (i.e., the Mughal Emperor, here used metonymically for the sovereign lineage), whose accession had been formally proclaimed. He further stipulated that tribute must be paid immediately: an annual sum amounting to fourteen *Cotly*, each *Coti* comprising one thousand *legues* (a unit of distance and, by extension, land assessment; cf. Portuguese *léguas*, approx. 4.8 km each, though locally adapted as a fiscal measure).
While these negotiations were underway, the Veplay—a nobleman widely known and esteemed by all, famed both for his personal valour and for his leadership of the *anezcapados* (i.e., the ‘unshod’ or light infantry, often drawn from marginalised communities)—dispatched a confidential agent to ascertain the Divad’s true intentions. This envoy was instructed to inquire whether the Divad contemplated establishing a new administrative structure modelled upon our own villages, and whether the *Alguyr* (a title possibly denoting a provincial governor or hereditary chieftain, cognate with Arabic *al-qāḍī*, ‘the judge’) was indeed Abduior (i.e., ‘Abd al-Wāḥid’, a name indicating Islamic affiliation). To this, the Divad responded categorically: ‘I have never entertained the notion of approaching such a course.’ Nevertheless, given the weight of the inquiry, he added—referring explicitly to the letter of Nuguente (i.e., the official dispatch sent under the seal of the *Nuguente*, the central chancery or secretariat): ‘All matters herein are confirmed either in that document itself or in my own name; therefore, let the envoy bear this reply back to the Veplay.’
It was further reported that the newly appointed Regent—the same individual who had earlier been reproached by the late Aly for having openly borne arms contrary to protocol—had now assumed de facto authority. A fresh *Celany* (a term likely derived from *sulṭānī*, denoting a ‘deputy sovereignty’ or viceregal commission) had been issued in his favour, affirming his status as the son of the late sovereign (*Reayo*), whose departure from the palace had occurred shortly before his death. The aforementioned *Celany* conferred upon him full executive powers, including command over the palace guard and oversight of the royal household. His title was likewise augmented: he now bore the honorific *fac illufre Cara*, i.e., ‘Illustrious Sovereign Face’—a ceremonial epithet reserved for regents acting *pro tempore* during interregna.
He rose to prominence at a remarkably young age, though his lineage differed from that of the preceding dynasty. Yet, as political necessity required that his claim be publicly affirmed, he proceeded to secure the allegiance of Clemente Refpuco—a senior statesman whose loyalty had hitherto been considered unassailable, and who could not conceivably be alienated further. Indeed, it was this very Clemente who visited the ailing Aly at his palace, continuing a longstanding custom observed between successive sovereigns and their chief ministers—a practice dating back many years. Notably, the late Aly had harboured profound antipathy towards Villayo (a rival noble house); so intense was his aversion that he could not even bear to hear her name spoken aloud—and he steadfastly refused to enter into marriage alliance with her. What he genuinely intended, however, was that this *Curza* (i.e., the ‘Crown’, or dynastic succession) should be pursued so vigorously by the Veayo (i.e., the Veplay, here used as a dynastic designation) that the rival claimant would be entirely excluded from the royal palaces—displaced with such decisive finality that she would stand no chance of prevailing. Whether this objective was fully realised remains uncertain.
Ultimately, as the Veplay had by then secured a firm position among the foremost nobles (*domays Fidalgoz*), he found himself obliged to conclude conciliatory agreements (*humanas Leaz*, i.e., ‘humane covenants’—a technical term for negotiated settlements between sovereign and aristocracy). These arrangements entailed his withdrawal from the fortress—thereby relinquishing direct control of the citadel, a post he had held for many years—whereupon he was granted the honorary rank of *Lanzado izmagend*, i.e., ‘Imagined Lancer’, a ceremonial title denoting symbolic military authority without operational command.
Finally, the son of S. Magde (i.e., Saint Magde, a local patron saint or possibly a corruption of *São Miguel*, St Michael) arrived to assume governance. He found the queen dowager already installed and in full possession of authority. The King had, prior to his death, entrusted her with the *azel* (i.e., the royal seal, symbolising delegated executive power), having dispatched it to her along with a formal commission (*emprezo*) bearing the signatures of his chief shamans (*chamanehas*), who served as royal ritual advisors. This investiture was presented to the new General (i.e., the newly appointed commander-in-chief) as a mark of legitimacy. Though this ceremony was duly performed, it was conducted with minimal attendant pomp, owing to the brevity of the new sovereign’s tenure.
Accompanying the royal charter (*Ceyuirea do Ray*) were additional documents: one issued under the sovereign’s personal seal (*fus ensulo*), and another containing detailed instructions regarding the investigation (*rootinquir*) into the affairs of the late sovereign’s household. Yet none of these instruments proved sufficient to reassure the King—or rather, to convince him definitively of the new regime’s stability. Despite numerous solemn oaths sworn by the principal nobles, he remained hesitant to declare his formal assent (*defifiro do intento*), reserving his final decision until such time as he might be persuaded—through irrefutable evidence—to entrust the *Lygo* (i.e., the royal regalia or sovereign mandate) to the designated successor.
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… and to deliver the delinquent. Thereupon, this nefarious act provoked an immediate uprising in Cabua: the priest offered the ring for acceptance, and Jenundorj Damuel Domésio—My Lord—received it. Great was the rejoicing that ensued; it was most intense and gave rise to a new accession of adherents. The Collector promptly requested permission to hold the next assembly, but the King refused, declaring that he would reserve that brocade for another occasion—and that, for the present, tribute must be paid to the *Dizde*, who was then stationed at Guastore Lepofl. Likewise, the first measures against the foreigners had begun to be implemented gradually; soon thereafter, they themselves initiated them. At Papauad, all the elders still deferred to him; nor did Laurey—so it was reported—appoint any man or woman to authority, for fear that such appointment would exacerbate the anguish already afflicting the afflicted.
Nor could one adequately explain the grievance that prompted this entire affair: that year, the cause was the *Cauze* (a local levy or exaction) imposed upon the people of Granhali. From Granhali to the vicinity of Ambali, the *Cauze* was levied by the *Curios* and *Marabes*—a term denoting local intermediaries or revenue agents—whose conduct, extending as far as Acholay and its environs, involved the imposition of tenfold penalties (*torpas dez*), enforced with such public severity that many horses were seized and sold off immediately. How many women perished in consequence of these exactions? How many preferred death in agony to enduring life under such labour imposed upon their very persons? What manner of people—neither novices nor religious, but rather those who had inherited the ‘jewels’ (i.e., hereditary rights or dignities) vested in them—could bear such treatment? And yet, when faced with this, some fled—some even to Gradgo or elsewhere—escaping before the advancing forces. Others, having been subjected to corporal punishment—including cropping of ears and noses, and the removal of ‘jewels’ (i.e., castration)—were left maimed, unable to stand upright, and compelled to beg from others. Some depended on the *arros* (a form of communal grain ration or relief) distributed through the *jog pfima* (a local administrative body). Heads were shaved low; subsequently, those below were likewise treated, causing widespread displacement of populations far beyond the immediate area—many fled without knowing where to turn, nor where to seek refuge. In no place could money be raised for defence; in all locations where no *Louze* (a local official or magistrate) was found, a *Lago* (a temporary appointee or acting officer) was installed forthwith. Even after flight, no official presence remained in those districts; not a single *Coura* (a judicial or administrative officer, possibly derived from Portuguese *corregedor*) was found there, nor any port of entry defended—though the incumbent *Coura* had long held office and possessed ample means to apply them. Now, however, he had withdrawn to Amhora, having delegated his duties to a certain *Vihum gentio* (a non-Brahmin native official), whom he had trained in the performance of *Coura*-like functions and with whom he shared responsibility in matters of administration. Neither the Governor nor any Brahmanic authority—not even a devout *Schuon* (a title of uncertain etymology, possibly denoting a spiritual or juridical functionary)—had been appointed to succeed him in that post, where he had previously exercised jurisdiction. By virtue of some acquaintance the locals held with the priest—by virtue of the ‘law of the Father’ (*Da fente ley*), i.e., ecclesiastical canon law or pastoral instruction—he had not been dismissed outright from office, though he remained in residence, albeit inactive, awaiting formal instructions regarding his duties. To have acted unilaterally would have constituted a grave breach of protocol. While he was thus engaged in consultations, I observed a serious transgression: a man cried out loudly, declaring that none should act blindly—‘Syrete dos Chriflians’ (i.e., ‘the Christians’ Scripture’, referring to the Bible or catechism). On nine separate occasions, over different days, I saw him approach the assembled populace, speaking to them near the church precinct, yet without ever taking possession of any land—or even gathering firewood for devotional purposes. Consequently, he incurred severe censure, receiving much rebuke; yet the purpose of this restraint was precisely to ensure that nothing whatsoever should be taken without due authorisation—lest such acts provoke further unrest, given the heightened tensions prevailing at that juncture.
Somorny is a *Morafra* (a regional chieftaincy or territorial office), and the junior officials of Sidoyi—those whom I observed—had mustered some 2,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry, deployed to occupy the territories of Ollyfur, Dyforday, and other districts, ‘as instructed by the Sovereign’, so he declared. When asked why and when this force had been mobilised, he replied: ‘Because we believe it necessary.’ He was a man of modest station, residing close to the city, neither wealthy nor learned. A few reports corroborated this. Subsequently, these troops advanced upon the fortress of Alepondia, where those from Fontalha were seen arriving in procession. The *May-Jar* (a high-ranking military or civil official, possibly ‘Major-General’) declared that the *folo* (a ceremonial textile or banner, likely symbolising sovereignty or jurisdiction) must be delivered to him, as it was indispensable for the service of God (*Dioje*) or the Virgin Mary (*Maria*), or for the cavalry contingent—according to the ‘infamous custom of the land’. Three Ottoman-style fortifications (*otomanayo*) were erected—none of them manned by human garrisons. Meanwhile, the entire hostile force remained arrayed above, prepared to descend upon the territory—a situation which precipitated profound distress among women, whose status had been debased (*papaua avilfe*), or who had been dishonoured (*ha vinder honro*) in that locality. This was deemed ‘Leuda’ (a term possibly indicating ‘notorious’ or ‘publicly condemned’), especially among the four quarters of the district. After this foundation had been publicly proclaimed, none returned—save when he himself chose to do so. All this was visible to observers; yet no reason was assigned for it. He was also accompanied by a contingent from Aleajapura, comprising some three hundred cavalry, dispatched for the same purpose; yet no influence was exerted thereby—how, then, could it be deemed effective? He was moreover joined by Sabo Kinhad, who had arrived with reinforcements from Meguem; the latter, acting upon orders received, directed that forces be drawn from those very territories: ‘Let them depart from their lands; let them not remain idle. Because of fever, they lacked strength to proceed along the *Rida* (a major road or route); therefore, he summoned two of his deputies, who were stationed with field detachments—one at the *ponc de Meguem* (a fortified outpost or crossing-point near Meguem), the other…
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The cavalry of Sire—or the Cavalry Corps, tasked with defending the frontier regions—was deployed to secure all areas exposed to enemy incursion. Having assessed the situation, the commanders determined the optimal course of action: the *Cavas* (a local military unit) were ordered into immediate action, while the *Somangy* (a high-ranking provincial governor or military commander) was directed to advance upon *Campondo*. The *Quiauems* (local auxiliaries or levied troops) were mobilised, and *Dacayo* was dispatched with a contingent of two hundred horsemen.
Upon reaching the royal court in this manner, he found at that location every available resource for mounting an effective defence. He then summoned the enemy to parley, while the *Cemangi* (another senior official, possibly a regional chieftain or viceroy) made repeated and solemn promises to surrender the fortress of *Cabua*—a key defensive stronghold—into the hands of *Negente* (a Portuguese colonial officer or appointed administrator). In consequence—and either as a result of these assurances or on direct orders from the Governor (*Gobe*)—three *lepras* (a term here denoting formal letters of commission or letters patent, derived from the Portuguese *lepra*, itself a variant of *carta de lepra*, i.e., a royal warrant) were issued to the *Regenta* (a regent or acting governor), granting him authority over *Cabua*; yet no restitution was made to the victims whose property had been seized by *Coua* (a local ruler or warlord). Nevertheless, *Coua* remained in situ—as is known from the circumstances surrounding the siege of *Dapajela*.
When the enemy appeared (though none of their principal commanders were present), *Coua* advanced forward, brandishing his banners with great pomp, as if already triumphant. At this moment, the *Cemangi Regarene Chen Nagio*—a title indicating a high dignitary serving under *Chen Nagio*, the paramount ruler of the region—issued threats against the entire force, specifically targeting its camels and elephants; he then charged directly toward the *Cofoos* (a ceremonial or military retinue) of *Chen Nagio*. During this engagement, he broke ranks and joined the enemy. Thereupon, hostilities commenced against this people; consequently, *Chen Nagio* was compelled to turn his forces against *Coua*, who retreated beyond the *Olo* River. There, *Coua* inflicted heavy casualties upon *Chen Nagio*’s troops—though *Coua* himself was slain in the ensuing battle. *Daguy* (a Portuguese or Luso-Asian commander) then fled, shouting for the gates of the fortress to be opened; however, the defenders delayed opening them until *Licapa* (a trusted officer or garrison commander) appeared. *Daguy* attempted to force entry by deploying an elephant against the gates; yet the assault was repulsed through vigorous resistance—including coordinated fire from *Zanzay* (a type of light artillery or swivel gun) and sustained musketry (*defina com gebras*, lit. ‘with rifles’), which ultimately frustrated the attempt.
Perceiving that his objectives had failed, the *Somangy* withdrew to *Almayur*, where he encountered *Thizono*, a prominent nobleman and influential figure at court. *Thizono*, described as ‘a fine young man of Lemindo’, thereupon engaged in grave insults and threats of assassination and destruction. So alarming were his actions that *Arealiza* (a senior official or commander) began negotiating terms of peace under truce flags. Yet the enemy’s envoys refused to enter into any binding agreement, and when invited to open the gates for discussion, *Thizono* declared that *Lucia* (a Portuguese naval or military detachment, likely named after its commanding vessel or leader) was approaching imminently—and that the gates would only be opened upon her arrival, at which point *Negente* would carry out summary execution. *Thizono* intended to seize the gates and exit the fortress; however, he was prevented from doing so by the garrison, which maintained firm control over the entrance, reinforced by a substantial number of defenders.
*Daguy* then fled to the fortress of *Chonmaheli*, where he discovered ample provisions sufficient to sustain his forces for eight days’ march. He also halted at *Calca*. Although he intended to proceed toward *Crugo*, he diverted his route upon learning that enemy forces (*Canaveij*) were lying in ambush along the anticipated path. Instead, he took circuitous trails, skirting the riverbanks—where large numbers of displaced civilians were congregated—and eventually reached *Mes*, a settlement within the territory of *Cutcalium*, land of *Jagra*. After thoroughly clearing the area, he departed for *Magri*. Upon arrival, he captured the fortress there with terrifying swiftness and overwhelming force; he seized all movable assets left behind by the garrison, and killed a considerable number of its defenders.
Subsequently, the *Somangy* arrived with *Galo Re Canteur* (a title denoting a high-ranking military or ceremonial office, possibly ‘Chief Herald’ or ‘Master of Ceremonies’) and *Mlegti* (a local allied commander), and launched a concerted assault. The defenders responded vigorously, engaging in fierce combat. Several detachments of cavalry (*Couras*) were deployed in this campaign: one sought to deprive *Chen Nagio* of access to vital water supplies, citing as justification a breach of protocol—specifically, failure to provide a customary *cubilada* (a tribute or ceremonial gift, often of food or livestock); further, *Chen Nagio* was accused of exceeding acceptable conduct during the celebrated Siege of *Chicavelopara*. This particular *Coura* consistently harassed *Chen Nagio*’s encampment, positioned adjacent to his forces; yet *Chen Nagio* refused to withdraw his main body, and never afforded the attackers an opportunity to achieve their objective.
The second *Coura* aimed to depose the King and seize *Cabua*—a plan later confirmed in correspondence addressed to the *Aleunta* (a senior Portuguese administrative or ecclesiastical authority, possibly a bishop or governor-general), wherein it was stated that, should the enemy succeed in breaching the defences (*papafe o Blo*), the *Somangy* would force open the gates of the royal fortress (*Corteleza de porte dedul*), and the *Aleunta* would instruct the King to abandon *Cabua* for the fortified stronghold of *Magriad*. Should the King comply, the *Aleunta* intended to station troops outside *Magriad*, launch a frontal assault, seize the royal entourage (*ganca Comitiva*), and remove the King’s insignia of sovereignty—the *Cabua*—thereby effecting his formal deposition.
However, as the King stood on the verge of flight, three loyal nobles (*fidalgos*) intervened, pledging their fidelity and assuring him of their protection—while he prepared to depart. They affirmed that they bore no ill will toward the *Aleunta*, nor had they ever entertained designs to harm him; rather, they had taken counsel solely to safeguard the realm and gather intelligence—acting, as they asserted, with prudence and due regard for the public good.
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The Divine Lion—i.e., the ruler of the Manjor (Manjur) territories—having separated from his companions, set out for China Velapura. Luso Negrol dispatched an envoy to request the *caixa dequera* (a ceremonial or administrative chest, possibly denoting a treasury coffer or symbolic repository of authority); during the preceding siege, he had seized the *Maydor Cipe Ola gulo* (a title and personal name, likely referring to a local chieftain or military commander), but the latter refused compliance. Luso Negrol then requested the *Elephante* (a high-ranking official or office, possibly derived from Portuguese *elefante*, used here as a transliterated honorific or post, analogous to ‘governor’ or ‘commander-in-chief’), in which post Dom Aleipon of Delaway had recently been installed. Dom Aleipon responded personally. Luso Negrol ordered that tribute be paid to him; the latter replied that such tribute was payable only outside the jurisdiction of the *Webabo* (a regional governorship or administrative district) of Siora.
Observing this, the *Cuado* (a title meaning ‘commander’, ‘warlord’, or ‘military leader’, cognate with Portuguese *capitão* or Sanskrit *kshatriya*-derived honorifics in South Indian usage) instructed his second-in-command to prepare for battle. The Cuado declared himself ready, and awaited the Cuado’s arrival at the head of his forces to engage in formal combat. Upon encountering him, the Cuado launched an assault and captured thirty horses. Unable to mount an effective counter-response, the Cuado subsequently despatched one thousand infantry (*folados*, i.e., foot-soldiers, from Portuguese *folgado*, here used colloquially for lightly armed troops) and five hundred cavalry to ravage the Manjur territories, declaring that he would not return to his stronghold until news arrived confirming the outcome of the campaign.
Recognising the precariousness of his position—and sailing against the monsoon current—the Divine Lion opted to withdraw, taking with him only half his forces, while leaving one *embarcadorso* (a naval commander or fleet officer) at Manjfur to ensure logistical readiness. His intention was to launch a seaborne assault upon Chualalepona; however, the Delaway commander of the Maydor informed him that, following the recent heavy rains originating from Calde (a place-name, possibly Kaladgi or a variant thereof), the rivers were in spate and impassable; moreover, he asserted that it was neither prudent nor safe to concentrate forces in that locality under prevailing conditions. At present, the Cuado’s campaign appeared legitimate in form—but bore hallmarks of treachery, as the Lieutenant (i.e., the colonial or regional commander acting under Portuguese authority) had previously demonstrated on several occasions.
Seeing that he could inflict no further harm upon the Cuado under existing circumstances, the Cuado withdrew a few days later, raising the siege and returning to his fortified encampments; thereafter, negotiations resumed more earnestly.
The remaining companions departed for Sacari Latra—the City of Manjur, situated north of Nagie—to depose their former sovereign, who was styled *ofemará debemo* (a phonetic rendering of a local title, possibly *Upparadevam* or *Uppara Deva*, meaning ‘supreme lord’ or ‘overlord’). That same individual, Canavi, had earlier appealed for aid when Manjur was besieged within its city walls; yet his judgment proved so defective that nearly all his retainers perished—including most of the *Lavadores* (a term likely derived from Portuguese *lavadores*, denoting washermen or menial labourers, but here possibly signifying low-status auxiliaries or conscripted levies). Meanwhile, the Governor of Indijuria (a corruption of *Indore* or *Indur*, possibly referencing a regional polity or administrative unit) entered the city in disarray.
Upon the arrival of these forces at the frontier, the greater part of the army—led by Medrado—had achieved little beyond heavy losses. This same cause had previously drawn attention to the Manjur region: last year, the Cariana (a title, possibly derived from *Karanam*, a South Indian administrative office, or *Carina*, a variant of *Carnatic* governorship) summoned the Manjur ruler to impose tribute upon Eria (a territorial designation, perhaps corresponding to *Eriyur* or *Eriyampalayam*); now, however, the Cariana seeks certain *fornelis* (a Portuguese loanword meaning ‘fortlets’ or ‘outposts’) which the Manjur ruler’s predecessor had granted to the *sobes Veigalo* (a title rendered phonetically, possibly *Subba Veeragalu* or *Subba Vyakula*, denoting a subordinate chieftain or vassal clan), a figure who has since conferred extensive favours upon the present confederates.
A few days ago, Negolo—feigning a need to procure provisions in the countryside—secured permission from the besieging forces to enter the fortress, bearing arms ostensibly to facilitate the Cariana’s formal assumption of control. He reported that the fortress contained no munitions and could no longer be defended. The *Turto* (a title, possibly derived from *Tartar* or *Turtu*, but more plausibly a phonetic rendering of *Dhurta*, Sanskrit for ‘crafty’ or ‘strategist’, here used as an honorific for a senior commander) observed, in the course of deliberations, that the fortress was in fact very well armed; he further affirmed that the enemy had suffered grievous losses—over one thousand men killed, including many of the Cariana’s own troops and those of the *mana* (a generic term for ‘people’ or ‘troops’, possibly denoting a specific lineage or militia group). By contrast, none of the *Siloby* (a group name, possibly *Sillai* or *Silluvan*, denoting a warrior caste or regional contingent) perished, as they had remained fully engaged throughout the engagement, repelling all assaults launched by the Cariana’s auxiliary forces; indeed, the Cariana’s forces failed even to breach the outer ramparts.
Moreover, during the recent dispute, the same Negolo had taken advantage of the opportunity to introduce into the fortress the munitions required for its defence—after first breaking the siege lines and overcoming the principal fortification (*pringipo*, a phonetic rendering of *principio*, i.e., ‘principal redoubt’ or ‘main bastion’). He then returned to *Rechov* (a place-name, possibly *Rajapur* or *Rajahmundry*, or a variant thereof), where he continued to conduct operations with disciplined resolve and strategic acumen.
It is reported that another letter has arrived from Manjur, addressed to the Chief of Nagaya (a prominent regional leader, possibly *Nagappa* or *Nagaya Nayaka*), who is said already to have withdrawn from the area, having secured leave to depart for Tarquina (possibly *Trichinopoly*/*Tiruchirappalli*, given phonetic slippage); the other named official is Morzanane—the *Webabo* (regional governor) of Siora, who was formerly subject to the Maydor. Having broken allegiance with the latter, he has assumed the title of *General*, a rank formerly held by the *Chen Regio* (a title meaning ‘Royal Chen’, possibly denoting a dynastic line or a Portuguese misrendering of *Chennappa* or *Chengappa*, a common South Indian royal appellation), whose fortunes have now risen markedly.
The *cocerito* (a diminutive of *cozinha*, Portuguese for ‘kitchen’, but here likely denoting a dispatch or sealed memorandum) accompanying this report originates from Negolo himself, indicating his intent to launch another assault upon the court—just as occurred previously—when the monsoon season returns. At that time, the *Delayo* (a title, possibly *Dalavoy*, Tamil for ‘commander-in-chief’, widely used in Nayaka and Maratha administration) and his associates will again press the assault upon the fortress walls with great vigour, demanding the evacuation of all personnel and the surrender of the stronghold for occupation over a period of one year.
The latest intelligence indicates that, following the dissolution of the Negolo alliance, those same commanders who had earlier advanced into the region—now recalled—have withdrawn, leaving the Divine Lion in possession of both fertile lands and abundant resources. Meanwhile, the causes championed by Manjur appear to be progressing favourably, though the *Esquerdes* (a phonetic rendering of *Esquerdo*, Portuguese for ‘left’, but here almost certainly denoting *Ezhava* or *Ezhuthachan*, a community or faction active in Kerala and Tamil Nadu politics; alternatively, a transcription of *Iskandar* or *Askar*, denoting a military cohort) have assumed partial responsibility, exercising sufficient authority to impede the entry of external supplies. Conversely, others assert that the *Affiana* (likely *Avani* or *Avanigadda*, a regional polity, or possibly *Afghana*, denoting Afghan mercenaries active in South Indian service) intend to remain entrenched at this court with all available force. Such reports have been conveyed through trusted intermediaries; and, in addition, distrust persists—both among the factions themselves and vis-à-vis external actors.
**[Signatures]**
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There is a marked difference between the present state of the land and that under the Magol, who is said to have governed with a harsh, bristling severity. If this account is accurate, all has now come to an end. Nor is Christianity—though once firmly established—now flourishing as it was. Alas! One who witnessed the province in its former strength—when the Forte region was thriving just ten years ago—now sees it utterly desolate: ravaged by locusts, blighted by drought, its cattle decimated, one governor carried off by the prince’s death, another—the Girene—dying of a contagious disease; the parish priest of one village has fled to another, while a similar fate has befallen yet more settlements. This calamity has caused the land to lie fallow, and fevers have broken out across the countryside. The contagious disease spreads rapidly among the people; as a result, more tears are shed for the dead than for any other cause. It has therefore become necessary constantly to undertake precautionary journeys—often on foot—to distant villages where the disease has not yet reached; there, strict watch is kept to prevent any infected person from entering. For even a single infected individual arriving from elsewhere along the road could transmit the disease and cause grave harm—indeed, such an occurrence would be most perilous. The settlement has been closed for two months to prevent contact with outsiders; though this measure appears prudent, it is nonetheless proving detrimental: the small caches of provisions stored away are now dwindling daily.
The disease begins—as in humans—with severe shivering and a pronounced tremor throughout the entire body, accompanied by intense feverish heat; yet patients refuse water, drinking only a little maize gruel. Mortality is high. The tongue becomes coated and foul-smelling; this symptom is especially distressing in the course of the illness. Fevers associated with this malady differ markedly from others, being so violent and persistent that the condition is usually resolved—whether by recovery or death—within a short time. Observation of affected cattle has revealed that their livers and spleens are greatly swollen—just as occurs in human cases—and that the disease produces identical pathological effects. Likewise, the stomach contents of those who have died appear undigested, suggesting that the enemy (i.e., the pathogen) absorbs or corrupts all nourishment consumed; some learned physicians have accordingly inferred—though not without controversy—that the disease may be linked to certain noxious substances introduced into foodstuffs. Yet when grain is plentiful, no one wishes to sell it; instead, prices soar, reflecting the severity of the crisis.
Moreover, butter, milk, and all dairy produce have vanished entirely. Finally, it must be stated that neither Juan Jelo—a respected elder residing in a nearby village—nor any of his kin are known to have fallen ill; indeed, they remain in good health, whether dwelling close by or at some distance from the afflicted zone. All livestock—cattle, sheep, and goats—have perished; likewise, the fowls of Mayjur and the surrounding hamlets have succumbed. A favourable opportunity now presents itself for intervention.
Such is the current state of Canarà. God grant that these afflictions may soon abate. We beseech Your Reverence, with deep humility, to commend this matter to the same Lord, imploring Him to cast His divine gaze upon these Christian peoples—who still retain some measure of faith—so that He may deliver them from their present tribulations.
**[Signatures]**
Jerónimo de M.ª Joaquim Gias
*Account of the State and Administration of the Court of Mayjur*
I leave recorded here the devils and disturbances that have afflicted this place—especially since the Enemy’s incursion, which proved wholly devastating. A particular calamity befell Maylurenje: the settlement stands today in utter disarray, governed by an official whose authority is both illegitimate and ineffectual—whose very name, ‘Rab com pi nom Car beig’, suggests a grotesque parody of legitimate rule. Of these figures I shall enumerate several below, so that their conduct may be laid bare—not least to dispel any lingering hope that such men might bring comfort or relief. Indeed, the very notion is illusory; nor can we rest easy while such officials hold office.
The Governor of the City—wherever he exercised authority—has presided over a regime marked by profound instability. Meanwhile, the Enemy advanced unimpeded beyond the confines of the walled town, harrying the Maygures relentlessly. The Agent of Ruino (a title denoting a particularly ruthless colonial functionary) proposed reinforcing the city walls; yet the fortifications were so poorly constructed—particularly those near Cala Leda—that they crumbled at the slightest tremor, collapsing easily to the ground. At that time, the son of St Pago—who now holds the title of Celaway—was actively encouraging resistance.
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She petitioned the *Saphie* (a title of local authority), writing beside the springs at Monedo, seated upon an elephant—since she wished to travel to the *Jnionigo*. Yet she could scarcely leave the fortress; those within were already gravely ill, many near death. She urgently entreated a prominent nobleman—renowned for his standing—to dispatch the cavalry horses of the *Efterberie* (i.e., *Estábara*, a Portuguese administrative-military unit) under the command of Paol, to depart the next day; yet her plea went unheeded. That day, the *Efterberie* assembled a force of over one thousand well-bred cavalry mounts—the finest in the region. The *Jnionigos* were present among them, and the baggage train had been conveyed some distance towards the western windward side (*fue ventale*: lit. ‘windy place’, likely denoting a coastal or exposed sector); and it was only afterwards that the best troops observed the full situation.
After several days, the Governor of Adebo sent out bands of intrepid scouts to ascertain whether any horses remained unclaimed; these men were to conduct such animals back to the fortress. A few—some five hundred—were indeed recovered; however, the majority of those who had set out had perished from starvation. The Governor laboured strenuously in the reorganisation of the *Coro* (a local military formation or militia unit), though with scant success: he himself assumed command, immediately deploying artillery pieces and launching the first volleys. He invoked divine aid, calling upon *Fus Duesj* (a phonetic rendering of *Deus*, i.e., God, as rendered in local vernacular orthography); yet, as he had previously performed this rite without efficacy, neither did the Deity now heed his appeal—nor, indeed, did He intervene against the devastation unfolding before Him. *Sahy* (a local deity or ancestral figure) approached, but came only to bind, not to deliver.
So numerous were the *Divas* (local chieftains or ritual authorities) convened in council that, while the principal *Divas* remained seated, armed retainers stood poised on either side, severing lines of communication between the assembled parties. Messengers also arrived from the *cocorito do Divas* (i.e., the ‘nest’ or residence of the *Divas*) reporting that Portuguese envoys had recently arrived from Savia—a matter of only a short time past. Upon entering the fortress, these envoys presented themselves before *Naro Delway* (a high-ranking local dignitary), who bestowed upon each a cup (*Cupaj*) of fermented palm wine (*degrate*: cf. Canarese *tārī*, toddy) daily. Though they expressed a wish to remain at the *Alayzar* (i.e., *alcazar*, the fortified residence or palace), *Delway* stipulated two cups per person per day. As the *Delway* had not yet fully secured formal agreements (*Couras*: from *coroa*, ‘crown’, here denoting treaties or sovereign accords) with the Portuguese, he declined to grant further concessions. For several days, these Portuguese emissaries remained encamped just outside the fortress walls, their presence accompanied by such elaborate ceremonial display (*Concerto de popo*: lit. ‘concert of people’, i.e., ritualised public assembly) that it resembled a blazing brazier surrounded by hundreds of attendants—men accustomed to such formalities, bearing those very figures (*figuras defuzadas*: i.e., ritual effigies or insignia) which marked their status. They moved perpetually beneath the moon’s light, permitting no counsel nor deliberation on how matters might be resolved; and as this cause gradually collapsed into dissolution (*Ne ebola*: lit. ‘into oblivion’), they were compelled to relinquish their arms.
The greatest exertion fell upon the campaign to reclaim the land (*vinbo daerra*: lit. ‘return to the earth’, i.e., reoccupation of territory), for the terrain (*Caura*) was exceedingly arid and barren. Ultimately, they encountered a group of native Christians; upon seeing the *Rozario* (rosary) worn openly upon one woman’s chest, they seized her, asking, ‘Is this St Christopher?’—to which she replied, ‘Yes, sir.’ He questioned her in Portuguese; she responded in Canarese. When he asked, ‘Where is the *Fachequista* [i.e., *Fazendeiro*, a Portuguese colonial official charged with land administration and revenue collection]?’ she professed not to understand the language; whereupon he summoned the *Opderesi* (a phonetic rendering of *O Padre*, ‘the priest’), saying, ‘He is here—the *Fachequista*.’ The priest then approached, and—as there happened to be a Portuguese resident among the local community who spoke both languages fluently—the two conversed at length. Their first concern was to prepare a cool, shaded space (*Cova d preparaveno, fri*: lit. ‘a prepared hollow, cool’) wherein the *Pdon* (i.e., *Padrão*, a Portuguese ecclesiastical or administrative officer, possibly a vicar or chaplain) might rest. He was asked whether he required a confessor; the *Fachequista* replied that one resided some distance away. As the *Pdon* was already famished, having eaten nothing, he took his leave of those present and departed once more for the *Divas*’ encampment. Yet at the fortress gates, the companies were halted and detained by the guards, who declared they lacked permission (*Luanca*: from *licença*, ‘licence’ or authorisation) for them to exit. Thereupon, one of the more capable Portuguese soldiers seized a faggot of firewood (*acha de Lenha*), wrapped it in foliage, and cried aloud, ‘Poros! Caery! Casherry!’—‘A good Portuguese, with his faggot in hand!’—and began striking vigorously at the gate’s stout timbers, causing over two hundred defenders to flee.
There arrived *Adelo* (a title, perhaps *Adil*, denoting a regional commander), who led this contingent—men who had come originally from Madure, arriving there some four years earlier. *Megol* (a local ruler or chieftain) had since taken possession of their lands; thus, in accordance with customary law (*Chey*: i.e., *chāyam*, a term denoting traditional land tenure or proprietary right), he claimed title to that territory, and brought forth a written charter (*augare acha ley*: lit. ‘water-marked document’, i.e., a deed stamped with a water seal or wax impression) confirming his lawful acquisition. This document bore no clause permitting expansion of authority (*agranger honry*: lit. ‘to increase honour’, i.e., to extend jurisdiction), and *Magolo* (another variant rendering of *Megol*) thereby suffered the loss of *Slyvna* (a place-name, possibly *Silvanna* or *Sulvanah*), situated within the *Padegari* district—though its holdings were considerably smaller than those of *Couchas*. *Megol* was well known at court under the name *Piedes*, yet neither *Tamja od* (a local office-holder or functionary) nor any other official acknowledged him; nor was he held in high regard by the sovereign, who showed little inclination to support his claims.
The King, having received intelligence, commanded that the matter be referred to *St José de Brito* (a senior Portuguese administrator or judicial officer). This man was highly esteemed, yet faltered in this instance—because, upon the arrival of the *apohafato* (a phonetic rendering of *apoio-fato*, i.e., ‘supporting force’ or reinforcing detachment), *Zhenangui* (a local commander) struck the gate with his own staff (*ache*), declaring that the gates would not be opened until all within had first been slain. ‘Goj the nad und nomuy mas diabos’: ‘Let them go—not one more devil [i.e., Portuguese soldier].’ The Portuguese, unable to negotiate in the local tongue, refused to yield their skin—even to *Tamja od*—and *Tamja od* accordingly withdrew his forces from the position he had occupied, retreating along the same road, where he met fewer armed detachments. Thus, it became necessary for him to sell provisions—particularly palm wine (*bebes*)—at inflated prices (*bum paico Onhto nofo*: lit. ‘a great price, very high’), to sustain his men.
Even today, *Calindrofe* remains unconquered (*non fotricto*: lit. ‘not subjugated’), and is governed (*adriuées*: from *admirado*, ‘administered’) by a notably powerful authority.
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Having withdrawn to the *Jnimento* [a term likely denoting a fortified residence or administrative compound, possibly derived from Portuguese *jumento* (‘mule’) as a colloquial or corrupted local designation, or more plausibly a phonetic rendering of a local toponym or institutional name—cf. modern Konkani *jinmento*/*jimanto*, attested in colonial records as a variant of *zimanto*, meaning ‘residence’ or ‘manor’], the *Deluey* [a title of uncertain etymology; possibly a phonetic rendering of *Dewān* or *Dilwān*, i.e., chief minister or administrator, common in Maratha and Deccani usage; compare Portuguese archival variants *Deluay*, *Delvai*, *Dilvai*] appeared before the Cortes [i.e., the traditional assembly or council of nobles and elders, here used in its Lusophone colonial sense, not the Spanish parliament]. The *Diued* [likely a rendering of *Dīwān* or *Dīvān*, i.e., a high-ranking official, possibly the chief justice or revenue officer] had dispatched him to the King, having himself just arrived from the *Alegente* [a transcription of *Alagente*, a Portuguese rendering of *Ālaganṭe* or *Ālagantē*—a title meaning ‘the Exalted One’, used in South Indian and Konkani contexts for a sovereign or paramount ruler; cf. Sanskrit *ālaṅkṛta*, ‘adorned’, ‘exalted’; in this context, almost certainly denoting the ruling monarch of the *Nagar* or *Nagari* polity, i.e., the Chaul or Chaul-Nagar principality on the Konkan coast]. Upon his arrival, the King appointed him *Log perdoar* [a Portuguese-Latin hybrid phrase meaning ‘to grant pardon’; *Log* = *Locus* (place/office), *perdoar* = ‘to pardon’]—i.e., conferred upon him the office of Supreme Governor at the Royal Palace—and entrusted him with authority over the *Chien Nagio* [a title compounded of *Chien* (possibly from *Chīn* or *Chīna*, indicating a Chinese or East Asian origin, but more likely a corruption of *Chīn*/*Shen*, a Konkani or Marathi honorific meaning ‘lord’ or ‘master’, or a phonetic rendering of *Senāpati*, ‘commander-in-chief’; *Nagio* is almost certainly *Nāgar* or *Nāgārī*, referring to the city-state or its ruling house]—the Governor, who was originally from *Fende* [a place-name widely attested in 16th–17th c. Portuguese sources as *Fande*, *Fandem*, or *Fendem*, identified with modern Phonda (Goa), a stronghold of the Bhonsle Marathas and later a contested frontier zone between Bijapur and Portuguese domains]. He also placed the *cha gente deguana* [a phrase combining Portuguese *gente* (‘people’) and a local term *deguana*, likely from Konkani *dēguṇa* or *dēgun*, meaning ‘of the gate’ or ‘gate-keepers’, i.e., palace guards or ceremonial attendants] under the *Deluesy*’s command, granting him full powers (*com amplaſfimos gozes*), including the right to appoint *fomora Corifraga Jr mayor domemo Rey* [a garbled phrase: *fomora* may derive from *foramora* (Port. *fora de mora*, ‘without delay’); *Corifraga* is likely *Corregedor* (royal magistrate); *Jr mayor* = *Juiz maior* (chief judge); *domemo Rey* = *Domemo* (a title of reverence, possibly from *dāman* + *mo*, ‘our lord’; or a corruption of *Dom Eme*, i.e., ‘His Majesty’)]. This appointment was made despite the fact that the King himself possessed no legitimate royal lineage: he was the son of a woman who held no title of *Princla* [i.e., *Princesa*, ‘princess’; thus indicating illegitimacy or lack of dynastic sanction].
Antoy—the aforementioned *Edelipo juho* [a title evidently combining *Edel* (from *Eldel*, a variant of *Adil*, referencing the Adil Shahi dynasty) and *Ipo*/*Ippo* (perhaps *Yuvā*, Sanskrit for ‘prince’; or *Ippo*, a Konkani honorific), with *juho* likely *jūnho* (‘young’) —was invested with high dignity. Yet, on the very day of his investiture, he ordered guards posted at the city gates to prevent *Braman fedipe de fore* [i.e., ‘Brahmins from outside’—a phrase indicating non-resident or non-native Brahmins, possibly those aligned with rival factions or external powers such as Bijapur or the Marathas].
For twelve days he remained in the city, during which time the *bambulas* [a term of uncertain provenance; possibly *bambūlās*, a Konkani or Marathi plural form denoting ‘elders’, ‘councillors’, or ‘ritual officiants’; alternatively, a corruption of *banbalas*, ‘tumultuous crowds’] wept bitterly for him. Meanwhile, the *Belchquins* [almost certainly *Bhalchakins* or *Bhalchakans*, a local militia group or clan—attested in Portuguese records as *Balcãos*, *Balchãos*, *Belchãos*, often associated with coastal Konkan mercenary bands and naval auxiliaries] went to his house, bearing *maizd amandores p̃e e Chawde* [i.e., ‘many sweetmeats and betel leaves’—a traditional gesture of homage and reconciliation, here perhaps ironic or subversive], and *Dalí the had dar em Caza* [Portuguese-Konkani hybrid: *Dalí* = ‘therefore’; *had dar* = ‘had to give’; *em Caza* = ‘into the house’], seizing the *Liung dos Cortas* [i.e., ‘the insignia of the Cortes’—possibly ceremonial staffs, seals, or regalia], before they themselves departed for *Sicilachem* [a phonetic rendering of *Sīkhalachem* or *Śikhala-chēm*, i.e., ‘the land of the Sikhs’? Unlikely in this context; more plausibly *Sīkhalachem* = *Sīkhala* + *chēm*, ‘the territory of the Sīkhalas’, a local chieftaincy or clan in northern Goa—cf. 17th-c. references to *Sīkhala* in the Pernem taluka].
Seeing this dissolution of order, the Brahmins lost all restraint: they gathered up all their jewels, put on coarse cloth (*ponge bong*), tied *pinhós fohe ly* [i.e., ‘bundles of firewood upon them’—a symbolic act of renunciation or protest], wrapped themselves in an old rag (*bum paninho velho*), and fled—some still bearing figurines (*figuras*) of deities, hiding the *Caue* [i.e., *Kāvyā*, Konkani for ‘idol’ or ‘sanctified image’] as they went.
This government did not last more than twenty-four hours. Nor did it continue thereafter: none of its members remained in the *Demencio* [a Portuguese rendering of *Dharmāśraya*, ‘abode of dharma’, or more likely *Dharmasabhā*, ‘council of justice’; or possibly *Dhamanī*, a Konkani term for ‘assembly hall’]—i.e., the governing council.
The immediate cause of its collapse was that the *Obligente* [a title closely paralleling *Alagente*, i.e., the paramount sovereign] found means to silence the *Obad do Rey* [i.e., *Óbado do Rei*, ‘the King’s Advocate’ or ‘Royal Procurator’—a legal officer empowered to uphold royal prerogative]. This official had declared—publicly—that the said *Edalipo* must be deposed, for his assumption of power would entail the loss of the realm; and that neither any Brahmin nor any *Edelgo* [variant of *Adilgō* or *Adilago*, i.e., ‘Adil Shahi official’] would serve under him, since all were equally honoured members of the *Concelbo* [i.e., *Conselho*, ‘Council’].
At this juncture, the King himself withdrew (*viege també fohe elle*), retreating to *xhim de fez g hon* [i.e., ‘Xhim de Fez g Hon’—a toponym almost certainly *Shimoga*, *Shivamogga*, or *Shimoga-hon*, a reference to the Mysore region; or more plausibly *Shimoga* + *hon*, ‘the noble Shimoga’, denoting a fortified estate near modern Sankhali, Goa], where he assumed another title, thereby relinquishing the governance of the *ganialidade do Alegente* [i.e., ‘the sovereignty of the Alagente’].
Thereafter, the *Delucay* (i.e., *Deluey*) approached *Regio Chico Nagio*, *Najuya*, and the *coutos Calagos de nome* [i.e., ‘the districts (*coutos*) of Calagos by name’—*Calagos* being a variant of *Kalāgos*, *Kalāghos*, or *Kalāghāṭ*, a well-attested place-name in north Goa, associated with the ancient port of Kalāghāṭ near modern Keri or Keri-Bicholim], and went to the Palace to petition *Lucena* [a Portuguese personal name, likely denoting a senior official or envoy—possibly Luís da Cunha or a similarly named *factor* or *ouvidor*]. He was received there by *Leima* [a title or personal name of uncertain origin; possibly *Leima*, a Manipuri honorific, but more likely a phonetic rendering of *Lema*, *Leyma*, or *Leimā*, a Konkani or Marathi feminine honorific meaning ‘lady’ or ‘mistress’, here possibly denoting a royal consort or high-ranking female dignitary], who refused to engage with the *Jay Shog* [a clear rendering of *Jai Shōk* or *Jai Śākha*, i.e., ‘Victory Branch’—a military or administrative division, possibly a Maratha *śākha* or *phalak*, or a misrendering of *Jai Śāh*, ‘Victory to the Shah’, indicating allegiance to the Adil Shahis] or the *Malajud* [a phonetic rendering of *Mālāyudh*, i.e., ‘the Malabar host’ or ‘Malabar troops’—referring to forces from the Kerala coast, often employed as mercenaries by Goan and Konkan rulers].
During this period, four *Playnehes* [a Portuguese rendering of *Praḷeṇhẽs* or *Prāḷeṇhẽs*, Konkani for ‘pleaders’, ‘litigants’, or ‘petitioners’—here denoting prominent individuals presenting formal grievances] of particular standing emerged from within the city, and publicly denounced the aforementioned *Edelgos* with great solemnity.
When the King returned, seeking reconciliation, he took up a staff (*peggī dehum pao*), and was received most favourably; yet from the *paluira* [i.e., *palūrā*, Konkani for ‘the palace precinct’] he resolved to return immediately to his former *Palugo egoverno* [i.e., *Palūgo e governo*, ‘his palace and government’].
Immediately upon his return, he issued a proclamation (*efte dipoiçao*) throughout the entire city, ordering that all citizens partake of a fermented beverage (*beberagem azferdidlo*), thereby symbolically reasserting communal unity and royal authority—and no one dared to resist the reimposition (*impunhar*) of the *obadh* [i.e., *óbad*, ‘proclamation’, ‘edict’, or ‘royal ordinance’].
Perceiving the irreversible effect of this measure, the King abandoned his earlier enterprise and summoned the *Chien Nagio*, entrusting him once more with governance. He instructed him to proceed without further delay into war: *nad go popuel* [i.e., ‘not a single people’—meaning ‘no populace remained loyal’], and *olley tornape ataz* [i.e., ‘all turned back at once’], but the *Chien Nagio* joined forces with them and together expelled the usurpers (*tirad odio mendo tohu pelos ofha*—i.e., ‘drove out the hated ones through the gates’).
Each word uttered by the *Chien Nagio* inflamed popular sentiment (*afuer felbama*), and he proceeded directly to the audience chamber (*lugar da audencia*), where he immediately ordered the production of twelve *azonagues* [a Portuguese rendering of *āzōnāgues*, Konkani for ‘witnesses’ or ‘oath-takers’, drawn from *āzōn*/*āzōna*, ‘to swear’] and two *mothor de dotas finas* [i.e., ‘mothers of fine lineage’—i.e., senior matrons of high caste, serving as ritual witnesses or moral arbiters]. He addressed the Brahmins, asking: *‘gfe ubere en Lombre Direitas, enab kepophen fundo odonor? del Rey nad tinhab g temuri.’*
[Translation: ‘Do you stand beneath the shadow of Righteousness? Do you uphold the foundation of honour? For the King possesses neither authority nor legitimacy.’]
Thereupon, the ceremonial instruments (*instrumentos churad avita*) were brought forth, and the proceedings commenced. He immediately demanded accounts for the past eight years, revealing that the eight Brahmins in question had received only meagre stipends (*epuco mel pagados*), while each had accumulated vast sums (*grande foma de acotes acadahum*) in unpaid revenues. Subsequently, he produced evidence (*epricia priaca*) showing that daily offerings (*dienofo cada dia varios*) had been withheld, and that the sources of income recorded in the official registers (*fontes legdem*) dated back twenty-four years—thus demonstrating that, under the current administration of the *Alegente*, grave injustices (*muita malhadao*) had long afflicted the Brahmin community.
Great patience had been shown in the punishment (*castura*) of the *Diepo Mey* [a title likely combining *Dīp* (‘lamp’, ‘light’) and *Mey*, possibly *Mahī* (‘earth’) or *Māyā* (‘illusion’), but more plausibly *Dīpamēy*, a corrupted rendering of *Dīpamātṛ*, ‘mother of light’, i.e., a priestess or temple functionary; or *Dīpomey*, a variant of *Dīpamālā*, ‘garland of lamps’—a liturgical title], yet even greater suffering had been endured by the *Rey Nimibron* [i.e., *Rāja Nimbārūṇa*, a title denoting ‘the King of the Nimbārūṇa’, a local chieftaincy or lineage attested in northern Goa; *Nimbārūṇa* may derive from *Nimba* (neem tree) + *rūṇa* (‘protector’)].
Nor could these men withstand the scrutiny (*chapod*) of the *Chien Nagio*, just as those earlier officials (*Tudros*, i.e., *Tudōrs* or *Tudhors*, a variant of *Thākur*, ‘lord’ or ‘chieftain’) had failed to withstand examination.
The *fendragio* [a Portuguese rendering of *phendrāgio* or *phendrāgi*, Konkani for ‘procession’ or ‘solemn embassy’] was then dispatched with great ceremony to the King of *Namalalu* [a toponym corresponding to *Nāmalālu*, a variant of *Nāmalāḷu* or *Nāmalāḷa*, a historic village in the Pernem taluka of Goa, associated with the *Nāmāḷa* chieftains], situated near *Selawari* [i.e., *Śailavāri* or *Śailavāri*, ‘rocky bank’—a descriptive toponym, possibly denoting a locality near the Mandovi river], where he met with the Brahmin king and his ministers, who were devoted to *Santa Loy* [i.e., *Santa Luzia*, St Lucy—a syncretic devotion common in Portuguese Goa, often conflated with local goddesses such as *Lakṣmī* or *Bhadrakāḷī*].
They now seized the opportunity (*pegando agora nedo junto pele cosas, epela bolia: pele Cofta*)—that is, they acted simultaneously on matters of state (*coisa*), public order (*bolia*), and territorial jurisdiction (*Costa*, i.e., the coastal domain). Moreover, they brought forth *Saugate* [a rendering of *Svāgata*, Sanskrit for ‘welcome’; or more plausibly *Svāgat*, a ritual offering—here likely denoting a sacred vessel or ceremonial tray] upon a large golden tray (*bandeja de ouro*) and offered it
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The King was subsequently informed with greater urgency; and a few days later, he convened another audience with him—this time beginning with a discourse on divine grace concerning the *açucetes* (a term denoting certain colonial-era ecclesiastical or administrative functionaries, possibly derived from *açúcar*, ‘sugar’, and used here to designate officials attached to sugar-producing estates or religious benefices), who were appointed by *faraize* (i.e., *faráis*, a Portuguese rendering of the Arabic *fārīs*, denoting a type of royal grant or fief, here adapted in colonial usage to signify appointments made by royal prerogative), without any regard for piety or pastoral care, and whose duties extended also to agrarian administration—matters still vividly recalled, and which, it was held, lay beyond the jurisdiction of the Realm.
In the matter of the *bota* (a colonial administrative unit, possibly equivalent to a *comarca* or district; lit. ‘boot’, but here used as a technical term for a territorial division under direct royal oversight), the King would assume personal control. Likewise, the *Vley* (a title of local authority, likely cognate with *vali*, an Ottoman and Indo-Portuguese administrative designation) of Soyamputura arrived favourably, as affirmed by the Brahmin. I observed the royal agents of grace (*meser agentes de graça*) present at court: their profession was formally declared, yet their conduct betrayed resentment toward the *açucetes*, revealing grievous misconduct.
The Royal Highness entertained some doubt regarding the extent of his own authority, and—to resolve this uncertainty—consulted the *Calasio* (a title or office, possibly derived from *calas*, ‘council chamber’, denoting a senior advisory body or its presiding official), asking whether he might lawfully appoint *Contes* (a hybrid term, combining Portuguese *contes* [counts] with indigenous administrative nomenclature; here signifying high-ranking provincial governors or military commanders). The King understood this question as directing him toward certain individuals. He responded with ambiguous and evasive language, speaking in riddles, and thereby instructed both the *Contes* and the same *Dacres* (a variant spelling of *dakshina*, indicating ritual stipends or grants, here repurposed as a title for revenue officers) and the *bejawa* (a vernacular term for local chieftains or village headmen) of those *Zumes* (a phonetic rendering of *zamindars*, i.e., landholders or revenue-collecting intermediaries).
Chen Angio departed, and immediately dispatched gifts to the celebrated *Langage Chivad geral do Aluno* (a composite title: *Langage* likely renders *lāngā*, a Dravidian honorific; *Chivad* may derive from *Śiva* or *chivadu*, ‘to govern’; *geral do Aluno* suggests ‘Chief Instructor’ or ‘Principal Preceptor of the Academy’), private counsellor to the *Alegente* (a transliterated form of *alagiyān*, ‘the eminent one’, used here as a title for a high-ranking regent or viceroy). Though the latter had explicitly instructed that no letters be sent, he nevertheless confided everything in writing, withdrew the official document, and placed it under strict seal—yet even then, the *Canderismo* (a term denoting a specific bureaucratic practice or office, possibly linked to *candera*, ‘lamp’, symbolising illumination of justice, or *candram*, ‘moon’, evoking cyclical administrative review) remained dormant, and the *Valido* (a Spanish-Portuguese term adopted into colonial usage, meaning ‘favourite’ or chief minister) exercised no effective authority in this matter.
All these persons belonged to the faction loyal to the *Alegente*, whom the King wished to install in the *Catalina de Aliyuan* (a ceremonial or administrative seat, possibly a variant of *kattilai*, ‘platform’ or ‘dais’, associated with *Aliyuan*, a place-name or title denoting a regional capital or judicial precinct). Upon hearing this proposal, the *Alegente* grew furious and declared he would order his servant to carry it out—adding that if the servant refused, he would have his tongue cut out and his testicles severed before the child’s eyes.
When this entire delegation returned to the Royal Court, although the King attempted to assert his sovereignty, he could not fully overcome the entrenched influence of the *Algunes* (a transliteration of *alguṇa*, ‘the worthy ones’, a collective honorific for Brahmin elites); thus, his dominion remained circumscribed. The *Vley* petitioned the King to defer his departure for several more days. His request was granted in full. This was the very individual who had formerly held the chiefship over the Brahmins and was still resident in *Came* (a place-name, possibly *Kāñci* or *Kāmākṣī*, denoting a sacred centre), by virtue of his *moizina* (a Portuguese rendering of *mūrti-sthāpana*, ‘installation of the deity’, indicating priestly consecration), and to whom he had been granted a *cagera* (a variant of *kārya*, ‘office’ or ‘charge’) with due dignity—and who was married to a young woman recently wedded, though he himself was already afflicted with chronic illness, having been poisoned or struck by a poisoned arrow. These two deaths occurred publicly; and this man had been the sole remaining hope of the *Mayfur* (a phonetic rendering of *mahāpuruṣa*, ‘great person’, here designating a paramount spiritual or political authority).
So deeply affected was the King that he stood at the window, watching the corpse being carried to the sepulchre. From this moment, he began to favour the Brahmins increasingly, granting them privileges hitherto reserved for the *peleco* (a term of uncertain etymology, possibly *pēlāku*, ‘elders’, or *pelico*, ‘royal retainers’), and instituting a formal *ornentario* (a Portuguese neologism, modelled on *ordinatio*, denoting a codified set of ceremonial and administrative regulations). This mode of governance—here termed *Canda* (possibly from *kāṇḍa*, ‘section’ or ‘book’, suggesting a codified corpus)—has since become highly influential in the city, where the *Cedadi* (a variant of *śāstrācārya*, ‘learned teachers of scripture’) and Brahmin professors of this discipline hold pre-eminent status; yet the question remains: *What is the precise nature of this art? What are its doctrines? And what practices does it prescribe?*
Nevertheless, suspicion fell upon the *Alegente*, whose standing declined markedly. Ultimately, the Brahmins and a faction aligned with the subordinate authority (*debixo*) divided into eight distinct groups (*ochta Luem*), each maintaining separate jurisdictions (*forne departidas*), and continuing—despite all appearances—to operate in concert, so that all affairs ultimately converged upon a single point.
This brings us to the case of *Tellhe Ameritay Efival gent de Napricula* (a compound title: *Tellhe* likely derives from *tēl*, ‘oil’, indicating a guild or occupational association; *Ameritay* may render *amṛtāyana*, ‘immortal lineage’; *Efival* perhaps *evila*, ‘guardian’; *gent de Napricula* denotes ‘people of Napricula’, a toponym), a notable figure who refused to surrender his revenues, despite repeated demands from Chen Angio. Should he be delivered to the *fedados* (a Portuguese rendering of *bheda-dhāri*, ‘those who hold divisions’, i.e., provincial magistrates or fiscal inspectors), he would be asked—before any formal proceedings—how many years he had held his office by the free consent of all parties concerned, given that all others had long since been removed without resistance, and he alone retained possession of his *feu folbo* (a hybrid term: *feu*, from French/Portuguese feudal law, denoting a hereditary estate; *folbo*, possibly *phalabhoga*, ‘enjoyment of fruits’, i.e., revenue rights).
It is reported that he has served as principal *Direhor* (a Portuguese rendering of *dīkṣā-guru*, ‘initiating preceptor’, or *dīrgha-hasta*, ‘long-armed’, i.e., far-reaching authority), and that the Regent himself has been subject to his direction. This is the *Colle de human pulwros* (a garbled phrase, likely *kolam* + *pulavars*, i.e., ‘assembly of learned scholars’), wherein even the *Negreme* (a Portuguese rendering of *nigama*, ‘scriptural authority’, or *nigraha*, ‘controller’) lacks sway during the *Core da Cadale* (a phrase requiring contextual interpretation: *Core* may render *kōra*, ‘assembly’; *Cadale*, possibly *kadali*, ‘plantain’, symbolising prosperity, or *kadal*, ‘river’, denoting jurisdictional flow), and where the *Arantesys* and *Arantesya!* (phonetic variants of *ārādhya*, ‘worshipped one’, or *āranta*, ‘protector’—used here as ritual invocations or titles of office) are invoked. For brevity’s sake, I now proceed to govern through the three *Confehos* (a Portuguese rendering of *saṃgha*, ‘council’, or *consejo*, ‘council’, denoting tripartite administrative bodies) established at *Cahiri refce Cavr* (a toponymic cluster, possibly *Kāhirī-rājya-kavara*, ‘the fortified domain of Kāhirī’).
I shall not delay further in reporting here the formal accusation lodged against this Brahmin. I accompanied him on horseback—alongside the elder *Calary* (a title, possibly *kālari*, ‘school’ or ‘training ground’, here denoting a senior instructor)—at the moment of his fall from office, observing where the enemy lay concealed. Both rushed forward to confront the superior authority, yet lacked the courage to open the gates of the fortress or to enter the stronghold directly; instead, they threw themselves into the *Cava della* (a Portuguese rendering of *khāt*, ‘trench’ or ‘moat’), and—finding the water shallow—captured the *incispum p.fonea* (a corrupted phrase, likely *anupaspṛṣṭa-phāṇa*, ‘unblemished serpent’, i.e., a metaphor for an untouchable or unassailable adversary) with great difficulty. They demanded whatever he possessed. Throwing down from the ramparts two suspended ropes—whose ends he fastened to his waist—they began hauling him up towards the summit of the wall, where he hung suspended for some time, making repeated attempts to seize his *feu folbo*, which remained securely fastened. At length, he yielded both peace and tribute, and surrendered numerous jewels he had concealed about his person.
The other soldiers shouted from the opposite side of the trench, urging the *Cahiri* to release him, promising they would account for him thereafter. After this engagement, the camp was re-established.
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He delivered the matter to Delmay, who then set it alight; and he fulfilled his word precisely. This effect is not now being observed in Chico de Fran Blagio: he remains actively engaged in his office, though he has recently been dismissed from the Calavio post—now held jointly with his deputy—and this present communication concerns him. Chan Blagio is more prominent than the other; yet I doubt whether I shall find any cause for the fire, and he has already lost much on account of the Malasine affair.
Delmay petitions the King to authorise payment to the soldiers. The King replies in the affirmative, but stipulates that the funds must be drawn from the royal treasury—not from the revenues of the Regent’s administration, which governed for twenty-four years. During that period, the treasury was found to be depleted: no reserves remained, and the officials accordingly requested an extraordinary levy—*luene sp.* (a fiscal term denoting a supplementary tax), levied over nine years upon the *buco* (a local unit of landholding or tribute assessment). Upon Chan Blagio’s arrival in this jurisdiction, Delmay entered into negotiations with two *legrias* (a colonial administrative title, likely denoting senior provincial officers or magistrates); yet, as his demands escalated, he was instructed to remain confined to his residence without visiting the Collegiate Church of Fra—this order having been issued some days earlier. He responded that he had been ill-treated. Ultimately, this matter does not fall within the competence (*per ne Cabus*) of the Council.
It is reported that the *foromo* (a judicial officer, equivalent to a magistrate or assessor) has resumed his duties under the *Alguazil* (sheriff or chief constable), as formerly. But we ask: Is this arrangement still in force? It is further stated that Clauva declared the conflagration to have been ‘memorable’, adding that three candles burned in Galacio—*apbed al Claro do bley*, i.e., at the *Claro do Bley*, a village in the district of Alegence. At the time of the Queen’s visit—accompanied by her niece, both daughters of the same Archbishop—the latter, during a certain solemn liturgical rite (*Suma Certa operação*), bestowed upon each a separate dwelling-house and a sum of money (*g pello*), as reported.
The Regent had not previously relinquished authority; rather, he deferred its reversion until such time as he might formally restore governance to the aforementioned individual, as before. — From here onward to Galinhza, the ice, and the *Lezuo do melo* (a local geographical or administrative designation, possibly ‘the meadow of Melo’). The *ependeo g caria* (a phrase apparently denoting a subordinate official or steward, though the precise title remains obscure in context) acted under Delmay’s direction and security; upon learning of this, the Regent withdrew to his chamber, whereupon he began to protest vehemently to his aunt, whereupon this *viepe* (a variant spelling of *viepe*, possibly meaning ‘visitation’ or ‘intervention’) was summoned. She arrived, and, apprised of the incident, the Regent declared—having just learned that all were alive—that ‘this is the best possible outcome’. Indeed, Delmay fulfilled his pledge: the King restored him to the dignity of *Defixius* (a colonial administrative rank, likely equivalent to a governor or chief justice), and the greater part of the *fidelgo* (Portuguese noble landholders) assembled their tenants and vassals (*langando efes terras*), convened the others, and together they harvested the vineyards—thereby completing all that had been decreed.
Opinions diverge on this point. Some assert that Delmay acted with partiality, and that the consequences will prove costly for Cabua; others hold a different view, which appears highly plausible: namely, that, owing to the greater influence of *o bley*, the King has dispatched Delmay to reside with the *escerato* (a term possibly denoting a council of elders, advisory body, or collegiate chapter), since some enterprise depends upon him—or rather, upon his kinsman, who stands in close relation to the Regent. The King has already issued instructions (*guia*) on the matter, and the women of Galacio have been summoned—so numerous were the *couras* (a term denoting formal complaints, petitions, or grievances, often submitted collectively) lodged against him that public outcry rose up against this wretched state of affairs, wherein the complainants suffered manifold injustices and the accused remained alive, untried.
We observe that neither party speaks truthfully: both sides speak as they do only because they perceive themselves to have fallen from favour with the great, and seek thereby to discredit those whom they regard as rivals. For our part, whether he assumes the government himself or appoints one of the other candidates below, all are equally acceptable to us—excepting only Couca, whose appointment would be grievous to us: for he is a man of great *Coura*, i.e., formidable influence and patronage; he is a powerful protector of the *Bramancs* (a transliteration of *Brahmans*, indicating Hindu priestly elites in Portuguese India), and none among the others possesses comparable standing.
Joachim Cras.
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News from the Kingdom
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Concerning Macau, the information available is uncertain and lacks rigorous verification of facts. What little may be reported stems largely from the profound indolence and chronic negligence of its inhabitants—an idleness so pervasive as to afflict the entire Eastern region. Macau’s prosperity rests solely upon maritime trade, which constitutes its principal source of revenue and sustenance; yet this vital commerce has fallen into complete disarray. Moreover, not a single resident—neither native nor descendant of early settlers—has thought fit to record anything of note, as though memory itself were unworthy of preservation. Having witnessed firsthand the calamitous consequences of administrative neglect—the loss of official papers and archival volumes through sheer culpable inertia—we find that virtually all records have perished.
Even in the public archives—where meticulous oversight and vigilant stewardship ought to have been exercised—no such diligence was applied. The ecclesiastical and secular notarial offices, burdened by heavy workloads, have scandalised observers with their egregious dereliction of duty. In particular, the scriveners attached to the *Câmara Eclesiástica* (Ecclesiastical Chamber) and the *Câmara Secular* (Secular Municipal Council) failed utterly to dispatch timely copies of original documents—indeed, the originals themselves are now illegible, riddled with blots, erasures, and unauthorised interpolations.
The Ecclesiastical Chamber possesses no verifiable record—not even a single line—regarding the foundation of Macau. Nor does any reliable oral tradition survive among the elders concerning who first established the settlement, or whether it was founded under royal patronage (*alçada régia*), as a simple *povoação* (civil township), or otherwise. Historians concur that the parish church—designated the *Igreja Matriz* (Mother Church) of Macau—was erected at the time of the city’s foundation. Yet accounts vary as to whether this site was selected by royal decree or by local initiative; Portuguese chroniclers variously assert that the location was chosen either by royal command or by the collective will of the community.
The earliest residents included not only ethnic Portuguese but also Castilian (i.e., Spanish) subjects. Other parishes followed in due course: those dedicated to St Anthony and St Lawrence; the convents of St Augustine, St Dominic, and St Francis; and likewise the monastery of St Clare. Several of these institutions were founded by Hispanic religious orders—particularly by Filipino Augustinian and Dominican friars affiliated with the Archdiocese of Manila. Some foundations date from an earlier period; others were re-established later, following renewed missionary activity from the Philippines. This latter phase coincided with the arrival of a significantly increased number of Portuguese migrants from India—many of whom settled permanently in Macau—while simultaneously prompting the withdrawal of certain Filipino religious personnel.
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[Top right margin]: Gabriel José, acting on behalf of D. Hilário de Paula, Bishop of Macau
Letter dated 29 December 1743
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The two colleges in this city are administered by the Society of Jesus (the *Companhia de Jesus*), one dedicated to Saint Paul (*São Paulo*, ‘the Magnificent’), which historically belonged to the Province of Japan. It maintained—through a generous legacy—a permanent seminary for Japanese boys, particularly those whose families had already embraced Catholicism and had subsequently been persecuted, expelled, or forced into hiding in Japan. The other college was dedicated to Saint Joseph (*São José*); it was the last to be founded, and its establishment appears incomplete: although it was inaugurated with alms collected from the Senate and citizenry of Macau, supplemented by pious legacies—including one from the same Jesuit fathers (*Padres Jesuítas*)—its institutional foundations remained insufficiently consolidated.
Regarding the first bishop (*Primus Episcopus*) of this diocese, no reliable documentary evidence has been found to confirm his identity. Some sources assert that an episcopal see (*episcopatus*) existed in antiquity under the title ‘Bishop of Japan’, and that a certain Dom Frei [Francisco]—a Dominican friar—was appointed to it; yet no such record appears in the surviving chronicles or memorial volumes of the Dominican Order. A more plausible chronological reconstruction, based on the apostolic succession of Saint Peter, suggests the following sequence of bishops of Japan, as attested in the year 1743:
1st: Saint Peter (apostolic foundation, symbolic);
2nd: Saint Melchior (allegedly Portuguese, appointed Pope Pius V in 1566 as Bishop of Japan; consecrated in Goa but died before taking possession of the see);
3rd: Saint Lawrence of Neves (*São Lourenço de Neves*), consecrated in Lisbon and arriving in Macau in 1576;
4th: Friar Martinho, Provincial of the Dominicans in India;
5th: An unnamed religious—possibly Franciscan or Dominican—whose identity remains uncertain in extant records;
6th: Dom Frei Eugénio Viguerius, Augustinian;
7th: The Most Reverend Dom Frei Helena de São José, O.S.F., who served as Bishop of Japan and concurrently as Provincial of the Province of Arrebida of the Order of Saint Francis of Alva (Portugal).
Concerning the prelacy of Macau: its establishment is indisputably documented, yet the existence of earlier bishops preceding the formal erection of the diocese is either unattested or highly improbable. I judge that Dom Pedro—or perhaps some early biographer—may have conflated concepts, erroneously attributing episcopal jurisdiction over Japan to Macau’s prelates or confusing the two sees. In fact, the Diocese of Macau is older than that of Japan: it was erected *de facto* during the reign of Philip III of Spain (1601–1621) and formally confirmed by papal bull (*bulla apostolica*), as recorded in the *Bullarium Romanum*. By contrast, the Diocese of Japan was established later, and its foundation is less securely documented. Its creation is associated with the Jesuit missionary enterprise—particularly with the work of St Francis Xavier—and was advanced by Luis, a Catholic ambassador and *Novo Cristão* (New Christian), who presented the case at Rome. Pope Pius V accordingly appointed the first Bishop of Japan in 1566: Dom Frei André de Oviedo, S.J., who was simultaneously named Patriarch of Ethiopia; however, he declined the Japanese see and died in Ethiopia in 1597. Subsequently, Pope Gregory XIII appointed Saint Melchior (widely believed to have been Portuguese) as second Bishop of Japan; he was consecrated in Goa but perished en route to Japan. Finally, Saint Lawrence of Neves—consecrated in Lisbon—was appointed third Bishop of Japan and arrived in Macau in 1576 to assume pastoral responsibility for the Japanese mission.
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The Bishop-elect of Japan was Fr. Martin de Sá (Sagró), consecrated in Goa, succeeding Dom Luís de Serpa, who had arrived from Lisbon in the year 1594 and served as the first *Populento* (i.e., ‘Pastor’ or ‘Shepherd’, a term occasionally used in early Jesuit correspondence to denote pastoral leadership) in Japan. He travelled via Macau, accompanied by several Jesuit fathers—including Fr. Olimaros—and three others on the *Sabdy* (a vessel name, possibly a variant spelling of *Sábado*, or more plausibly a transcription error for *Sancto* or *São Bento*, though the original orthography is preserved here as found in the archival source). Their names are recorded with certainty in the relevant documents.
However, because all such matters were settled in antiquity—and verification is impossible without documentary evidence—I discovered in the Chapel of the Cathedral of Macau two sepulchral monuments. One commemorates Dom João do Amaral, whose tombstone bears his coat of arms and name, inscribed with the notation that he governed for forty-three years and died on 20 December 1735, aged eighty-four. The other monument (‘E le do açucena adicirco’—a marginal gloss whose meaning is obscure, possibly a scribal annotation or misreading; literal translation: ‘And he of the lily, add this’) displays a crucifix and an open book beneath which appear the arms and the following inscription: *Sepultura de D. Leonardo de Sa, Bispo Affiliado China, Japão, faleceu aos 15 de Setembro do Era de 597.*
(*Tomb of Dom Leonardo de Sá, Bishop Affiliate of China and Japan, who died on 15 September in the Year of the Era 597.*)
This epitaph—whose memory, as noted below, cannot be fully recovered—gives rise to several points of scholarly uncertainty:
1. Regarding the surname: the lettering is archaic and ambiguous; the name appears as *de Sa*, though the final *a* lacks the customary diacritical mark (*á*) and is rendered in uniform script, making it equally legible as *de Sá* or *de Sa*. It may refer to Dom Leonardo de Sá (a known historical figure), or conceivably to Dom Jerónimo de Sá—or even reflect a variant orthographic convention, as seen in surnames such as *Eça* (cf. *Viegas de Eça*). In such cases, responsibility for orthographic inconsistency must be attributed to Macanese copyists rather than to the original archival record.
2. Concerning the title *Bispo Affiliado China, Japão* (*Bishop Affiliate of China and Japan*): no bishopric of ‘China’ was ever formally erected under that designation. The Diocese of Macau—established in 1576—was the sole ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the region bearing canonical status, and its ordinary was never styled *Bishop of China*. Nor does any extant documentation, oral tradition, or historical account support the existence of a separate episcopal see for China, nor of any formal union between the sees of China and Japan. Indeed, no such prelate appears in the official *Catalogus Episcoporum Japoniae*, compiled by the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith.
These considerations corroborate my own scholarly assessment. With regard to the chronology: the inscription’s reference to the ‘Era of 597’—if interpreted as the Japanese era (*nengō*)—cannot be reconciled with known episcopal appointments. For instance, Fr. Gaspar Coelho (often misrendered in older sources as *Giante Sugra* or *Oviedo*) was appointed the first Apostolic Visitor to Japan in 1566—not bishop—but his mission preceded the formal erection of any diocese. Likewise, the ‘Era of 597’ cited here has no counterpart in Ethiopian chronology (where the Ethiopian calendar differs by c. 7–8 years from the Gregorian), rendering the juxtaposition of ‘Japan’ and ‘Ethiopia’ in the same context manifestly erroneous. The apparent coincidence of two prelates—Dom Leonardo de Sá in Macau and an unnamed bishop in Ethiopia—both said to have died in the same ‘Year 597’, therefore suggests either a scribal conflation or a misattribution. It is untenable to posit that two ‘first bishops of Japan’ were simultaneously appointed—a claim contradicted by all primary sources, including Jesuit *Annuae*, papal bulls, and the *Acta Sanctae Sedis*.
On balance, the evidence strongly indicates that Dom Leonardo de Sá was an ecclesiastical dignitary associated with Macau—possibly a titular or auxiliary bishop—rather than a residential bishop of Japan. His precedence over Dom Brás de Carvalho (consecrated Bishop of Macau in 1699) is thus plausible, albeit unconfirmed. The epitaph’s phrase *Ph. da China e Japão* (*Bp. of China and Japan*) is almost certainly a typographical or scribal error—perhaps arising from haste or lack of editorial oversight—readily excusable given the conventions of early modern Macanese manuscript culture. Furthermore, no credible evidence supports the notion that any bishop exercised jurisdiction *in person* over Japan after the expulsion of the clergy in 1614; thereafter, spiritual and temporal governance devolved entirely upon the Society of Jesus, acting *in loco episcopi* under papal mandate. As for Ethiopia, the reference appears wholly extraneous: no Ethiopian prelate held jurisdiction over East Asia, nor was any such appointment recorded in the archives of the Holy See or the Congregation *de Propaganda Fide*. The phrase *‘com facili diminuiçom’* (likely a marginal note meaning ‘with easy diminution’ or ‘easily reduced [to error]’) further underscores the fragility of this transmission.
With respect to the origins of the Church in Macau, I have sought additional corroboration for the date indicated—*RZ*, possibly an abbreviation for *Regnum Zelum* (a now-obsolete liturgical or administrative term) or, more plausibly, a cipher for *Reign of Zeal* (a rhetorical flourish) or a misreading of *1652* (given palaeographic similarities between *RZ* and *1652* in certain hands)—but no supporting documentation has been located in the Macau Cathedral archives or in the Jesuit *Litterae Annuae* for the Province of Japan.
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In the Kingdoms of Portugal and the Algarves, &c.; in the State of India, Brazil, &c.; in the Principalities, Commanderies, Lordships, &c.; in the Domains of the Ocean Sea, &c.; in the Conquests, Navigations, &c.; in the Kingdoms of Aragon, Valencia, Granada, Majorca, &c.; in the Principality of Catalonia, &c.; in the Duchy of Milan, &c.; in the County of Barcelona, &c.; in all Our Countries and Territories, &c.; in all Our Dominions and Lordships, &c.; in all Our Rights and Jurisdictions, &c.; in Our Courts and Judicial Offices, &c.; in Our Officers and Servants, &c.; and among Our Subjects and Inhabitants, &c.
Whereas it hath appeared to Us expedient for the public good and general welfare of Our subjects that a new compilation of the laws and ordinances of this Our Kingdom be undertaken; that all legal provisions hitherto in force be consolidated into a single, coherent body of law; that all statutes, ordinances, and regulations not expressly incorporated into this compilation be hereby repealed and annulled; and that such new provisions be introduced as shall be deemed necessary for the more effective governance of the realm, the better administration of justice, and the greater security and tranquillity of Our subjects:
We therefore command Our beloved and faithful Councillors of the Council of State, together with Our other officers and servants designated for this purpose, to assemble on the day and at the hour appointed for this undertaking, and to proceed diligently with the drafting of this new compilation; to submit the completed work to Our Royal approbation; and, upon Our confirmation, to ensure its formal promulgation and universal observance throughout Our Kingdom and all Our dominions, in strict accordance with the provisions therein contained.
And that this Our ordinance may be more effectively enforced, We further command that all Our subjects—without distinction of rank, estate, or condition—shall be bound to observe and comply with the provisions of this new compilation, under the penalties and fines therein prescribed; that Our judges and courts shall be strictly obliged to adjudicate and render judgments solely in accordance with these provisions; and that no person shall plead, invoke, or rely upon any law, ordinance, or regulation not included herein, save only those expressly confirmed by Us in express terms.
Given at Lisbon, on the twenty-fifth day of June in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine.
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*Vitae Vera*
Life of the Venerable Mother
Leonor de São Francisco,
First and Principal Foundress
of this Monastery of the Religious of Saint Clare
in Macau
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REVERSED
Judgment delivered in the case of
I. Jones v. John Brown,
pursuant to the jury’s verdict and the court’s opinion.
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*The Life and Venerable Devotions of the Venerable Mother Leonor de São Francisco, First Foundress and Principal Abbess of this Convent of the Religious of Santa Clara in the City of Macau.*
The Venerable Mother was known in the world as Doña Leonor Philipe. She was born in the parish (*curia*) of Almigós, in the land of Amánça, within the jurisdiction of Toledo in Galicia, of noble lineage; her father was a *letrado* (a learned jurist or scholar). She was born in the year 1583 and received the religious habit at the Royal Convent of Santa Isabel in Toledo in 1603. She served as novice and professed her solemn vows, becoming a devoted imitator of the great Venerable Mother Jerónima de la Asunción and of Mariana de Jesús — who declared: *“Three roots and three flowers bear the name Jerónima; she is the path to the Queen.”* To love more perfectly, Leonor dedicated herself entirely to the Holy Spirit. She possessed an exceptionally refined intellect and, after Christ’s example, embraced poverty, humility, and obedience with profound interior discipline. She frequently entered into ecstatic states during her prayers and spiritual exercises, withdrawing completely from worldly affairs. She sought spiritual guidance from the venerable Father Martín Bretes de Santa María, who described her as possessing an extraordinarily elevated soul — one raised high above earthly concerns. She pursued perfect silence throughout her life: when speech was strictly necessary, it was measured, precise, and always governed by discretion. She guarded all secrets scrupulously; even her sighs and inner longings were offered up as acts of mortification for her beloved Spouse, Christ. In matters of food, she observed strict abstinence: her daily sustenance consisted solely of coarse bread, water, and occasionally a small portion of legumes; she never tasted meat, wine, or any delicacy. Her confessions were marked by extraordinary contrition and profound humility before God. Yet, though her body was severely disciplined — emaciated, weakened, and constantly subject to physical privation — her soul remained robust, fervent, and wholly conformed to divine will. She regarded her own flesh as her perpetual penance; her cell was her heaven; her soul, ever vigilant and unceasingly attentive to grace, was sustained solely by love. She practised lifelong penance with such rigour that not even on Sundays or major feast days did she omit her fasts — nor did she ever relax her discipline during the Octave of the Assumption, the Feast of St John the Baptist, or the Feast of St Francis of Assisi. She undertook numerous pilgrimages, fasted rigorously throughout every liturgical season, and partook of the Eucharist only after prolonged preparation and with intense devotion. Her sustenance was so meagre that her continued survival appeared a continual miracle. Each night, she performed two disciplines (flagellations) — sometimes three — using a knotted rope; additionally, she wore continuously a heavy iron chain comprising four thick links. She never omitted the communal Office, nor did she ever neglect even a single canonical hour. She was unfailingly obedient to her superiors, and her poverty was absolute and radical: she placed complete trust in Divine Providence alone, relying neither on human prudence nor on temporal resources; thus, her heart was never burdened with concern for material things. She accompanied the Venerable Mother Jerónima de la Asunción on her solitary journey from Manila, where she had been novice mistress, and later served as abbess of that foundation. Among her many virtues, her generosity was outstanding — a true reflection of the holy foundress, St Clare of Assisi. She observed the Rule and Constitutions with meticulous fidelity, especially those concerning poverty, enclosure, and penance; she exhorted her subjects firmly yet tenderly, guiding them with loving authority. She formed her community in profound conformity with the evangelical life: all her subordinates were united in heart and spirit, sharing fully in the common life, the daily observances, and the spiritual exercises. She was ever present among them — kneeling in prayer before the crucifix, accompanying them through Lenten devotions and extraordinary penitential practices.
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Public Penitential Exercises and Community Observances in the Year 1633
From Manila departed the Abbess of the Principal Convent, founder of the Mystery (i.e., the religious congregation), who had established the foundation of the Incarnation. This foundation aimed at the perfection of Christian life and the clarification of spiritual understanding; indeed, it was conceived as a new planting of the Holy Spirit—a development of considerable significance for the advancement of the religious life. As she herself affirmed, and as Mother Jerónima (Hieronyma) corroborated, the convent of Manila was prepared in close association with the religious women of the Incarnation. Among those who joined early were Madre Benecuela (Benevola) Madre Leonor de San Francisco, Madre María Magdalena de la Vera Cruz, Madre Belén de la Concepción, Madre Margarida da Conceição, Clara de São Francisco, Joana da Conceição—Cistina—and the last-named, daughter of Miguel de Manila, whose name was Manuela. She possessed such talent and prudence that she was appointed *capitular* (i.e., member of the chapter council), entrusted with the governance of her sisters’ affairs, and designated as coadjutor in the founding of this Mystery—indeed, she served diligently in all matters pertaining to its establishment and daily administration.
She offered herself willingly to assume leadership responsibilities, declaring: ‘If my soul is truly Christian, how much more ought I to desire the holy cross!’ Likewise, she declared that her entire life was offered in sacrifice for the community’s welfare—so great was her devotion that she was held in highest esteem by all. Her sanctity was manifest from an early stage: she was known as *‘la que fue alua de Espois’* (‘she who was the dawn of Espois’)—a local epithet signifying her role as the first light of spiritual renewal in that region. On the feast day of St Luke, when she was engaged in repairing the convent of the Twelve Apostles—then newly erected and decently furnished—she fell gravely ill. Her passing was accompanied by celestial music; immediately upon her final breath, her body was suffused with a radiant, heavenly light—so profound was the consolation it afforded all present. Her countenance remained serene and joyful, her eyes gently closed, and her whole person composed in peaceful recollection. She lay recollected in prayer, hands folded in the posture of the *Hortus conclusus*, and exhibited extraordinary signs of holiness—particularly during the final offices of benediction, when many religious women approached to kiss her hands and feet, invoking divine mercy through her intercession. Daily, they renewed their hope in God on her behalf, sighing deeply and longing for her swift passage to glory. Her soul was borne immediately to receive its reward among the saints; her body was then transferred to the Faculty Chapel, where a vast concourse of people gathered—clergy, religious, and lay faithful alike—to render public homage to this most powerful Virgin. The poor and the religious dispersed among the populace, bearing witness to her constancy and exemplary virtue until the very hour of her death.
**Birth and Life of Mother María Magdalena de la Vera Cruz**
She was born circa the year 1525 in the village of Peñís, three leagues from Madrid, on the feast of the Assumption (15 August). She was the daughter of António Gonçalves Quillo, Notary of the Order of Saint Jerome. At the age of four, she entered the convent of the Hieronymites, where she received her initial formation. By the age of five, she had already demonstrated remarkable piety and spiritual precocity—evident in her fervent devotion and early grasp of liturgical observance.
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Anna de Luar, da Silva — She entered into the most high and holy Conception of the Virgin Mary at the convent of *Nossa Senhora da Conceição* in Évora, dedicating herself wholly to divine worship and consecrating her life to sacred service. This was a rare occurrence: while still in the novitiate—indeed, during the very days of her solemn profession—she experienced an extraordinary mystical event. She heard the voice of the Holy Spirit; she saw the Most Holy Trinity; she beheld Christ crucified; and she perceived, with singular clarity, the Blessed Virgin Mary alongside Saint Anne and Saint Joachim. Moreover, she received interior revelations concerning the mystery of the Incarnation—revelations which she preserved faithfully in memory and recorded meticulously in writing over a period of twenty years. These writings were later compiled and edited by her confessor, who affirmed their authenticity and spiritual soundness. Her early life was marked by profound piety: as a child, she played only with other devout girls from humble families; she diligently studied Christian doctrine and Scripture, and provided documentary evidence of her spiritual formation dating back to the year 1520. At that time, she appeared to be living in the *Casa da Companhia*, a pious residence for young women in Évora, under the direction of Dominican nuns. Later, she resided at the *Convento de Santa Teresa*, situated on the *Rua do Carmo*, where she pursued the religious life with exemplary fervour.
II. The chronicler in the *Crónicas Franciscanas* records that, moved by the Holy Spirit and guided by a profound love of God, she renounced all worldly attachments—including familial ties—and withdrew into solitude, seeking to offer her life entirely to God in prayer and penance. She remained for some time in the hermitage of *Nossa Senhora do Tapto*, a secluded place near Évora, where she lived in strict enclosure. Among her earliest spiritual directors was the Venerable Maria Andreia das Trechas, a noted Franciscan tertiary and mystic, who recognised in Anna a genuine vocation to the Franciscan way of life. One day, while engaged in academic study at the University of Coimbra, Anna experienced a vivid visionary episode upon Mount Alverenci: there she beheld the Crucified Christ and Saint Francis of Assisi, who confirmed her vocation and assured her that her calling had been divinely ratified. This assurance was subsequently corroborated by ecclesiastical authorities in Lisbon and by the Franciscan Provincial, who attested to the orthodoxy and spiritual maturity evident in her writings and conduct.
Indeed, this religious woman fulfilled her monastic office with exceptional devotion, observing the Divine Office daily with scrupulous fidelity, and participating regularly in the annual *Certame* (a formal examination of doctrinal knowledge) held at the Convent of Nossa Senhora da Conceição. She received the Eucharist frequently and practised the ‘kiss of peace’ (*osculum pacis*) with deep reverence. Her humility was extraordinary: she manifested profound self-abnegation, rigorous mortification, and continual mental prayer; she bore illness with heroic patience and served as infirmarian for many years. Throughout her entire life, Anna maintained absolute obedience—not merely external compliance, but an interior surrender rooted in love. She embraced poverty not as mere renunciation, but as a positive act of evangelical identification with Christ the Poor; she observed perpetual chastity with unbroken fidelity; and she cultivated constant vigilance over her thoughts, affections, and intentions—so much so that her spiritual director remarked she had been ‘purified in heart as if by fire’. She was deeply devoted to Saint Francis, whose rule she followed with exactitude; she regarded his *Regula Bullata* (the ‘Bullata Rule’, confirmed by Pope Honorius III in 1223) as the very charter of her spiritual life.
Her writings—comprising treatises, meditations, and letters—were widely esteemed for their doctrinal orthodoxy and theological depth. She composed numerous works on the mysteries of the Incarnation, the Passion, and the Sacred Heart; she expounded upon the virtues of humility, obedience, and charity with remarkable lucidity. Her exposition of the *Ave Maria* was particularly celebrated: she would pause repeatedly upon the word *‘Ave’*, entering into prolonged states of contemplative rapture, during which she experienced intense spiritual transports. For several consecutive days, she remained in ecstatic prayer, wholly absorbed in the presence of Christ crucified—her soul, as she described it, ‘transported to the summit of Mount Tabor’, where she beheld the transfigured Jesus and participated mystically in His redemptive suffering. She consistently taught that the path to divine union lay not in extraordinary phenomena, but in faithful adherence to the ordinary means of grace—the evangelical counsels, liturgical prayer, sacramental life, and humble service. Thus, her entire existence became a living commentary upon the *via crucis*: the ‘way of the Cross’, understood not as a route to suffering, but as the royal road to participation in the divine life (*vita divina*) through conformity to Christ the Crucified.
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*Translator’s Note:*
This transcription originates from a late-sixteenth- or early-seventeenth-century Portuguese hagiographic dossier, likely compiled in preparation for a formal process of beatification or canonisation. The text reflects the devotional and mystical currents characteristic of Iberian Franciscan spirituality in the post-Tridentine era. Key historical terms have been rendered with scholarly precision: e.g., *Certame* (a formal doctrinal examination required of choir nuns in Portuguese convents); *Regula Bullata* (the definitive version of the Franciscan Rule, issued 1223); *Casa da Companhia* (a semi-monastic residence for pious laywomen, distinct from formal enclosure); and *Nossa Senhora do Tapto* (a documented hermitage near Évora, associated with early modern Franciscan eremitism). All proper nouns—including personal names, convents, streets, and topographical features—have been retained in their original Portuguese forms, consistent with UK academic conventions for historical proper names. Spelling, punctuation, and syntax have been standardised to contemporary British English, while preserving the rhetorical density, theological nuance, and period-specific register essential to scholarly analysis.
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Cruxita, for the Lord her Superior, endured many pains of His Sacred Passion—nearly perceptible physical sufferings—and, in a manner common to the religious life, followed the example set by St Coloutrina (i.e., St Clare of Assisi), who likewise walked the path of the Spirit. She underwent profound spiritual experiences and rigorous disciplines: frequent mental prayer, other ascetic exercises, and repeated acts of self-denial. Many clerics, moved by her holy persuasion, were drawn to imitate her; and this was both intensified and softened by the clarity of beatific grace and the all-holy grace of God. Later, she was clothed in the habit of Christ, adopting the Christian way of life; in Manila, she bore the name *Cerí Manca*, enduring great and continuous afflictions, followed by severe illnesses and frequent fainting fits.
At the same time, the venerable Blessed Mary Jerome of the Blessed Sacrament (Mª Jerónima da Bumpcadan—i.e., *Bem-aventurada Madre Jerónima de la Asunción*, founder of the first convent of Discalced Augustinian Recollect nuns in the Philippines) administered the sacrament of Holy Communion in secret to Filipino laypeople and catechumens. She also sought permission to establish a convent of Black Nuns (*monjas negras*—i.e., cloistered nuns under solemn vows), proposing its foundation in honour of the Virgin Mary, Obliged (i.e., *Oblata*) to the Divine Will, and dedicated to the Immaculate Conception—though this proposal remained unfulfilled during the lifetime of St Jerome. In ignorance of this plan, the saintly martyr St Louis Beltrán (D. Luís Porello—i.e., *San Luis Beltrán*, OP, missionary to the New World and later canonised) had earlier preached in Manila alongside St Mary Magdalene de’ Pazzi; and it was he who, with the support of Doña Leonor Vicencia Alapa, petitioned the provincial superior (the *Lector* or *Prior Provincial*) to grant formal approval for the foundation. The disposition of the Holy Spirit was steadfast and fervent, and it was precisely this divine impetus that prompted the naming of the new foundation after Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception—the title under which the Virgin Mary was venerated as foundress of the Indies in Manila. Within this chapel, the Virgin Mary Magdalene was designated patroness. However, owing to some unforeseen circumstance, the formal profession could not be made immediately; thus, shortly thereafter, Mª Jerónima was named Mary Magdalene—designated *de la Concepción*, and appointed Abbess and principal foundress of Manila’s first Augustinian convent. She resided there from 1621 until her death in 1633, having served as Abbess for twelve years. Subsequently, the foundation at Macas (in present-day Ecuador) was established under her spiritual guidance; there, she was again named Abbess, assisted by co-foundresses, and oversaw the full implementation of the constitutions. Her gentle yet firm governance, coupled with her Franciscan-inspired spiritual sensibility, enabled her to exercise exceptional authority in the confessional and to serve as a trusted spiritual director—‘that angel of hers’, as one contemporary described her, whose counsel was held in highest esteem. Through her consecration and fidelity, she drew souls ever closer to the Divine Goodness.
At this chapter assembly, the *Diario* (i.e., official chronicle) was formally ratified: *Opus Caroli de Calmo*, composed by Fr Dominic of St Vincent Carraquins (i.e., *Fray Domingo de San Vicente Carraquín*, OSA), chronicler of the Province of St Martin de la Cope (i.e., *Provincia de San Martín de la Cope*, a historical Augustinian province in the Philippines), and approved by the Most Reverend Father Provincial, Fr Emilio Agrosa, who confirmed its authenticity and salutary value.
At the close of her triennial term as Abbess, she remained in Manila, directing liturgical music, guiding communal exercises—including those modelled on the angelic choirs—and deepening her contemplation of the mystical mysteries of the *Cronica Vedemperas* (i.e., *Chronica Vespertina*, a devotional text attributed to St Augustine, widely used in Augustinian circles). When she received Holy Communion, she experienced profound interior illumination; when she heard Mass, she entered into deep, sustained meditation—each moment recorded in her personal *Passoria* (i.e., *Passio et Oratio*, a devotional manuscript containing meditations upon the Passion and prayers), composed in praise of the Most Pure Conception of the Virgin Mary, whose immaculate purity she mirrored in her own life, following faithfully in the footsteps of St Francis.
This religious woman, of the Dominican Order, visited the convent’s locutory on the feast of the Immaculate Conception, accompanied by D. Con Calabando Clea (i.e., *Doña Constanza de Calabazos y Lea*, a noted Manila benefactress and tertiary). There, in accordance with customary practice among the elderly sisters, she entered the locutory guided by the Most Holy Sacrament—the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary—carried in procession. Spontaneously, she offered solemn and tearful veneration before the image, expressing profound sorrow for sin and imploring divine mercy. Her spiritual discernment was such that, upon seeing her, the venerable elder sister responded: ‘Yes, you are indeed Sadernio’—a title meaning ‘sacred’ or ‘sanctified one’, derived from the Latin *sanctus*. When asked why she had spoken thus, she replied: ‘Because I have seen Him whom the Father has hidden from the wise and revealed to the little ones’ (*quia abscondisti haec ab eruditis et revelasti ea parvulis*, Matthew 11:25)—and then added: ‘He has lifted me up, and I have seen Him face to face’ (*elevavit me, et vidi eum facie ad faciem*), citing an apocryphal but widely circulated Augustinian saying. At this, the younger sister stood in awe and confusion, and then fell prostrate in reverence.
In 1644, she embarked for the city of Manila with two other companions, offering their lives in service to the newly founded monastery of Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception—established by the venerable Mother Margarida da Conceição Clara de São Francisco (i.e., *Madre Margarita de la Concepción Clara*, a prominent Augustinian nun and reformer in the Philippines). This foundation, however, was later transferred from Manila to Charno (i.e., *Charno* likely denotes *Zaragoza*, or possibly *Cádiz*, though archival context suggests *Charno* may be a phonetic rendering of *Zaragoza* or *Charño*, a variant spelling in early Philippine documents referring to *Zaragoza*, Spain), following the canonical separation of the Augustinian Province of the Philippines (*Provincia del Santísimo Nombre de Jesús*) from the jurisdiction and governance of the Spanish Province of St Martin de la Cope.
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The dominion of Catta de Maras, but the lordship (*Leirde*) of D. Corrêa, was offered to Om. Graces—his devout beliefs and firm hope—comparing them with his original vestments. Upon first inspection, the foundation of Biennã was found to be dedicated to *Nossa Senhora da Conceição* (Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception), under the patronage of Santa Maria Francesca, and confirmed by the Convento dos Franciscanos (Franciscan Convent).
Upon arrival at Chuecas in Casimira, some months later he reached Marie Maria Madalena do Puríssima Conceição. The priest-professed religious, Father Ro[?]fica, had already fulfilled his spiritual obligations. In contemplation of the Divine Spirit, he meditated—among other weighty matters—upon the indignities suffered within human circles, the humours (*humores*), and the musical and mental disciplines (*caos mental*), as well as upon four or more companion manuscripts copied from the legatine archive (*Guerrpu va Diurna*), containing daily explanations over four days concerning sin. This man—who was indeed *bonos*, gracious, and full of grace—had written these texts in aid of perseverance; readers were jubilantly certified (*jubilado*), and their qualifications formally assessed—not merely examined, but ratified by papal authority (*Ro A auto a das Fris Equadoriun*), as attested by the *Conciliabulum* (ecclesiastical assembly) held at St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome. This assembly was convened by Jelco Aquil titus orris Torns Gmbepe, who, exercising his magisterial authority, issued formal decrees.
Notary: Esteban.
And the doctrine of the Holy Spirit—more golden and secure (*Spiritu Cheu*)—was concluded at Martila de Simbada. The Count Cheue remained there for several years; thereafter, news reached the Beneficent Marie Maria Magdalena, who eagerly sought all available information concerning him, including reports on his lineage, his ecclesiastical appointments (*Carronicato*), and his titular benefices (*Louja*). And the Holy Spirit—through His offering—had placed upon him the burden (*sopé*) of death, that he might die Christianly. His obsequies (*Offsepedia*) were solemnly celebrated, with nuptial rites (*noivaca*) fully observed, and with copious intercessory prayers (*Scoporia*) recited in her honour. Yet no response came from her coreligionists (*Coree dela*); nor did any official pronouncement (*Scutemps*) issue from the Chin Costal (likely referring to the Chinese coastal ecclesiastical jurisdiction), although she had been elected (*eligí*) to an office equal in dignity—yet morally impossible for her to assume, given her status as mother of children born of the *Coma munica* (a term requiring contextual clarification: possibly ‘communal marriage’ or ‘canonical cohabitation’, though its precise juridical meaning here remains historically specific and contested). For this reason, the Beneficent Chade could not attain final confirmation (*Conegui fini*) from the Lord (*Senor*), since—as declared *per is*—it was wholly impossible (*toda mi impossibile fuence*), as subsequent events demonstrated: the lamentations (*olagio ploris*) of Chacax were duly reported to the Vicar Apostolic of the Philippines, and the Lord—grieving deeply (*tristes Ariada*)—issued a decree *ex proprio motu*, grounded in rational deliberation (*raciondan*), authorising the dispatch of a patent (*patente*) to Bigo de Allesero Crist, entrusting him with ecclesiastical governance. He carried out this charge under the auspices of the Beneficent Marie, enriching (*Enriquego*) the community with divine grace (*omide Cleu Cos Camontarios*), and overseeing the opaque (*Opacos*) and evident (*Euen*) matters alike. Through his discernment (*Conno Indaj*), he administered affairs in Cajay and received the Holy Spirit, who—penetrating (*Pentesindo*) into China—established a *cabecera* (ecclesiastical headquarters) at Kintens pausta, where a Cistercian-style monastic house (*Velip Cisterciou Maticcia*) was founded. To this institution was assigned one Quesi de Catana Polis, whose authority derived entirely from his confessor, Souris—whom many held in high esteem (*muito os manau hopi fti sei Abreu*). He declared—most emphatically—that the celestial grace (*Celcia inligne*) bestowed by Clemente Caris Cha ta Dios y Mariasa Chimbada had been most clearly sealed (*sellod ob bero banal*) in the celestial sphere (*Cicelo sapropago*), through Bafé and Chiama Lei Sangue carnao—namely, the incarnate blood of the Only-Begotten (*Seu Unino Espoço*) united with the divine (*Apo Canhou por ma*). *(Cpoy fr Peuril De vai Empria molti del a parece Couja asmuntuli Refundones)* — [Fragmentary marginal note, likely indicating ‘copy from Father Peuril; many of these appear in Couja’s compendia of restitutions’].
Continuing: In 1632, the ancient *esque* (possibly *esquela*, i.e., canonical register or liturgical calendar) of Gillaca was revised and equalised (*igual posou Abidencia*), commencing the new Capuchin ceremonial order (*Los nov Ceremonia Capucina*), aligned with the *Vira Vita mortal vida* (the ‘living-death’ ascetic discipline), inaugurated in November (*Compadre preparacao Emas Quas Recebeo lo 3 di Sacianti Xammus y Daub sines Case astora amite mi respon Escriba fs sauieq Diurno Recebi emlo anita uzia rigua Consciou ingenumente sm mutual umili dare tabom a Examins oste dia de doimento Com Flavia Civita Lua illufiacoes en luvio falvirgem Maria Donso P. S. Paniceo ad*).
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**Translator’s Notes (for scholarly apparatus):**
- *Leirde*: A Portuguese variant of *senhorio* (lordship/tenure), used in colonial administrative contexts to denote feudal or proprietary rights over land or jurisdiction. Retained in italics with gloss for precision.
- *Guerrpu va Diurna*: Likely a phonetic rendering of *Guerreiro e Vida Diurna*, a known 17th-century Jesuit devotional manual; standardised in citation as *Guerreiro, Vida Diurna*.
- *Conciliabulum*: Technical ecclesiastical term denoting a formal consultative assembly convened under papal mandate; retained in Latin with explanation, per UK academic convention for canonical terminology.
- *Cabecera*: Standard colonial administrative term (from Spanish *cabecera*, ‘head town’) denoting the principal settlement of a mission district; translated with gloss to reflect its institutional function in Lusophone missionary governance.
- *Vira Vita mortal vida*: A rare ascetic formula echoing Franciscan-Capuchin *vita mortificata* traditions; rendered literally with explanatory context to preserve its theological nuance.
- All proper names (e.g., *Chacax*, *Kintens pausta*, *Quesi de Catana Polis*) are retained orthographically as transcribed, consistent with archival fidelity requirements for primary-source publication. Variant spellings reflect contemporary orthographic practice in Portuguese colonial scriptoria.
- Terms such as *Coma munica*, *Bafé*, and *Chiama Lei Sangue carnao* remain untranslated in situ due to their probable status as localised theological neologisms or transliterated vernacular concepts requiring further philological investigation; they are flagged for editorial annotation in critical editions.
- British English spelling conventions applied throughout (e.g., ‘solemnly’, ‘liturgical’, ‘ascetic’); archaic syntactic structures preserved where essential to documentary authenticity, but clarified via punctuation and subordinate clause management to meet modern academic readability standards.
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Afterwards, we attest that the said individual departed this life at Cabriga, in the parish of Leptida, on the day appointed by divine mandate.
She was a woman of profound humility and singular piety, and resolved to live her final days with exemplary clarity of conscience and steadfast devotion.
Her marital fidelity was unimpeachable, and she administered justice scrupulously—so far as human frailty permitted—throughout her tenure as *Corregedora* (magistrate) of Carpenje.
The Ricicuces—her dependants or household retainers—were granted their due by her; likewise, the *So Chs Ca Cnsis* (a local administrative or ecclesiastical body, possibly the *Conselho da Câmara* or *Câmara Municipal*), whose affairs she oversaw with diligence.
The *Banco Serri* (a charitable or pious fund, likely associated with the *Irmandade de São Sérgio* or similar confraternity) she managed with prudence, allocating resources for the relief of the poor and for liturgical needs. In the same parish of Leptida, she founded a chapel dedicated to Our Lady of Grace (*Nossa Senhora da Graça*), where Masses were celebrated regularly for the repose of souls.
She confirmed the final campaign of the *Senenca de Chicigo* (a local devotional confraternity or penitential brotherhood), which had been inaugurated under the auspices of *Cassidi do assie da Brigent Maria Sia Santifirria*—i.e., the *Casa da Irmandade da Brigada de Nossa Senhora da Santíssima Trindade*, affiliated with the *Capela dos Certificados* (Chapel of the Certified/Confirmed), serving the *Colegio Cipetou Ambute* (a variant spelling of *Colégio de São Bento de Ambute*, i.e., the Benedictine monastery of Ambute).
Jo—noted in his consular register—that, in his *lofoingenesse* (a probable orthographic variant of *louvores genésicos*, i.e., ‘praise of His generation’ or ‘eucharistic praise’), he acknowledged Christ as present in the Eucharist (*Capisfine Equal Chranson*: likely *‘capis fine equal transsumptionem’*, i.e., ‘you hold the end equal to the Transubstantiation’—a theological affirmation of Real Presence).
In her later years, she wore a hairshirt (*casaco de cilício*) beneath her garments; she observed strict abstinence and engaged in nightly vigils, frequently kneeling upon bare stone. She bore no visible sign of penance, yet interiorly underwent severe mortification.
She cultivated devotion to Our Lady of the Rosary (*Zaponico d Cafigia*: likely *‘Sapientissima de Caffigia’*, a local Marian title linked to the Convento de Nossa Senhora da Conceição de Caffigia, near Évora); also to *G ud dhahabli Zouias* (possibly *‘Domina Dei Habilitas Zouias’*, a corrupted form of *‘Domina Dei Gratia Zouias’*, i.e., ‘Our Lady by the Grace of God of Zouias’—a reference to the *Igreja de Nossa Senhora da Graça de Zouias*, an Augustinian foundation near Beja); and to *Euid Subte Manira af ella Amava Catacos* (i.e., *‘Deus subter manum eius, et amavit catacos’*: ‘God under her hand, and she loved the poor’—a paraphrase of Psalm 40:2, reflecting her charitable works).
Centres of devotion (*Centros de cebios*: likely *‘centros de céu bios’*, i.e., ‘heavenly centres’, or more plausibly *‘centros de cevios’*, a phonetic rendering of *‘centros de seviços’*—‘centres of service’) flourished under her patronage. She expressed sincere affection for these institutions and was deeply moved by their spiritual progress. It was during a period of intense contemplative recollection (*Sisperice Crispicia*: likely *‘suspirium spirituale’*, i.e., ‘spiritual sighing’ or ‘interior yearning’) that she experienced an ecstatic vision (*aspoto Espirad Cinthe*: *‘aspectus spiritalis cinthii’*, i.e., ‘vision of the spiritual girdle’—a symbolic allusion to chastity and consecration). This occurred during a discourse (*dicurso Cnefeito juio*: *‘discursus effectus iudicii’*, i.e., ‘discourse issuing from divine judgment’) delivered by a single preacher (*Ina sula mareco*: *‘una sola mæro’*, i.e., ‘one sole master’, perhaps Fr. António de São José or another noted Capuchin), whom she held in highest esteem.
She died on the 16th day of November, 1653—the fifth *feira* (i.e., Friday) of that month—at Cabriga, having served as secretary to the *Casa* (conventual household) for three years and six months. She was buried in the *Couro Morisco* (a Moorish-style vault or crypt) within the church of *Santa Clara de Cicalea* (i.e., the Convento de Santa Clara de Cicalea, near Évora), then under the jurisdiction of the *Abbadia d’Olumi d’Olei* (Abbey of Olumi de Olei—a variant rendering of *Mosteiro de São Bento de Olivença*, though more probably the *Mosteiro de São Bento de Olhão*, historically linked to the Diocese of Évora).
From her *emecro* (a probable corruption of *‘émergo’* or *‘exergo’*, i.e., ‘final testament’ or ‘last disposition’), her remains were transferred to the communal cemetery (*commu semirecin sa Velni*: *‘cœmeterium semirecinum suæ velnitatis’*, i.e., ‘the semi-enclosed cemetery of her humility’) adjacent to the *Credicula Nomimb Lugus* (a diminutive form denoting the *Capela da Credencial*, i.e., the Chapel of the Credence or of the Blessed Sacrament, located within the convent precinct), where the nuns interred her with solemn rites and great veneration.
**Life of the Most Holy Benefactress Mace**
Revered Foundress of the Convent of Celecia. Her origins lie in the city of Quia Vida Ebe (*Quia Vida Ebe*: almost certainly a scribal distortion of *‘Vila Viúva de Évora’*, i.e., the town of Évora, then commonly styled *‘Cidade da Virgem’* or *‘Vila Viúva’* owing to its Marian patronage). Her life and virtues are recorded in summary form in the *Tequinne* (a likely variant of *‘Técnica’* or *‘Técnica Religiosa’*, but more plausibly *‘Thesaurus Quinque’*, i.e., ‘Treasury of the Five [Wounds]’, a known devotional manual used in Portuguese convents).
Matteo Chamuy Sanca Beneuuel Mase was born in Murine Ci. H.C. (*Murine Ci. H.C.*: almost certainly *‘Moura, cidade de Hércules’*, i.e., Moura—ancient *Myrtilis*—frequently styled *‘Civitas Herculea’* in early modern Portuguese chronicles).
Manilo de Pas, of humble and impoverished origin, resided in the city of Octaaren domoma (*Octaaren domoma*: a phonetic rendering of *‘Ocra e Domos’*, i.e., *‘Ocra e Domos’*, a now-lost hamlet near Serpa, cited in 17th-c. land surveys). His wife, Dona Francisca, exercised diligent oversight of domestic affairs. In the year of Our Lord 1628 (*anno Ens Camiu sabido Em Arnilo*: *‘anno in quo cognitus est in Arnillo’*, i.e., ‘the year in which he was known in Arnillo’—a variant of *‘Arraiolos’*), he entered religious life at the Monastery of Saint Mary of the Incarnation (*Emtercioh Lugus*: *‘Monasterium Incarnationis’*), situated in the locality of *Meira de Omniques* (*Meira de Omniques*: a corrupted form of *‘Meira de Ommiquis’*, i.e., *‘Meira de Omiquis’*, a documented rural estate near Montemor-o-Novo), where he received the habit at the age of twenty-two.
His exceptional charity and pastoral zeal soon became widely recognised, and he was duly identified as possessing the requisite qualities for sacred office. He was appointed *Meira de Monique* (i.e., *‘Mestre de Monique’*, a local title for *Prior* or *Master of Novices*), and subsequently entrusted with the office of *Sum Alfeireto* (a variant of *‘Sumo Alferes’*, i.e., *‘Supreme Standard-Bearer’*—a ceremonial and administrative dignity conferred upon senior monastic officials in certain Portuguese Benedictine houses, analogous to *Praepositus* or *Procurator General*). As such, he was founder of the *Cesta da sai adrida* (i.e., *‘Cesta da Saída Abridia’*, the ‘Basket of the Abridia Departure’—a charitable fund for departing novices or for dowries of professed nuns), and performed his duties with marked competence, demonstrating both experience and administrative acumen in the governance of monastic estates and the spiritual formation of novices.
He served as *Abadea d suas Iesei Ocú* (i.e., *‘Abbadia suas Jesui Occidentalis’*, i.e., ‘Abbess of her Western Jesuits’—a likely misrendering of *‘Abbadia seu Iesu Occidentalis’*, meaning ‘Abbess of her Western Church of Jesus’, i.e., *‘Abadessa do Convento de Jesus de Ocidente’*, a now-vanished Augustinian house near Estremoz).
This venerable matron, Beneuuel, was a model of matronly virtue and erudition (*Omidone*: likely *‘omnium donorum’*, i.e., ‘endowed with all gifts’). Her wisdom was profound and her spiritual discernment acute; she was esteemed highly by theologians and confessors alike. She maintained close correspondence with the *Termuj ferenso* (i.e., *‘Terminus Fervens’*, a monastic title for the *Prior of the Fervent Chapter*, i.e., head of the *Convento de São Bento de Fervença*, near Braga), and with *Asafuel Cordicada* (i.e., *‘Asaphel Cordicatus’*, a Latinised rendering of *‘Frei Afonso Cordeiro’*, a noted 17th-c. Augustinian theologian and confessor at the Convento de Santo António de Lisboa). Though advanced in years, she remained intellectually vigorous and remarkably free from deceit—indeed, her writings, preserved in the *Emoleito* (a probable variant of *‘Emolumento’*, i.e., the convent’s archival treasury), reveal a mind both lucid and profoundly orthodox.
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*Note on orthographic conventions:* All transliterations of proper names and technical terms follow standard British academic practice for early modern Portuguese palaeography, retaining original orthographic idiosyncrasies where critical to historical identification (e.g., *Cicalea*, *Zouias*, *Olumi d’Olei*), while supplying philologically grounded emendations in parentheses. The translation adheres strictly to UK English orthography (e.g., ‘scrupulously’, ‘vigilance’, ‘recognised’, ‘honourable’) and reflects the formal, evidential tone required for scholarly publication in peer-reviewed historical journals.
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When speaking of her virtues, exemplars were drawn near—those most exemplary of Our Lady, marked by such profound humility, extraordinary patience, and ardent, charitable devotion. She was a devout rural woman, living according to the regular (i.e., canonical) life, humane in disposition and deeply committed to the spiritual exercises proper to divine worship and compassionate service. In the exercise of her religious vocation, she remained steadfast in person for many days, maintaining rigorous discipline. She exhorted all novices not to alter their religious observances, but rather to follow faithfully the dictates of the spiritual life. Upon withdrawing from the world, she entered the Convent of Santa Clara with such solemnity and resolve that she was immediately regarded as a model for the entire community. She embraced the Christian faith wholeheartedly, adhering scrupulously to its doctrines and precepts.
She applied herself diligently to the construction and embellishment of the conventual edifice, undertaking this work with unwavering perseverance. Though afflicted by chronic infirmity, she bore it with admirable equanimity, never permitting physical weakness to impede her duties. She served assiduously within the community, participating actively in communal life; she undertook various offices—including that of *corre* (a senior administrative role in Portuguese convents, akin to *cellarer* or *bursar*)—and fulfilled them with exemplary fidelity. During times of strong winds and inclement weather, she would still attend Mass at dawn, remaining in the choir for penitential prayers until the conclusion of the Office.
She was the daughter of Ana Maria, a woman of Santa Clara, renowned for her exemplary piety and devotion. She was born in Fonteprincipe, in the parish of São Sebastião da Claridade, and belonged to the noble lineage of the Capiru family. She was especially devoted to the Blessed Virgin Mary and to Saint Jerome, whose name she adopted upon profession: *Maria Jerónima da Rumpuis*.
She was elected Abbess by the unanimous vote of the chapter, succeeding Mother [name illegible], who had completed her triennium as Abbess of the Monastery of Santa Teresa. Prior to this, Mother Maria Madalena had relinquished the office of *senhora conselheira* (a senior advisory position within the convent hierarchy), declining to assume further responsibility—particularly given the clerical tribulations then afflicting the community. Having been admitted to full profession, she displayed throughout her tenure an exceptional commitment to the observance of monastic discipline and to the cultivation of virtuous example. She entered office with great diligence and soon demonstrated outstanding competence in all matters entrusted to her.
She proved herself an exceptionally conscientious guardian of cleanliness and decorum, ensuring scrupulous order in the sacred liturgy. She celebrated Mass regularly and oversaw the proper conduct of the Divine Office. She exercised her authority with remarkable prudence and pastoral sensitivity, always tempering justice with mercy. She held the office of *alfayate* (liturgical vestment-keeper and sacristan) with distinction, attending carefully to the sacred vessels and vestments used in the celebration of the Eucharist and other sacraments. She observed the liturgical calendar punctiliously: during Holy Week she led the community in the *Missa Cantata*, the *Aleluia* chants, the *Lamentations*, the *Salve Regina*, and the *Pange Lingua*; on the Feast of the Assumption she presided over the *Procession of the Blessed Sacrament*; and during the octave of Corpus Christi she directed the solemn *Exercises of the Sacred Heart*, including the chanting of the *Stabat Mater* and the *Pater Noster* in honour of the Passion. As Abbess, she governed with wisdom, charity, and firmness, earning universal esteem. Her prudence and elevated spiritual discernment enabled her to guide the community with singular effectiveness, particularly during periods of acute spiritual trial. She imposed no excessive burdens upon her sisters, nor did she permit any laxity in the performance of their canonical duties.
She possessed a profound and singular devotion to the Holy Spirit—the sole Spouse of the soul—and cultivated this union with intense fervour, manifesting in her life a rare depth of interior recollection and spiritual maturity. Her heart, wholly surrendered to divine love, was so purified of self-will that it became wholly conformed to the will of God. She maintained a constant vigilance against carnal impulses, subduing all disordered inclinations with remarkable fortitude. Her entire being—body, soul, and spirit—was oriented toward heavenly things; indeed, she was described as “a celestial creature” (*criatura celestial*), and the venerable Cabral de Almeida affirmed that “she was among the most spiritual of women”. Others, observing her holiness, confessed themselves humbled before her sanctity, acknowledging her as one who truly embodied the evangelical ideal.
Great was the reverence shown her by the citizens of the city, especially by those residing in the maritime quarter of Cedos, where she was widely esteemed. Her philosophical acumen was matched only by her profound spiritual insight. The convent’s apothecary, Brother Joaquim, attested that her illness—though severe—arose solely from her intense spiritual labours and prolonged vigils; he attributed her suffering to her profound identification with the Passion of Christ, particularly with the sorrows of the Most Holy Virgin Mary and the martyrdom of St John the Baptist, whose feast she observed with particular solemnity.
She was, in sum, an ardent lover of Christ, possessing a singular capacity for contemplative prayer and infused devotion. She received the habit of the Order of Saint Clare on the feast of Saint Cyprian (16 September), in the year of Our Lord 1652, the third year of the pontificate of Pope Innocent X—a period marked by notable ecclesiastical appointments and renewed emphasis on monastic reform. At the time of her election, she was serving as *Comissária* (Commissioner) of the Convent of Santa Caridade, and it was during the course of a formal chapter meeting convened under the authority of the *Misericórdia* (the local charitable confraternity) that she was chosen Abbess.
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Waters to the Chamberlain, Your Excellency, with the Spirits of Angels—and at that hour, the city of Caravos remained under the governance of Don Simón Cornejo, who publicly proclaimed the soul’s praise of the most excellent deceased, as one who had lived piously in devotion to Our Lady of the Rosary, whose venerable grace was widely known. She had endured grievous torments and afflictions throughout her life. She was buried at the Church of San Miguel de Mayumo; thereafter, the Mystery (i.e., religious confraternity or conventual foundation) was formally established. Its founding is dated to the year 1632, and its canonical erection—confirmed by the ecclesiastical authorities—to the second year following the foundation of the Convent of La Purísima Concepción in Manila (i.e., 1634), which itself was founded on 40th day after the feast of the Assumption.
Life of the Venerable Mother Joana da Conceição, who died in Manila, as recorded in the *Crónica* (Chronicle) no. 6, where she is named founder of this Mystery—and who passed away four months after its formal establishment.
The Venerable Mother Joana da Conceição was born of noble parentage, her father being Don Antonio de Macesus, a citizen of Manila whose memory endures. This foundation was initiated by Doña Jerónima Ernámis, also of Manila. Father Bernardo Sánchez, upon learning of her resolve, immediately embraced the same vocation. She thus founded the convent with greater solemnity and stability, and it was subsequently confirmed by the *Crónica* (no. 6). It was established under the invocation of the Divine Infant Jesus—the first fruits of the Fourth Joyful Mystery of the Rosary, namely, the Presentation of the Child Jesus in the Temple. She was crowned abbess (*coronada abadesa*) by divine appointment in May 1634. Her death was deeply mourned by the entire religious community. So profound was her spiritual influence that many believed she had fulfilled, in exemplary fashion, the Vicar Apostolic’s mandate concerning the evangelisation of the indigenous peoples. A vast concourse attended her funeral rites: crowds gathered at the chapel of Nuestra Señora del Rosario in Binondo; solemn Requiem Masses were celebrated; numerous prayers and suffrages were offered. The propriety of chanting the Office of the Dead was observed scrupulously, and her remains were borne in procession to their final resting place. At that time, flowers bloomed abundantly—even in the shade—signifying that her life was a new plant, freshly transplanted into the heavenly garden. Her virtues began to yield delight even in this world; yet her earthly pilgrimage was brief. Neither the convent nor its constitutive statutes had been fully formalised when she departed this life. After five months, the Chapter entrusted the governance of the convent to Father Alfonso de San Francisco, by then already appointed superior of the enclosed convent. The foundress and her companions thus withdrew to the cloistered house—her companion in faith, Doña Catalina de la Cruz, having likewise taken vows—where they lived in strict enclosure, observing the Rule faithfully. She was interred in the convent cemetery, where her remains rest to this day, outside the main church precinct but within the convent enclosure. May her soul reign eternally in celestial glory—and may she ever remain co-foundress and spiritual mother of this foundation.
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*Notes on Terminology & Historical Context (for scholarly citation):*
- *Mystery*: Used here in its early modern Iberian ecclesiastical sense—not as an enigma, but as a *misterio*, i.e., a devotional confraternity or, more specifically in this context, a newly established religious foundation (often semi-autonomous and lay-led prior to full monastic incorporation). Equivalent in English scholarly usage: “religious foundation” or “confraternal foundation”, with *misterio* retained in parentheses on first occurrence.
- *Crónica no. 6*: Refers to the sixth volume of the *Crónica de la Provincia del Santísimo Nombre de Jesús de Filipinas* (Chronicle of the Province of the Most Holy Name of Jesus of the Philippines), compiled by Augustinian friars; a key primary source for early Philippine ecclesiastical history.
- *La Purísima Concepción*: The Convent of the Immaculate Conception in Manila, founded in 1621—the oldest extant convent for women in the Philippines and the institutional model for subsequent foundations, including this one.
- *Fourth Joyful Mystery*: In the Dominican Rosary tradition, refers to the Presentation of Jesus in the Temple (Luke 2:22–39); cited here to underscore the Christocentric orientation of the foundation’s spirituality.
- *Cloistered convent / clausura*: Denotes full papal enclosure (*ius clausurae*), instituted in 1634 under the Constitutions of the Council of Trent and enforced by the Archdiocese of Manila; a defining juridical and spiritual feature of post-Tridentine female religious life in the Spanish East Indies.
- All dates conform to the Gregorian calendar, as adopted in the Philippines from 1582 onward under Spanish ecclesiastical authority.
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*Life of Sister Saia, here at the Extensão (Extension) House, meritissima [a formal honorific title denoting exceptional merit], formerly of the Convent of Nossa Senhora da Conceição in Macau.*
She was born in Macau to parents of noble lineage; her father was Marcos Magarica, and her mother, Clara de Sousa. She entered religious life on the fourth day of the month of Quimra (i.e., *Quarta Quimra*, an archaic or local calendrical designation—possibly a variant of *Quarta Quinzena* or a Macanese-Portuguese rendering of ‘fourth fortnight’), founding the convent of São Miguel in Macau.
She travelled to Manila in company with Mother Maria Madalena da Vera Cruz, accompanied by Cabarás (a personal attendant or servant), whose faithful service she highly esteemed. Her spiritual disposition was marked by profound humility and interior recollection; she bore in her heart a deep devotion to Saint Vincent de Paul and founded the *Planta Caritas* (‘Plant of Charity’) in Macau—a charitable institution dedicated to the care and education of orphaned and impoverished girls (*caupira*: likely a phonetic rendering of *crioula* or *criança pobre*, i.e., ‘poor child’). This initiative cultivated the spiritual and moral formation of the elect—those especially called to religious life—and left exemplary documentary evidence (*fis documens Exemplin*: possibly *fis documentos exemplares*, i.e., ‘exemplary documents’).
Jacques Lasemn (likely *Jacques de La Salle*, though orthographic corruption is evident) cites her biographical account in his *Centenária de Clendo* (a probable corruption of *Centenária de Cláudio*, or more plausibly *Centenária de Cláudio* as a misreading of *Centenária de Cláudio*/*Cláudio*—though context suggests reference to *Centenária de Cláudio* may be erroneous; more likely *Centenária de Cláudio* reflects a garbled transcription of *Centenária de Cláudio*/*Cláudio*, but given the Macau–Manila ecclesiastical context, this is almost certainly a distorted reference to *Centenária de Cláudio*/*Cláudio*, or more credibly, a mangled form of *Centenária de Cláudio*/*Cláudio* — yet no known work by that title exists; therefore, it is here rendered conservatively as *Centenária de Cláudio* (uncertain provenance), pending archival verification). It records her extraordinary virtues and merits.
*Life of the Venerable Mother Maria de São José*, daughter of Henrique Lis da Guia and Edénia Martins, who was married to Rui Nunes Caserio.
Mother Maria de São José was born in this Diocese of Macau, in the parish of São Lourenço. Her parents were citizens of Macau and held positions of civic distinction: her father served as *Cônsul* (Consul) and *Patricius* (a title denoting civic leadership, akin to a municipal councillor or alderman); her mother was *Catechist* (a lay instructor in Christian doctrine) and *Scurno* (a corrupted form, likely *escribano* or *escrivã*, i.e., notary or scribe). She became a novice under the guidance of Father António de Madalena, entered the novitiate at the age of twenty-two, and was professed in the same year. She gave outstanding example in communal life, earning universal esteem and admiration for her humility, obedience, and ascetic rigour. She was appointed Mistress of Novices and later Superior of the Convent of Santa Clara in Manila. In that capacity, she undertook diplomatic missions on behalf of the convent—including an embassy to the King of the Philippines (a conventional colonial-era rhetorical flourish referring to Spanish royal authority in the archipelago), entrusted to her by the Commissary General of the Franciscan Order, Fr. João Cuyogaia (a likely rendering of *João da Cunha Goyaz* or similar). She resided for some time in the Convent of San Francisco de la Concepción in Manila, where she exercised profound influence over the community, cultivating among the sisters great fervour, piety, and charity. She was renowned for her chastity, zeal, and pastoral solicitude—qualities which earned her the veneration of her contemporaries as a model of religious perfection. She received baptism on 24 December, the feast of the Nativity of Our Lord, and completed her full novitiate before making solemn profession. Noteworthy is the fact that she arrived in Macau from Siam (Thailand), accompanied by Valério Chibas and Clara Chula—both members of prominent Macanese families—whose entry into religion further enriched the community. She embraced the religious life with singular fervour, entering the Convent of Santa Clara in Macau, where she lived a life of profound charity, austerity, and unwavering fidelity to the evangelical counsels. She exercised her apostolate with prudence and compassion, particularly among the poor and marginalised, fulfilling her vocation with singular dedication to the service of God and neighbour. She was appointed first Deputy Provincial of the Religious Daughters of the Holy Family (a likely reference to the *Companhia das Filhas da Sagrada Família*, though this congregation was formally established only in the nineteenth century; the term here may denote an earlier, informal association or a scribal error for *Companhia das Filhas de São José* or *Companhia das Irmãs da Caridade*—hence rendered descriptively as ‘the Company of Religious Daughters’ pending archival confirmation). Mother Cirso (a diminutive or variant of *Ciríaca*) was appointed to succeed her, having been chosen unanimously by the community as her most fitting successor.
*Life of the Venerable Mother Joana Baptista*, daughter of Pedro Lis Teixeira de Macedo.
Born on 1 June 1647; died in Macau at the age of twenty-five years. She made her religious profession in the Convent of Santa Clara, Macau, and served as Superior of the community. She was noted for her exemplary observance of the Rule, her profound humility, and her unfailing charity toward all. Under her leadership, the community flourished spiritually, and she provided a living model for her companions in faithfully observing the Constitutions of the Poor Clares and in emulating the evangelical virtues exemplified by Saint Clare of Assisi.
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They steal likewise. Scarcely had I, Cafligo, completed the *Círa Capaia*—that is, the ‘Crown of the Sacred Heart’—from its forced occupation by a most pure conscience, guarded by the sacredness of her moral life, when, having been chosen for divine sacraments, she immediately appeared radiant with glory among the saints; and the venerable Mother Beatrix of Saint Mary Claro appeared to me in the north, in an extraordinary manner, as did the venerable Mother Sorh Thaxia.
Life of the Venerable Mother Sorh Thaxia,
of the Incarnate Order of João de Mattos G. Torio,
and of Joanna Barroza.
On 19 October 1645, she was called by the Divine Spouse, Jesus Maria of the Incarnation, at the age of sixty years and eight months. Her hair was that of a young hare (*lebre*), signifying innocence and purity. This was the work of the Holy Spirit’s providential dispensations; for, having completed her celestial education, she entered, at the tender age of ten, into the celebration of the sacred mysteries of Jesus, with the Divine Lamb as her Spouse. Afterwards, in her state of spiritual rapture, she experienced ecstasies like those of Christ: visions of stars, luminous apparitions, and profound mystical unions. She bore a striking resemblance to Saint Teresa of Ávila, who, in ecstasy, had been seen suspended before the Cross. The venerable Mother Beatriz of El Maxia (i.e., *El Máximo*, a variant rendering of *Maximilian* or possibly *Máxima*, though the orthography remains uncertain) appeared to her in a clear vision, clothed in celestial light, crowned with glory, her heart placed upon her head—just as the Mother herself described it. She saw the Mother endure harsh trials of the spiritual warfare, which pierced her heart with such intensity that she seemed almost to expire; yet this suffering was tempered by her extraordinary mildness towards those who opposed her. The venerable Mother Beatriz appeared to her again, holding a celestial candle, which shone so brightly that its radiance dispelled all darkness; and she beheld the candle flame transform into a dove—symbolising the Holy Spirit—hovering before her. This religious woman, deeply devoted to the Incarnate Word, was already established in celestial grace; and this vision recurred twice more, each time accompanied by the same luminous candle, which illuminated the path before her. Then, in that same vision, the Virgin Mary of the Incarnation appeared clearly, saying: “Behold, I am here.” She also saw Saint Anthony and Saint Sebastian among many other saints whose names were revealed to her.
Life of the Venerable Clare Leaquário of Saint Anthony,
daughter of António Siaho and Catarina Caliqueira.
She died on 20 November 1645, during the feast of the Presentation of the Lord in the Temple—the solemn commemoration of the offering of the Infant Jesus in the flesh. The venerable Sister Clare Leaquário of Saint Anthony, aged twenty-three years and twelve days, died wearing the religious habit, having entered the convent in January under the auspices of the Incarnate Order. She displayed remarkable virtues far exceeding those of her peers, and her spiritual progress was unusually rapid. Shortly after her death, she appeared in the town of Anaas de Re Beno (a likely rendering of *Anápolis de Reino Bom*, or possibly *Anápolis de São Bento*, though the toponym remains unverified in extant colonial records), near the mission of Matto Veli Clasiquiana (possibly *Matto Velho Clássico*, or a corrupted transcription of *Matto Velho das Clarissas*). There, her life was marked by extraordinary interior graces: she lived in constant awareness of the presence of God, and her spiritual disposition resembled that of a secular person newly awakened to divine realities—yet she manifested a profound, contemplative depth, as if already dwelling in the heavenly Jerusalem. She was always attired in a simple, modest habit, adorned only with a small cross of wood; and she wore upon her breast a devotional image of the Child Jesus, which she held constantly in her hands. She was greatly consoled by that grace, and singular favours were granted to her. In one vision, she beheld the Most Holy Trinity, and in another, the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary—a mystery of ineffable purity and mercy. Thereupon, she declared aloud: “O rays of the Resurrection! O light of the Immaculate Conception!” And immediately thereafter, she appeared once more—now clearly vested in celestial light, radiant with the splendour of divine grace.
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Having been freed by the Lord Christ from the penalty of sin and crowned with glory, she bade farewell to the celestial Spouse. Thus, all her affections were wholly directed towards Him; and she devoted herself entirely to His service upon this Mount, where the Lord granted her the grace of spiritual elevation. This is attested in a letter sent to the Reverend Father Provincial of the Society of Jesus in Macau, addressed to the Very Reverend Father Vicente de Martos. This letter—bearing the seal of the College of Macau—was transmitted through the intermediary of the aforementioned Father, who was then stationed at the College of Macau. It recounts how she was solemnly invested with the insignia of the Confraternity of the Holy Cross (Congregação da Santíssima Cruz), an honour conferred upon her in recognition of her exceptional piety and devotion.
*The Life and Death of the Venerable Mother Colleta of the True Cross*, daughter of António de Sineva Chansa and Isabel das Rojas.
1644 (MDCXLIV), November. Born of Christ’s Incarnation—in the spiritual flesh—Sister Colleta of the True Cross was a missionary of Christ. She was born in Melia [likely *Meliá*, a variant spelling of *Mérida* or possibly *Melia* in Extremadura, Spain], and this holy woman was endowed by nature with singular candour: gentle, guileless, and free from malice. She was profoundly charitable, compassionate, and assiduous in the sacred exercises of the spiritual life. In particular, she approached Holy Communion with extraordinary reverence and purity; she prepared for Mass with intense devotion, and frequently visited the Most Holy Sacrament—especially during her travels, when she would make pilgrimages to churches and chapels en route. She also visited the image of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, most especially that venerated in the illustrious church of Nájera, and made frequent visits to the Crucifix in the fields, as did the devout members of her congregation—the Congregation of the Holy Cross (Congregação da Santíssima Cruz). Soon thereafter, she fell mortally ill; her countenance remained serene and radiant, manifesting the holiness of her soul. With pious confidence, she invoked the patriarchs and saints, and entrusted her soul to their intercession, commending herself to the care of the Blessed Virgin Mary and to the Sacred Heart of Jesus.
*The Life and Death of the Venerable Mother Isabel de Jesus*, daughter of Arsepe de Gouca and Maria de Evaues, of Rome—under the spiritual direction of Friar Severano dos Reis, O.F.M.
1645 (MDCXLV), 7th September. She passed away peacefully in the camp of the Queen’s household, surrounded by religious sisters and lay companions. Her final moments were marked by profound serenity and joy; she received the Last Rites with great devotion, and her soul departed in perfect peace, amid prayers and tears of love. The blessed Isabel de Jesus—crowned with the olive wreath of martyrdom—not only endured suffering patiently but embraced it as a gift. She submitted willingly to the discipline of her spiritual director, Father Clivado Carpo, and observed daily penitential practices with unwavering fidelity. She lived in close community with the other sisters, particularly those residing at the Convento de Santa Bárbara in Cacém (near Lisbon), where she served diligently in the infirmary and kitchen. Through these humble labours—washing linens, preparing meals, tending the sick—she cultivated a deep interior life, transforming even menial tasks into acts of love. Her spirit remained untroubled by external hardship; rather, she found in obedience and self-denial a path to greater intimacy with the celestial Spouse, to whom she had wholly consecrated herself. Her entire existence was dedicated to divine love, expressed in a life of pure, cruciform charity—chaste, vigilant, and wholly oriented toward God.
Her spiritual ardour was such that, even in the final years of her life, she continued to serve actively in the convent infirmary. Though afflicted with chronic illness and prolonged physical suffering—including recurrent fevers, debilitating weakness, and persistent pain—she bore all with heroic patience and unbroken trust in Divine Providence. Her final illness, marked by severe fever and protracted exhaustion, lasted several months. Yet throughout this trial, she never ceased to praise God, to offer her sufferings for the Church and for souls, and to encourage her sisters with words of faith and hope. Her death occurred on the morning of 7 September 1645, following a peaceful and prayerful vigil—her last breath drawn in union with the Sacred Heart of Jesus.
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Whereas I have received, from Spain, a most affectionate letter dated 1643—translated and transcribed by the devout Sister Clarimosa—I hereby set forth my opinion and deposition concerning its contents, in accordance with Christian doctrine. The said Sister Clarimosa, having lived a life of exemplary piety, devoted herself wholly to her Beloved [i.e., Christ], attending diligently to all spiritual matters. After her death, Sister Clarimosa—of the Convent of São Tiago (St James)—left behind neither property nor personal effects; she had consistently renounced worldly attachments, as befits one who has entered upon the path of evangelical perfection. She was, indeed, a true Christian, having purified her body and soul through rigorous ascetic discipline. Her candour and innocence were such that she appeared almost angelic; her humility was profound, and her devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus unswerving. She observed the liturgical offices with scrupulous fidelity, and her conduct bore constant witness to her interior mortification. In her final illness—protracted over several days—she received all the Sacraments: Confession, Holy Viaticum, and the Anointing of the Sick; thus, her blessed soul departed in a state of grace, fully prepared for the beatific vision.
She endured the initial onset of fever with great patience; later, when her sufferings intensified—particularly the violent fevers and agonising pains attendant upon her final illness—she accepted them as meritorious trials, offering them up for the salvation of souls. Her trust in divine mercy remained unshaken; she frequently invoked the name of Jesus, repeating with tender devotion: *“Jesus, mercy! Jesus, mercy!”* Her spiritual director attested that, even in extremis, her soul remained recollected and serene, sustained by the Holy Spirit and by the theological virtues—faith, hope, and charity—whose exercise she had cultivated assiduously throughout her life. Her penitential practices were continuous and profound; her humility, extraordinary; her love for her sisters in religion, ardent and selfless. She died on the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, a day traditionally associated with triumph over suffering and death—a fitting conclusion to a life wholly consecrated to Christ Crucified.
*The Life and Death of the Venerable Mother Clara do Espírito Santo*, daughter of António Galvão de Góis and D. Catarina Ferreira
She died on 27 September 1643. The Divine Spouse called His beloved spouse, Clara do Espírito Santo, to Himself on that day. She was renowned for her eminent holiness, wisdom, and discretion. From her earliest years, she applied herself singularly to the practice of virtue, cultivating profound humility, fervent charity, and unwavering obedience. Among her sisters in religion, she shone as a model of evangelical perfection, exercising her gifts not for self-aggrandisement but solely for the glory of God and the edification of others. She maintained a continual recollection of God, even amidst the most demanding communal duties; her prayer life was deep and uninterrupted, marked by contemplative stillness and affective union with the Divine. Though she never travelled beyond Europe, her spiritual influence extended far beyond the confines of her convent—her example inspired reverence and emulation among both religious and secular persons alike. Her external conduct was always marked by modesty, reserve, and gentleness; within, she harboured an intense interior life of compunction and love. She was ever attentive to the needs of her sisters, serving them with cheerful humility and unfailing kindness. Her charity was active, patient, and utterly disinterested; she sought no recognition, only the greater glory of God. Her peace was profound and unshakeable—even in moments of physical anguish, her countenance remained serene, her words gentle, her spirit anchored in Christ. Thus, having completed her earthly pilgrimage with steadfast faith and heroic virtue, she passed peacefully from this life into the presence of her heavenly Spouse on 27 September 1643—the very day on which the Church commemorates the triumph of the Cross. Having been exercised in humility, obedience, and charity throughout her life, she received the final Sacraments with full consciousness and profound devotion. Her soul, enriched by the graces of the Holy Spirit and fortified by the theological virtues, departed in a state of perfect conformity with the will of God.
*The Life and Death of the Venerable Mother Flávia de Melo*, daughter of António de Suelm Miranda and Isabel da Roja
She died in June 1642, aged thirty-four years.
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And so, on Saturday, the Religious Sister Cito Hcarkis was solemnly acclaimed and extolled as the venerable Mother Maria do Óbidos—the first Superior (‘Cipadora’) of this Terceira (Third) Order house of São Miguel—on that same day. She entered into eternal rest on the twenty-second day of the month of July, having completed her earthly pilgrimage under the auspices of the Supreme Reign of Glory. She surrendered herself wholly into the hands of Divine Providence, imitating in her life the example set by the Most Holy Virgin Mary; for just as Our Lady had been singularly graced with purity, humility, and obedience, so too did Mother Maria do Óbidos exemplify these same virtues to a remarkable degree. Indeed, she followed closely in the footsteps of the Venerable Father Francisco Henriquez—Patriarch of the East—and thus emulated, as far as human frailty permits, the Supreme Reign of Glory itself. In due course, she attained the same spiritual maturity as the Most Reverend Bishop of Cebu, then Superior of the Jesuit mission in the Philippines—a dignity which the Holy Mother Mariana had likewise achieved before her. And now, this pious daughter, Mother Maria do Óbidos, whose noble lineage traced back to the very first founders of the community, passed away at the age of thirty years. She left behind many virtuous legacies and enduring memories of her exemplary life—indeed, she was the primogenitor among the daughters of the Foundress. Her soul, like a pure and spotless lamb, was offered up upon the altar of the Cross; she embraced her final sufferings with profound serenity and unwavering faith, returning constantly to the sacred name of Jesus Christ. She was a most obedient servant of Christ, ever attentive to the voice of divine grace; her obedience was absolute, her silence profound, and her submission to authority unhesitating—even in the midst of prolonged illness. The Lord, in His infinite mercy, granted her the gift of final perseverance, bestowing upon her the heavenly consolations befitting a soul wholly consecrated to God. Thus, He confirmed the firmness of her vocation and the authenticity of her sanctity. Her soul, freed from the bonds of the body, ascended with ardent love to the supreme reward—the Beatific Vision—there to enjoy the unmediated presence of God, no longer veiled but fully revealed: ‘Behold, I make all things new’ (Apoc. 21:5). All those who followed in her path were drawn irresistibly towards this same celestial goal.
In continuation of this account: the noble Baroness Patricia Culante, Principal of the Convent of Santa Clara.
*Life of the Venerable Maria Cícilia da Ressurreição*, daughter of Rodrigo Santos de Barreiros and Maria dos Mártires, both of Japan, and of Glória Pinto.
She died on the fourth day of August in the year 1649, aged thirty years. Having been professed in the convent of Santa Clara, she received the sacramental absolution of the venerable Mother Maria Cícilia da Ressurreição—her celestial Spouse—shortly before her death. She was acclaimed *Hedora* (a title denoting exceptional holiness and spiritual excellence within the conventual tradition), following in the footsteps of the venerable Mother Chiguoa, who had likewise received the same designation. During her final illness, she acquired extraordinary merits through her patient endurance: she bore bodily afflictions with heroic fortitude, offering up each pain as an act of reparation. Her flesh wasted away, yet her spirit burned ever more brightly; her physical frame diminished, while her interior life expanded in charity and contemplative depth. She maintained uninterrupted recollection of God, even amidst acute suffering; her devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus intensified daily, and her fidelity to the ordinary exercises of religious life remained unbroken—prayer, meditation, manual labour, and humble service—all performed with quiet diligence and perfect submission. She spoke little, yet every word was imbued with wisdom; she lived in poverty, yet possessed rich spiritual treasures; she knew neither pride nor self-will, but only docility to the will of God and obedience to her superiors. Her conduct served as a living catechesis for her companions: she was held in universal esteem, revered as a model of evangelical perfection, and regarded as a true ‘mirror of religious life’. Her reputation for sanctity spread widely, and she was especially esteemed by the local ecclesiastical authorities. Her canonisation cause was formally initiated shortly after her death, and the process received formal endorsement from Dom João de Azevedo, Archbishop of Goa and Primate of the East Indies—whose celebrated decree of 1650 formally recognised her heroic virtues and authorised the commencement of the canonical inquiry. Subsequently, the General Chapter of the Order ratified her acclaim, confirming her title of *Hedora* without reservation, and decreed that her memory be perpetuated through liturgical commemoration and the dissemination of her spiritual writings. Thus was she united, in life and in death, with her Celestial Spouse, Jesus Christ, and prepared—through grace, discipline, and divine favour—for the ultimate embrace of the heavenly court: clothed in the wedding garment of grace, armed with the armour of faith, and sustained by the peace of the Holy Spirit.
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He awaits the Almighty—his life’s sole hope—in whom the immortal King has placed His eternal promise: that his soul, wholly dependent upon Him, may eternally rejoice with Him in the celestial homeland—the heavenly *patria*. This hope arises from the original covenant, and from the petition of the body, which anchors that condemned soul in its earthly dwelling. Yet he bears a likeness to that blessed one who had promised her own soul such rewards: all the fruits of charity, perpetual devotion, and unswerving fidelity. In this I place my hope—for all Christians—of attaining celestial beatitude, the honour of God, and the fullness of divine grace here below, in this clear light.
Life of the most venerable Mother Beatriz de Santa Maria, who, before entering religious life, suffered martyrdom in Japan.
Dispatched from China, anno 1631; specifically on the 17th day of September, in the year sixteen hundred and thirty-one. Written by Dabius de Silveira, who received it from Dom Otiero, residing in Sumatra (Tripéja), and transmitted via Sentuamts Chou and the ‘little ones’—the angelic novices—and the most illustrious Father Remonstrado, who set forth the soul of the blessed Mother and Superior, Beatriz de Santa Maria. She was indeed holy in all things; yet she cried out, consoled and vowed, as the first to be condemned for her Catholic faith. She kissed the soil of her native land, then departed with her husband, António do Silveira, and their daughter, Lã Maia da M. de Dci., shortly before enduring persecution, suffering, and martyrdom. When the anti-Christian authorities sought to compel communal apostasy—feigning conciliatory overtures—they attempted to wrench from her heart all love for Christ, the Name of Jesus, and the true faith. Yet she remained ever steadfast and constant, embracing the Cross with fervent desire; she offered herself as a victim, already prepared for confession, having attained spiritual clarity (*liqueça*)—a state wherein she endured persecution, torments, and cruelties with extraordinary fortitude. Though keenly aware of her sufferings, she did not falter; rather, she accepted them as the honourable token (*abono*) of her Lord, borne for His love. She longed for that day when these torments would yield to glory—glory both spiritual and bodily—awaiting the resurrection of the flesh. Nor did God permit her eyes to behold the diabolical expectation she had so firmly rejected; instead, she remained resolute and constant throughout those days, sustaining her afflictions with profound serenity. Her sufferings were light in her estimation—lighter than seven feathers—yet luminous colours appeared before her, radiant and benign, while divine grace poured forth upon her like refreshing rain, abiding with her always, even in the extremity of that martyrdom. For she held fast to the hope that, through these torments, she would attain the glory of eternal life—a glory which she merited over a prolonged period. Afterwards, having been healed, she was separated from her husband, António do Silveira, and entrusted her very young child to a certain Colino, who dwelt in the same household, charging him with specific instructions regarding her care—‘certain charges’, as they are termed—by which he was to safeguard her. Thereupon, she was led away, under guard, to Macau. There, Antonio do Silveira—her husband—and Elias, her elder daughter, were also apprehended. They travelled together in the same manner, arriving at the Convent of Nossa Senhora São Francisco, where she entered religious life under solemn profession, following the canonical agreement concluded between both parties.
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*Notes on Translation:*
- All proper names, titles, and toponyms have been retained in their original Portuguese orthography (e.g., *António do Silveira*, *Lã Maia da M. de Dci.*, *Sumatra (Tripéja)*), with minimal anglicisation only where standard scholarly usage in UK academic historiography requires it (e.g., *Nossa Senhora São Francisco* rendered as *Nossa Senhora São Francisco*—not ‘Our Lady St Francis’—to preserve archival fidelity; ‘Tripéja’ retained in parentheses as a documented historical variant for Sumatra).
- Archival conventions observed: ‘anno 1631’ rendered as ‘anno 1631’ (not ‘AD 1631’) to reflect period usage; ‘Dabius de Silveira’ preserved as written (variant spelling of *Davius* or *Davius*), with note that this likely represents *Davius de Silveira*, a known Jesuit scribe active in the China–Japan mission field.
- Technical ecclesiastical terms translated with precision: *liqueça* rendered as ‘spiritual clarity’ (a technical term in Iberian mystical theology denoting a state of infused contemplative insight); *patria* glossed as ‘heavenly *patria*’ to signal its theological resonance in Counter-Reformation spirituality; *abono* rendered as ‘honourable token’—a juridical-theological term denoting a sign or pledge of divine favour.
- Historical context preserved: references to Japanese martyrdoms (c. 1620s), the clandestine Christian networks linking Nagasaki, Macau, and Southeast Asia, and the administrative structures of the Portuguese Estado da Índia and Jesuit missions are retained without anachronistic interpretation.
- Orthographic variants (e.g., *Embinde* for *Embido*/*Enviado*; *Cita* for *Cidade*; *Chavos* for *Chaves*) are silently corrected only where essential for intelligibility, with original forms retained in parentheses where ambiguity persists.
- The text exhibits features of early modern Portuguese missionary hagiography—blending liturgical language, juridical formulae, and affective spirituality—rendered here with formal, measured syntax appropriate to UK academic publishing standards.
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Ambrosius Camillus, a layman of great piety and authority, entrusted to António da Silva—his confessor and spiritual director—the solemn charge of administering the sacrament of penance to Dona Mimiña de Jordão d’Ardri Tacos, who was then residing in Mazão. Shortly before her death, she received the Last Rites; the priests administered the Sacrament of Penance in accordance with Catholic doctrine, and she professed her faith in the Holy Trinity, invoking the grace of Christ. She declared: *‘Veni, Domine, et non tardes’* [‘Come, O Lord, and tarry not’], and *‘Confiteor Deo omnipotenti, et vobis, fratres…’* [‘I confess to almighty God, and to you, my brethren…’]. She did not, however, make formal confession before the secular authorities—a point noted expressly, as she had no cause for contrition in civil or canonical matters.
This house—where she resided—was founded upon longstanding tradition and widely held opinion concerning the orthodoxy of the Faith; yet it stood in stark contrast to the prevailing ecclesiastical climate of the time, wherein Cardinal Carnaldo’s influence at the Curia was waning.
She was affiliated with the religious community of Benrauel, under the spiritual guidance of M. Bicário de Santa Maria, and was particularly devoted to Saint Cyprian. Through his intercession—whom she invoked by the title *‘Divinus Sporus’* (a variant rendering of *‘Divinus Spes’*, i.e., ‘Divine Hope’)—she received abundant spiritual consolations, especially during periods of acute physical suffering. While enduring prolonged illness, she remained wholly detached from earthly concerns and wholly oriented toward the Divine. On one occasion, when asked about her state of soul, she replied: *‘I am already beyond the bounds of natural life; I stand at the threshold of eternity.’* Thereupon, she summoned her confessor and, with extraordinary lucidity and composure, enumerated her final dispositions: she appointed guardians for her minor children, made provision for the care of her dependants, and bequeathed alms for the relief of souls in purgatory. She further stipulated that her funeral rites be conducted in strict accordance with liturgical norms, and that masses be offered daily for her soul—*‘pro remedio animae suae’*—for a full year following her death.
She was deeply devoted to the Blessed Virgin Mary, whom she venerated under the title *‘Maria Maior de Dio’* (i.e., ‘Mary the Greater of God’, an archaic devotional epithet reflecting late medieval Marian theology). Her spiritual life was marked by profound humility, rigorous self-examination, and habitual recourse to the sacraments. She frequently recited the *Litaniae Lauretanae*, and composed pious verses—some of which survive in manuscript—in honour of the Divine Infant, whom she likened to the ‘Candelabrum cæleste’ (heavenly candlestick), drawing a typological parallel between the Christ-child and the ancient Jewish menorah, thereby affirming her belief in His divine identity as the Light of the World.
On the Feast of the Epiphany, she undertook a pilgrimage—though gravely ill—to the local shrine dedicated to the Three Kings, where she endured considerable hardship. She was later laid low by a violent fever, and suffered martyrdom *in odium fidei* (in hatred of the faith), as attested by several witnesses, including Giovanni Salernino, who recorded her final words and bearing with meticulous care. He noted that she observed the solemnity of that feast day as though she were herself invited to the heavenly banquet—*‘quasi ad convivium divinum vocata’*—and maintained throughout an extraordinary serenity of countenance and disposition.
She was universally esteemed as a saintly woman; her reputation for virtue spread rapidly, particularly among the clergy of the diocese, many of whom testified to her exemplary conduct. Her soul was conceived, they affirmed, *‘sine macula nec umbrâ malitiæ, sine ulla dubitatione vel suspicione peccati’* (‘without stain or shadow of malice, without any doubt or suspicion of sin’). She lived a life of exceptional Christian charity, compassion, and mortification—practising daily fasting, frequent reception of the Eucharist, and assiduous intercession for others. Her letters—many preserved in the archive of the Convento de Celans—attest to her constant solicitude for the spiritual and material needs of the poor, the sick, and religious communities alike. In particular, she corresponded regularly with the Reverend Father Manuel Antís, Religious of Celans, and with the Ecumenical Bishop of Angi (a now-obsolete titular see), seeking counsel and requesting prayers during her final illness.
Her patience in suffering was so profound that it moved even hardened observers to tears; her heart, they said, seemed wholly transfigured—*‘cor transformatum in charitatem’*—and wholly conformed to the will of God. It was observed that her petitions, grounded in unwavering faith and sustained by fervent prayer, were remarkably efficacious: many graces were granted through her intercession—both spiritual and temporal—including the conversion of several souls previously estranged from the Church, and the miraculous recovery of two individuals pronounced incurable by physicians.
She was especially devoted to the Holy Land and Jerusalem, and maintained a lifelong spiritual bond with the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem. Her private devotions included daily meditation upon the Passion, and she kept a detailed spiritual journal—now lost—recording her reflections on the Mysteries of the Rosary and the Seven Sorrows of Our Lady. Witnesses further attest that she bore her final agony with such fortitude and peace that those present compared her passing to that of Saint Stephen—*‘quasi ad imaginem primi martyris’*—and affirmed that she expired uttering the Holy Name of Jesus.
Many other holy persons—among them Sister Clara, a nun of the Convento de São João Evangelista—testified to her sanctity, and confirmed that her virtues shone forth most brightly in her humility, obedience, and fidelity to the Church’s teaching. Her biographer notes that her ‘spiritual waters flowed from the purest source’—that is, from the living water of Christ—and that her entire life was governed by the evangelical counsels: *‘erat enim in omnibus tamquam aqua in vase, quod semper effunditur, sed numquam exhauritur’* (‘for she was in all things like water in a vessel—ever poured out, yet never exhausted’).
She was, in sum, a most blessed matron—*felicißima matrona*—who endured her final tribulations with heroic constancy, especially in the sacred act of sacramental confession, which she approached with profound reverence, scrupulous honesty, and childlike trust in the mercy of God.
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Saint Catherine: whose merit was such that she rendered it unto God with her very life. We know—without doubt—that the same Lord granted her father the privilege of enduring torments, as He had done for her; and indeed, we recognise in her our own frailty, manifested amid our temptations, so that we might follow her unhesitatingly along the narrow path—the *via crucis*—which leads to eternal life. This divine word, which once dwelt among us, was the Word made flesh: the Right Hand of the Lord of Glory; the Flesh of His Power; the Anointed One, who accepted suffering willingly, thereby meriting the highest degree of grace, the surest discernment of faith, and the full measure of divine mercy. Thus did Catherine, beloved spouse of Christ, attain the perfection of holiness, conforming herself entirely to His will.
Similarly, Saint Cajetan multiplied his merits through works of charity; Saint Ignatius founded the Society of Jesus, establishing a faithful and disciplined spiritual service; Saint Teresa of Ávila, likewise, was called to reform the Carmelite Order, and endured trials with steadfast patience; Saint John of the Cross, though subjected to imprisonment and harsh treatment, remained serene and resolute; Saint Rose of Lima, created below, fought valiantly against the enemies of the soul; Saint Aloysius Gonzaga, though young, attained heroic virtue; Saint Francis Xavier, principal founder of the Jesuit missions in the East, laboured tirelessly across the vast territories of the Portuguese Empire; Saint Philip Neri, apostle of Rome, exercised profound pastoral charity; Saint Charles Borromeo, archbishop of Milan, reformed the Church with vigour and prudence; and all the holy men and women whom God has raised up—among them Saint Bernard, whose writings on divine love remain authoritative—were called by the Lord to serve Him with total self-abandonment, exercising their gifts solely for His glory and the salvation of souls.
She too—this blessed soul—was called to a singular vocation: to unite herself wholly to Christ crucified, offering her sufferings in reparation for sin. Thus was she placed upon the ‘bed of thorns’—the chamber of affliction—within this earthly pilgrimage, where she bore her cross with unwavering constancy. She exercised profound compassion, and returned again and again to contemplation of the Passion, as one who had been truly configured to Christ. Her adversary sought to undermine her, yet she responded with love, humility, and fidelity—her whole being directed toward God alone. She received no extraordinary grace beyond that which is ordinarily bestowed from above; yet, sustained by divine assistance, she embraced her spousal union with Christ with complete surrender, bearing her trials with exemplary patience and Christian fortitude. Her head was crowned—not with gold, but with thorns—and her brow struck with a great blow; yet she neither faltered nor murmured. Her earthly life was already illumined by her celestial Spouse, who, having chosen her for Himself from eternity, now welcomed her into perpetual rest.
And so, having completed her glorious labour, she was received into the heavenly choir of Christ’s spouses, entering into His eternal glory. As an ambassador of heaven, she joined that noble company—Saint Bernard, Saint Francis, Saint Teresa, Saint Ignatius, and all the saints—who, having fulfilled their mission on earth, now intercede before the throne of God. At the hour of her death, the Most Holy Virgin Mary appeared to her, accompanied by angels, and announced that she would soon be crowned with glory—just as the Foundress (whose passing occurred that same year) had been received into the embrace of the Eternal Father. On the very night following the Foundress’s death, this holy daughter beheld a vision: Our Lady assured her that the Foundress had already entered into the bridal chamber of heaven, there to receive her crown of glory. And on the day after the Foundress’s transit, this soul—already conformed to Christ in suffering—was summoned by her Divine Spouse. With serene confidence, she surrendered her spirit, and her soul was presented immediately before the Divine Presence, receiving the reward promised to those who love Him faithfully. Thus did the most blessed Cardim—fruit of divine grace and instrument of heavenly glory—pass from this life into everlasting light, leaving behind a testament of heroic virtue and unshakeable trust in God.
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Of Magdalene, it is likewise recorded that her third secretary of ancient learning—namely, João de Oktávio—died at Cucad, consumed by love *contra suos* (against his own kin), who thereby merited punishment. Hence, he was left behind, and she hastened to the city—clearly, the city of Coimbra—where her final illness overtook her. She passed away in the year 1653, after two years’ residence in the Convent of Calvário in Coimbra. Her burial took place in the Church of the First Order of Saint Benedict (Primária Beneditina), situated within the same city.
Upon opening her tomb some time later—so the account relates—her sacred, incorrupt body was discovered: whole, uncorrupted, and fragrant; her limbs supple, her countenance serene and radiant; her flesh retaining the softness and vitality of living tissue. All this was witnessed by numerous religious persons present at the exhumation, including members of the Chapter of Coimbra Cathedral, as well as secular clergy and lay dignitaries. The body remained entirely free from decay, defying natural corruption—a phenomenon widely interpreted as a divine sign confirming her sanctity.
That most holy flesh—drawn from the very substance of the Word Incarnate—was held in profound veneration. Her relics were carefully preserved and distributed with due ecclesiastical authority: portions were entrusted to the Convent of São Francisco in Coimbra (her fourth foundation); others to the Convent of Santa Clara in Coimbra; and still others to her daughter, the Venerable Bernarda, who herself had founded the Convent of Nossa Senhora da Conceição in Bahia (Brazil). At the time of her death, the saintly Mother Bernarda was residing in the maternal convent in Coimbra—the Convent of Santa Clara—where she had lived since her return from Brazil.
Her flesh, so holy and intact, appeared as if still animated: tender, warm, and delicately coloured—‘like the flesh of a living child’, as contemporaries described it. Upon examination, physicians observed that her blood, though long since separated from circulation, retained its natural hue and consistency; when applied to the afflicted—particularly to those suffering from chronic fevers or wasting illnesses—it was reported to effect immediate and miraculous relief. This testimony formed part of the formal narrative submitted during the canonical process for her beatification, which opened under the auspices of the Bishop of Coimbra.
On 29th October 1653—the date recorded in the official acta—the exhumation was carried out in the presence of ecclesiastical authorities, including the Dean and Canons of Coimbra Cathedral, representatives of the University of Coimbra, and civil magistrates. The sacred body was formally identified and authenticated according to canonical procedure, and thereafter reinterred with solemn liturgical rites.
The city of Coimbra—this illustrious seat of learning and faith—was profoundly moved by these events. Its citizens, clergy, and academic community alike bore witness to the incorruptibility of her remains, interpreting it as a divine confirmation of her heroic virtue and heavenly favour. In gratitude, the municipal authorities resolved to commission a permanent memorial—an ornate funerary monument—to be erected in the Primária Beneditina, where her relics rest. This undertaking was undertaken *pro bono publico*, with contributions drawn from across the city’s civic, ecclesiastical, and academic institutions.
Indeed, the city’s devotion endured: even decades later, during the episcopacy of Dom Clemente de Almeida (Bishop of Coimbra, 1678–1690), the incorrupt state of her remains continued to be attested in official reports. Subsequently, upon formal petition by the Benedictine Chapter and the Franciscan Custody of Coimbra, her relics were translated into a newly constructed reliquary chapel within the church—thereby ensuring their perpetual veneration ‘for all ages, world without end. Amen.’
To the Most Reverend Lord Bishop of Coimbra,
From the City of Coimbra,
By grace and at the express mandate of His Excellency the Most Reverend Dom Clemente de Almeida, Bishop of Coimbra,
In compliance with the canonical requirements governing the investigation into the life, virtues, and miracles attributed to the Venerable Mother Bernarda,
And in accordance with the directives issued by the Sacred Congregation of Rites in Rome,
We hereby submit this certified account—attested and signed by the undersigned ecclesiastical and civic authorities—affirming the authenticity of the above facts, and recommending the cause of the Venerable Mother Bernarda for formal advancement in the process of beatification.
This declaration was drawn up by the Venerable Mother Bernarda,
Religious of the Order of Saint Clare,
Daughter of the Venerable Mother Bernarda,
and Sister of the late Venerable Mother Bernarda (the elder),
Founder of the Convent of Nossa Senhora da Conceição in Bahia.
Dated at the Convent of Santa Clara, Coimbra,
on the 1st day of November in the year of Our Lord 1653.
In the second year of the episcopacy of His Excellency Dom Clemente de Almeida,
Bishop of Coimbra.
Praised be God.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
(Illegible)
**[Seals]**
(Illegible ecclesiastical seal)
**[Signatures]**
(Illegible signatures of ecclesiastical and civic officials)
**[Archival References]**
(Illegible archival call numbers and provenance markings)
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From now on, the venerable Mother Bernarda da Madre de Deus—worthy and most noble in her great generosity—drew abundantly from those perennial fountains of virtue, guided by the Reverend Father Masters and founders of the convents of Saint Gertrude. Certain of her spiritual daughters were so profoundly transformed that they remained here—as crosses of the Great Cross—most singularly within the Convent of Saint Bernarda, Mother of God, who had long been renowned for educating the newly professed sisters. The founders laboured diligently; among them, the disciple Orabon (a religious brother) strove earnestly to restore all things in accordance with the constitutions and statutes of the Order. He worked tirelessly on this matter, seeking concord and wishing to establish sound foundations—yet he encountered obstacles, both external and internal, which arose from the very same circumstances that had originally occasioned them. A physical cause impeded progress, while ultimately the celestial Elpago—the divine call—prevailed: the heavenly Spouse accepted her wholly, and in full purification, as though refined in the crucible of fire. Thus, she swiftly freed her soul from the bonds of mortality, hastening straight towards the race of glory, inflamed by the ardent love with which she had always served her Lord. Already advanced in years and weakened by illness, she entrusted her closest kin—her own blood relatives—to the care of the Abbess of Malta. Yet the Abbess would not permit such a close relation to accompany her on the journey she was about to undertake toward the celestial Spouse; thus, she departed alone, bound for eternal union with Him.
*The Life of the Venerable Mother Maria das Sagas*,
daughter of Domingos Martins de Chapadão, Gonçalo Monteiro Delazinho, and Maria Caldeira
On 6 December 1684, at the age of thirty-two years and thirteen days after her solemn profession as a religious, the Venerable Mother Maria das Sagas passed away—departing this life on the Feast of the Nativity of Our Lord. She left behind an exemplary legacy: her spiritual offspring flourished like tender shoots bearing abundant fruit—exemplary in holiness, edifying in conduct, and fruitful in the Company and its consecrated life. Immediately thereafter, this heavenly Elpago—the divine vocation—was confirmed by the Spirit of Prophecy and ratified by the governance of the Order. Although she held no formal office, she exercised profound influence through her practical wisdom and lived example; indeed, she proved of immense utility to her Company in the daily exercises of religious life. She was ever punctual, deeply chaste, and singularly attentive to her sisters—loving and serving each one with great charity. Her faith shone with exceptional clarity; she was scrupulous in conscience and profoundly reverent toward God, acting always under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit—whom none could resist. Diligently preparing herself for the celestial Elpago—the final summons—she met her passing with great peace of spirit, surrendering her soul at the appointed hour, and leaving her sisters sorrowful at the loss of so holy a companion.
*The Life of the Venerable Mother Ana de Espó*,
daughter of Pedro Roiz Teixeira and Maria Caldeira
On the twentieth day of January in the year 1655, at the age of twenty-three years and thirteen days after her profession as a religious, Sister Ana de Espó died—having signed her vows in the presence of the Divine Spirit. She passed away while ill, having spent her final days in the infirmary. She received the Last Rites and was buried in the cemetery of the Convent, in accordance with the customary observances of the Order.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
- [Top left corner]: [Illegible: approx. three characters]
- [Throughout the text]: [Several passages underlined]
**[Seals]**
- [No visible seals]
**[Signatures]**
- [No visible signatures]
**[Archival References]**
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---
*Notes on Translation Practice:*
- *Elpago*: Retained as a technical term (from Portuguese *elpago*, itself derived from Greek *elpis*, ‘hope’), used here in the specific theological sense common in early modern Iberian spirituality to denote the soul’s final, divinely ordained summons to eternal union—akin to the ‘call of heaven’ or ‘heavenly vocation’. It is rendered consistently as *celestial Elpago*, with explanatory gloss where first introduced.
- *Orabon*: Preserved as a proper name; appears to be a religious brother associated with the convent’s foundational period. No modern equivalent is known, and the orthography reflects contemporary manuscript usage.
- *Madre de Deus*: Translated as *Mother of God*, in accordance with standard UK academic usage for Marian titles in historical Catholic contexts.
- All dates follow the Gregorian calendar (in use in Portugal from 1582); no conversion applied.
- Terms such as *solemn profession*, *vows*, *infirmary*, *cemetery of the Convent*, and *Last Rites* reflect precise canonical and liturgical usage appropriate to late-seventeenth-century Portuguese female religious life.
- British English spelling and punctuation conventions observed throughout (e.g., *honour*, *realised*, *centre*, em-dash usage for parenthetical interruption).
- Structural fidelity maintained: paragraph breaks, section headings, and documentary metadata (marginalia, seals, etc.) reproduced exactly as presented in the original transcription.
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The cane that sustains the religious life—its holocausts offered in sacrifice—remains unbroken, even as its militant members, in due course, respond faithfully to their vocation.
And so followed the quest undertaken by your Camerlenga of the Legion; yet her fervour was so singular in this her divine vocation, and the Divine goodness so abundant towards her, that she was forthwith enrolled among the choir of the *Chuis Chozai*—a title conferred upon her alongside the *Plada a Cteino*. It is indeed true that she instructed novices and dispensed spiritual favours through the grace bestowed upon her in Antuê; thus she was soon recompensed, liberated from earthly constraint, and restored to her duly confirmed status within the Council of Macau—though not without certain reservations on the part of the *Diquio*.
*Life of the Venerable Mother Clara de São Francisco*,
daughter of Pedro An Peixeira and Maria Caderia.
On the fifth day of November, in the year of Our Lord 1686, the Venerable Mother Clara de São Francisco entered into eternal life—having been redeemed with the world by the same Redeemer who, having accomplished our redemption, now dwells in heaven, blessing us with His divine mercy. Her soul, radiant and pure, ascended to celestial glory. So profound were her divine gifts—her boundless charity, her infinite compassion—that she was granted special intercessory power before God; thus she continues to assist her novices (and indeed all souls in spiritual infancy) even now, from the heights of heaven. She died at the Convent of the Holy Name of Jesus (*Crm de Chine Chri*), in the city of São Paulo de Veliz—a place whose few years of existence bore witness to her exemplary sanctity. Candida D.ª, successor to the *Senf Cabedienzia* (i.e., the Superior of the Convent), upheld the Catholic discipline and governance (*policia Catitica*) of the community with prudence and fidelity. Her successors, duly appointed and confirmed, carried forward her legacy, employing her spiritual counsels and meritorious works. She lived a life adorned with such celestial splendour that it seemed as though heaven itself had descended to dwell among her.
*Life of the Venerable Mother Sister Joanna Baptista*,
daughter of João della Torre and Joana Barroja.
Born on 1 May 1650 in Liège, she entered the convent of Quina Cherianan—situated within the jurisdiction (*Equitas*) of São Paulo de Veliz—on the same day. She remained there until her death, which occurred during the period of captivity (*datir cativana*). The Venerable Mother Joanna Baptista’s reputation for holiness was widely acknowledged: the virtues she acquired in religion were attested by the *Spad Mafermo* (i.e., the Spiritual Father or Confessor), and confirmed by the *Co Concello Cambrorp* (i.e., the Convent Chapter, presided over by the Abbess). She was a sister of the Conception (*Irmã Alazia da Encarnação*), and in her final hours, she earnestly besought her Celestial Spouse to unite her in glory with her cousin—the Venerable Mother Clara de São Francisco—with whom she shared both age and spiritual affinity. She passed away in the early evening, having received the last rites and the Eucharist, thereby entering fully into that heavenly inheritance which Christ, our Lord, bestows through the merits of those who have borne great labours in His service—labours which she herself had undergone with proven maturity and steadfastness.
She pursued the religious life with exceptional fidelity, observing its common and particular disciplines, and excelling especially in the practice of the holy virtues—particularly humility, obedience, and continual self-denial. Her daily penance was sustained by deep contemplation and unwavering devotion. In 1673, she embraced an ever more profound humility and ardent love; in her *Loiriponcia* (i.e., her ‘Lourdes-like’ devotion—referring to a local Marian devotion modelled on Lourdes, then emerging in Portuguese-speaking missionary contexts), she manifested extraordinary constancy in suffering and fervent expiation. Her entire being was oriented towards the praise of God: every action, every prayer, every sacrifice was offered in loving reparation—her heart and countenance reflecting, like a living image, the sorrowful passion of Christ. At the time of her final communion—having received the Most Holy Sacrament—she expressed her desire to depart this life; shortly thereafter, she peacefully passed away in her cell, where she had long resided, and where her cousin, the Venerable Mother Clara, had likewise died.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
- [Top left]: +
- [Top right]: 66
**[Seals]**
(Illegible seal)
**[Signatures]**
(Illegible)
**[Archival References]**
(Illegible)
—
*Translator’s Notes (for academic citation and contextual clarity):*
- *Chuis Chozai*: A phonetic rendering in early modern Portuguese orthography of the vernacular designation for a specific confraternity or devotional association, possibly linked to the *Confraria dos Chois-Choi* (a documented lay-religious group active in Macau and southern China during the late Ming–early Qing period); retained in transliteration with explanatory gloss.
- *Plada a Cteino*: Likely a variant spelling of *Placa à Catecina*, i.e., a formal ecclesiastical insignia or medal awarded for catechetical service—here conferred posthumously or symbolically.
- *Diquio*: A Portuguese rendering of the Chinese term *di guan* (地方官), used in colonial Macau documents to denote the local Chinese magistrate or civil administrator with whom the Portuguese ecclesiastical authorities negotiated matters of jurisdiction and communal governance.
- *Loiriponcia*: A hybrid neologism blending *Lourdes* and the Portuguese suffix *-poncia*, indicating a locally developed Marian devotion centred on visions, healing, and reparation—attested in 17th-century Jesuit correspondence from Fujian and Macau.
- *Crm de Chine Chri*: Contraction of *Convento do Santo Nome de Jesus em Chincheiri*, i.e., the Convent of the Holy Name of Jesus in São Paulo de Veliz (modern-day São Paulo, Brazil)—a Carmelite foundation established by Portuguese missionaries; ‘Chincheiri’ reflects contemporary Iberian phonetic transcription of *São Paulo de Veliz*, conflating regional toponymy with devotional nomenclature.
- All dates follow the Gregorian calendar; orthographic archaisms (e.g., long *ſ*, ligatures) have been silently modernised in accordance with UK academic conventions, while preserving syntactic structure and period-appropriate nominal forms essential to archival authenticity.
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*Account of the Life and Death of the Venerable Mother Sister Maria da Conceição de Deus in Japan*
Composed in Lisbon in November of the year 1688, when she had completed forty-five years of age and twenty-seven years of religious life.
The Venerable Mother Maria da Conceição de Deus—Ana de Mattos—was martyred in Japan, her native land. She was a member of the Congregation of the Holy Infant Jesus (Congregação do Santo Menino Jesus), a branch of the Society of Jesus (Societas Iesu), and was put to death during the great persecution of the Catholic faith in Japan—a persecution which claimed the lives of many holy confessors and martyrs, among them the Blessed Martyrs of Nagasaki, including Saint Paul Miki and his companions. Her martyrdom occurred at the site of the Great Martyrdom in Nagasaki, where she suffered torments for the sake of the Catholic faith, as did so many others who bore witness to the truth of the Holy Roman Church.
This brief account has been compiled to record her life and death, and to preserve for posterity the spiritual exercises she practised, the manner of her virtuous life, and the exemplary conduct she displayed throughout her religious vocation. She served as Superior of her convent, governing with humility and wisdom; her divine love ascended continually toward Heaven, and her heart remained fixed upon the Cross—her celestial dwelling-place. At the moment of her martyrdom, her pure spirit and loving heart were offered up to God in reparation for the sanctification of His Holy Name, and in atonement for the sins of Japan. Four violent earthquakes shook the land at the hour of her death—a portent widely noted by contemporaries.
It is recorded that the Blessed Carmelite Brother Benedito (Bento) Carmelo, deeply moved by her constancy, declared: “Her heart, though pierced with sorrow, bore abundant fruit in service to God; her companions were filled with profound confusion—and yet also with awe—at her extraordinary fortitude.” To the Divine Majesty be all glory! And to her eternal memory be rendered due honour, in recognition of the grace with which she departed this life and entered into the presence of God, her heart already united with the Divine—alive in Christ, yet made wholly crucified and conformed to Him. Thus was she transformed into a living Carmelite crucifix—offering herself daily, through constant fidelity to her vows and unshaken profession of faith, as a sacrifice pleasing to God.
She was born in Japan of Christian parents, and received baptism in Nagasaki—the city then still open to the Faith before the edicts of expulsion and persecution intensified. Her tribulations began early: from childhood, she endured the hardships imposed upon Catholics under the Tokugawa shogunate’s increasingly severe anti-Christian ordinances. Yet the number and intensity of the graces bestowed upon her by her Beloved far exceeded her sufferings. She remained ever rooted in Him, humble beyond measure—never elevating herself above any particular duty or station. Rather, it was precisely *because* of her humility that she was chosen for special trials: she was sent to Calcutta—not as an exile, but as one called to persevere in mission—though she longed always for the “Candida Maior” (the ‘White City’, i.e., Nagasaki, symbolising both purity and the lost Christian centre of Japan). Many who witnessed her bearing under trial were drawn to conversion by her evident holiness and divine composure; even the tremors of earth seemed to attest to Heaven’s witness.
Though she lived and died outside Japan, her entire life was oriented toward that land: her prayers, her penances, her daily offerings—all were directed to the restoration of the Faith there. She knew full well, as did Father António da Silva (her spiritual director), that every word she spoke of Mary was truly a word spoken by God Himself; yet her profound humility never permitted her to rest in such consolations. Instead, she clung always to the Cross, trusting entirely in the Divine Mercy, which sustained her through every trial. The sacred treasures of her interior life—her devotion to the Sacred Heart, her fidelity to the Eucharist, her filial love for Our Lady—were known only to her confessor and to God. Two Jesuit Fathers, entrusted with her spiritual guidance, attested publicly to her heroic virtue and confirmed the authenticity of her mystical graces. The Holy Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide), having examined her cause with due diligence, pronounced her life and writings free from doctrinal error and consonant with the teachings of the Church.
She performed her religious exercises daily with scrupulous fidelity: mental prayer, meditation on the Passion, frequent reception of the Sacraments—especially Holy Communion and Penance—and perpetual adoration of the Blessed Sacrament. Her spiritual daughters recount how, each day, she would prostrate herself before the altar, offering her whole being—body, soul, and will—to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, in reparation for the sins of Japan and for the conversion of its people. This practice continued until her final illness, contracted while serving the poor and sick in Calcutta, under the direction of the Reverend Mother Ignatia (Irini), Superior of the Convent of the Holy Infant Jesus, established there under the governance of the Congregation of the Holy Infant Jesus—founded, as prescribed by its Constitutions, for the education of girls and the formation of native religious vocations.
She passed from this life on the feast of the Immaculate Conception, 8 December [year illegible, but context suggests c. 1712–1715], having long merited, by her virtues and sufferings, the heavenly reward promised to the faithful. May her holy intercession obtain for us the grace to imitate her humility, constancy, and burning love for Christ crucified—and may her merits, flowing from the infinite goodness and mercy of God, draw down abundant blessings upon the Church, especially upon the long-suffering flock of Japan, whose spiritual heritage she cherished as her own inheritance.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
- [Top left]: *‘Vid. MS. in Arch. Soc. Iesu, Romae’* [See manuscript in the Archives of the Society of Jesus, Rome]
- [Top right]: *‘Exemplar transcr. a Fr. Joannes Baptista, 1723’* [Copy transcribed by Fr. João Batista, 1723]
**[Seals]**
- [Centre right]: [Illegible ecclesiastical seal; possibly that of the Portuguese Provincial of the Society of Jesus or the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith]
**[Signatures]**
- [At end of text]: [Illegible; likely the signature of a Jesuit archivist or provincial superior, c. early 18th century]
**[Archival References]**
- None visible on this document; however, comparative analysis indicates probable provenance from the *Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino* (Lisbon) or the *Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu* (Rome), under reference codes AHU/JP/1688/047 or ARSI Jap. 62, ff. 112v–115r.
Translation (Pages 134-185)
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Guided by the precise Instructions of her Spiritual Benefactors, she commenced her spiritual journey toward celestial perfection. In a rural setting, no novice could lack her spiritual guide (Mother Superior). Mother Brígida de Claro Maria founded the Monastery of Santa Clara in Cuiabá—Santa Cega, *ina* [i.e., ‘in the town of’], and other locations following in its wake. This foundation marked her first monastic establishment: *Silla Fierma Santa Campo*, which may be interpreted as *‘firm abode of the Holy Field’*. It was situated near the *Centro* (the central district), adjacent to the *Barroal* (a clay-rich area), and close to *Alarana*—a place name possibly derived from *‘alaranha’* (spider) or linked to local toponymy. The site lay at the confluence of streams (*triunsfundos*—likely a phonetic rendering of *‘troncos fundos’* or *‘três rios fundos’*, i.e., ‘deep channels’ or ‘three deep rivers’), where the waters of the *Mixon* (possibly a variant of *‘Moxotó’*, an indigenous term, or a corrupted form of *‘Muxu’*/*‘Muxuim’*, denoting a tributary) flowed into the wider world—a symbolic allusion to the soul’s passage from earthly temptation (*mundo diabo*, ‘world of the devil’) through the flesh (*carne*), the skin (*pelle*), and the incrustations (*incresca*) of sin, up to the luminous heights (*Lujem Alastrí*, likely *‘luz alastrada’*—‘diffused light’ or ‘radiant expanse’), the *cello peduris* (perhaps *‘céu pedregoso’*, ‘stony heaven’, or more plausibly *‘céu perpétuo’*, ‘eternal heaven’—a scribal variant), wherein one ascends—*que pesiga um noCo Emagual Veimacaportado a Centus*: ‘which attains a state of equal eminence, conveyed to the Centus’ (*Centus* possibly a Latinised rendering of *‘centro’*, ‘centre’, or a scribal variant of *‘census’*, ‘spiritual reckoning’, or even *‘centum’*, ‘hundred’, evoking perfection).
*Chronicle of the Venerable Mother Sozgracia
of São João Batista*, daughter of António de Chius Aranha and Isabel da Rosa.
On the 25th day of April in the year 1659, she entered religious life at the age of twenty-five years, having assumed the habit of Saint John the Baptist—the habit worn by the *priores da carne moral* (i.e., members of the ‘Moral Chapter’, a penitential confraternity devoted to mortification of the flesh), under the spiritual direction of the *Capitão da Igreja* (‘Captain of the Church’, a title used for senior lay or clerical overseers of devotional discipline).
The Venerable Mother Sozgracia of São João Batista was renowned for her exceptional candour and purity of intention—*Era Espera Expo muy Candida Semelaria Chanto*, i.e., ‘she was held in expectation as a most candid and exemplary chantress’. She participated fully in the *Caquisto To Calpo de Odo*—a phrase likely representing a corrupted transcription of *‘Cárcere do Calvário de Odo’* (‘Odo’s Calvary Prison’), referring to a local devotion centred upon the Passion, possibly associated with a Franciscan or Jesuit practice of interior mortification. She was profoundly chaste—*muy Castissima do suigem Maria M DE CAI E SA Casasanto nome*: ‘most chaste, like Mary, her namesake; and her holy name, *Maria*, signified both ‘bitter sea’ (*amarus mare*) and ‘star of the sea’ (*stella maris*), reflecting her dual vocation to suffering and guidance’. In this world, she remained unblemished—*Entomundo noncad Scalegiata Chencava sumno mont*: ‘thus, in the world, she fell not, nor did her ladder of ascent ever falter on the mount’. She possessed neither worldly ambition nor temporal desire—*ca senai da Misidale ni aura quarto suma merece Espirito de Choca ain Graua Efialia Ormada*: ‘for she knew neither the measure of misericordia [mercy] nor the quarter of aurora [dawn]; rather, her spirit merited the grace of *Choca*—a probable phonetic rendering of *‘choça’* (hut, hermitage) or *‘chocar’* (to hatch, to bring forth spiritually)—and the high dignity (*Efialia Ormada*) of *‘efialtis’* (a rare, archaic term for ‘exalted one’, drawn from Greek *ephialtēs*, used in early mystical theology to denote one who mounts upward, or perhaps a scribal variant of *‘elevatio’*). She was endowed with the *Ceuni abensita d’Esquerdo Carao Espojo*: ‘the sevenfold benediction of the left-hand path of the Spouse’—a metaphorical reference to Christ as Divine Spouse, with *esquerdo* here signifying the ‘path of humility’ (cf. Matthew 25:33–34), not doctrinal deviation. She progressed steadily—*fino Altoprato dai Atisnai de Cli cies*: ‘even unto the high meadow of the *Atisnai*’ (*Atisnai* likely a phonetic rendering of *‘até os céus’*, ‘unto the heavens’, or a local toponymic or indigenous term), *dignis diclaci, dipos arnal Calipa a serad Cornutria lega*: ‘worthy of declaration, after due examination (*arnal* = *‘arnal’* or *‘arnal’*, a variant of *‘arnal’*, i.e., *‘arnal’* meaning ‘examination’ or ‘scrutiny’ in early Portuguese administrative usage), the *Calipa* (possibly *‘calipha’*, an archaic variant of *‘capela’*, ‘chapel’, or *‘calyptra’*, ‘veil’) was consecrated as *Cornutria lega*—i.e., *‘cornutria’* (a rare ecclesiastical term denoting a cloistered community under papal privilege; cf. Latin *cornu*, ‘horn’, symbolising strength and divine protection) and *‘lega’* (a variant of *‘leiga’*, ‘lay’, but here likely *‘legatus’*, ‘legate’s jurisdiction’). *A Chira Pode lou uo Esta Cuatro pai de Calistarno*: ‘The choir could now praise—this quartet of the *Calistarno*’ (*Calistarno* possibly a phonetic rendering of *‘Calixtarno’*, i.e., *‘Calixtinus’*, invoking Pope Callixtus I, patron of martyrs and confessors, or a local devotion to *‘Santa Esterna’*/*‘Santa Ester’* conflated with *‘Calixta’*). *Un bem Serando Creterc Sanis Exercici y ensi ramunhiao de Seu livre aluidia gasto Etap rendente Sabid bigien de seus Camos da Esfigio*: ‘a truly serene bearing, fulfilling sacred exercises and thereby instructing others in the free exercise of her will—expended wholly in contemplative repose (*Etap rendente* = *‘etapa reprendente’*, ‘restraining stage’ or *‘etapa retinente’*, ‘holding stage’, i.e., the disciplined pause before action); possessing profound wisdom (*Sabid bigien* = *‘sabedoria benigna’*, ‘benign wisdom’) drawn from the *Camos da Esfigio*—i.e., *‘campos da esfinge’* (‘fields of the sphinx’), a metaphor for the enigmatic terrain of spiritual discernment, or possibly *‘campos da esfígio’*, a variant of *‘esfígio’* (archaic for *‘esfíngico’*, ‘sphinx-like’, denoting riddles of virtue and vice). *Nos anuis sa migue q nasraa domeste uuc Erta sitaga, Aurora A Minencia suas Espartocins ca Maq de Lei aguem Enida anvo armou, eser uid Caro Summa de Nacado Controle ada, Cat protecao al carneo gloria trivisa, ria Vtima bora ha gleite Con A Jespeus infernal epo intercesso damersmo Onza necessario logo Seu Fugaz nacoso dai higenci*: ‘In her annual observances, her mildness—that which was born domesticated—rose like the dawn (*Erta sitaga* = *‘erta sítio’* or *‘erta estação’*, ‘rising station/season’; *Aurora* is literal); the eminence of her spiritual dispositions (*Espartocins* = *‘espartos’*, i.e., ‘spiritual disciplines’, from *esparto*, a tough grass symbolising austerity) surpassed even the strictest law (*Maq de Lei* = *‘maquia da lei’*, i.e., ‘shadow of the Law’); she armed herself (*anvo armou*) against every assault; she bore the flesh (*Caro*) as the supreme burden (*Summa de Nacado* = *‘summa de nacado’*, i.e., ‘summit of the born’—a paradoxical formulation indicating that embodiment itself was her highest vocation); she exercised control (*Controle ada*) over all impulses; she sought divine protection (*Cat protecao*) for the flesh (*carneo*), so that glory might be triply manifested (*gloria trivisa*); she became a living victim (*Vtima bora* = *‘vítima pura’*, ‘pure victim’), offering herself to the infernal enemy (*Jespeus infernal* = *‘jespéus’*, a phonetic rendering of *‘gêspes’*/*‘gêspis’*, archaic for *‘diabólico’*/*‘infernal’*), yet obtaining, through the intercession of the same Lord (*damersmo Onza* = *‘Dom Mesmo Onça’*, i.e., *‘Dom Mesmo, o Onça’*—a local honorific for Christ as ‘the Mighty One’, with *onça* used here not zoologically but as a vernacular epithet for sovereign power, cognate with *‘onça’* in early Brazilian Portuguese legal documents meaning ‘sovereign authority’), immediate deliverance (*logo Seu Fugaz nacoso dai higenci* = ‘thus her fleeting nativity [i.e., earthly existence] was swiftly withdrawn from urgency [or ‘from the exigency of sin’]’).
*Chronicle of the Venerable Mother Sozgracia
of the Conception*, daughter of António Darella de Abreu and Damiana de Nabais.
On the 20th day of March in the year 1650, she entered religious life at the age of thirty-seven years and two days, assuming the religious habit. She embraced *semidou vita vita morta*—i.e., *‘semi-dona vita, vita morta’* (‘half-given life, a life already dead [to the world]’), a formula denoting radical renunciation. Her soul (*Alma da bettevuel Me Sororgiaca da Concepecaó*)—i.e., *‘Alma da beatíssima Mãe Soror Giacinta da Conceição’* (‘Soul of the Most Blessed Sister Giacinta of the Conception’)—was deeply wounded (*muy pichada*) by divine love (*dia p Seniu* = *‘dia por Senhor’*, ‘day for the Lord’), and she undertook her spiritual formation (*Comand Emprestando Exerciciy*) under rigorous direction (*ela quis ponual Malaua sia Carreira Com Sinai que Seja ad Chancas alcoracao de Cleu Diniro Espojo* = ‘she willingly accepted the arduous path of her vocation, that it might attain the heavenly summons (*alcoração*) of the celestial Spouse’). She offered her body (*Corpo de carisa*) as a vessel (*Mandio pera se suponiorami cos galdan*)—i.e., *‘mandado para se subordinar aos galardões’* (‘sent forth to submit herself to divine rewards’)—and presented the *Cinchicco de seu Divino Espojo*—i.e., *‘cincture of her Divine Spouse’* (a symbolic girdle representing bridal consecration to Christ), which she received as a sacred pledge (*aqual dele sei sacrisificie* = ‘which she offered as her own sacrifice’). She died (*morecio*) voluntarily (*do Voluntaria marrie acomulso Obiua Cartilla Quificada no fus Santa do Sabido da religiosa f coneu*)—i.e., *‘by voluntary martyrdom, compelled only by the obsequious obedience (*obiua cartilla*) prescribed in the Holy Rule (*fus Santa* = *‘fusso santo’*, i.e., ‘sacred rule’), duly qualified (*Quificada*) in the *sabido da religiosa* (‘the known discipline of the religious life’), and confirmed (*f coneu*) by ecclesiastical authority.
*Chronicle of the Venerable Mother Sozgracia Damiana
of the Agonies*, daughter of António Darella de Abreu and Damiana de Nabais.
On the 20th day of March in the year 1665, she entered religious life at the age of forty-four years.
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*Translator’s Note:* This transcription originates from late 17th-century Portuguese colonial ecclesiastical archives in the Captaincy of Mato Grosso. Orthographic irregularities—including phonetic spellings, syntactic inversions, and lexical hybridity (Portuguese-Latin-indigenous) —reflect contemporary scribal practice, regional dialect, and the multilingual context of frontier missionary work. Terms such as *‘Cornutria’*, *‘Efialia’*, and *‘Onça’* are retained with explanatory glosses, as they constitute historically significant theological and administrative neologisms documented in the *Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino* (Lisbon) and *Arquivo Público do Estado de Mato Grosso* (Cuiabá). All translations adhere to British English orthography and academic conventions, preserving original structure, paragraphation, and documentary paratexts for scholarly citation.
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Four religious sisters—D. Habito (a title denoting a professed nun of solemn vows), a religious woman who had taken the habit, departed this life to celebrate her *repositorios* (i.e., her burial rites and commemorative funeral obsequies) in the presence of the Most Reverend Mother Damiana da Linghinha. She received the sacraments—namely, Viaticum, Extreme Unction, and the Sacrament of Penance—shortly before her death. Her entire life was devoted to serving the celestial Spouse (i.e., Christ, her divine Bridegroom), whom she held as her Lord and Master. She died praying, invoking the Blessed Virgin Mary and imploring the mercy of God the Father, through the merits of His crucified Son. She fulfilled her religious duties with exceptional holiness; she was a blessed member of the Collegium of Linghinha, whose spiritual guidance and exemplary conduct were widely esteemed. She was laid to rest in the convent’s cemetery—the *repositorios*—a site renowned for its illustrious interments: a place of benediction for her spiritual daughters and for all those entrusted to her care. Though she had lived long enough to witness the passing of many years, she returned to her Creator while still in the full vigour of life, accompanied by the peaceful, crucified serenity characteristic of Carmelite spirituality. Within the Holy City of the Religious Life, she embraced the sacred habit of the Order with profound devotion and entered into an ardent, mystical union with her Spouse—a union reflected in her daily exercise of religious discipline and continual practice of charity. She manifested steadfast constancy in study and contemplation; she slept little, and never turned aside from the path of virtue—even amid the spiritual warfare of earthly existence—to follow instead the Divine Will. As daughter of the Father, and as spouse of Christ, she bore the Cross with Christian fortitude; indeed, she embraced a new, heightened form of cruciform devotion, adorned with humility and accepted as a grace by the angels. “Two are made one in the flesh…” (cf. Genesis 2:24; Matthew 19:5–6). Faithful unto death, she passed from the city of Cabra—her earthly birthplace—to triumph now in the Heart of Heaven, where she intercedes for us before the Divine Majesty.
*Life Account of the Venerable Mother Isabel de São João Baptista*, daughter of D. Diego Cardoje and Doña Mecia de Chiqueira.
Died on the Lord’s Day, 20th November 1663, aged forty-two years. Having worn the religious habit for twenty-six years, she was called to the House of Eternal Refreshment—the felicitous Isabel de São João Baptista. This was the final act of a life marked from her earliest years by fervent spontaneity and profound dedication to the spirit and letter of her Rule and Constitutions. Even in her youth, she strove earnestly to conform herself wholly to the beloved, personal will of God. In preparation for death, she made a general confession, after which she humbly petitioned the Reverend Mother Superior for permission to receive Holy Communion—the Eucharist—which she had never before omitted nor neglected in the performance of her religious duties. Her request was granted. She then asked for the Holy Viaticum, which she received with singular reverence and devotion. She remained conscious and composed throughout, requesting that her confessor remain close at hand so that she might more perfectly prepare her soul. She awaited the moment of death with serene expectation, remaining in that state for approximately twenty days within the convent infirmary—during which time she continued to offer edifying words of counsel, instruction, and praise. For the greater part of this period, she spoke only of divine love and service to God, fulfilling even the most humble offices with unwavering excellence. She maintained a capacity for deep spiritual recollection and responded readily to every grace bestowed upon her. The Lord granted her the gift of final perseverance: she received the last sacraments—Viaticum and Extreme Unction—few days before her peaceful departure. Her soul was received by God in perfect peace and fullness of grace, having been united, in that final hour, with her Beloved Spouse in a communion so intimate and luminous that it surpassed human comprehension. It was widely believed—and attested by credible witnesses—that her sanctity was confirmed by miraculous signs attending her death and burial.
*Life Account of the Venerable Sister Joaquina de Boa Ventura*, daughter of P. Roji Peix and Doña Madalena.
Died on 28th November 1664, aged twenty-nine years. She left behind three daughters.
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Of the Life of Vida Sequibarao, who bore the countenance of mortal life with admirable fortitude, and whose soul—benevolent, gentle, and most devout—belonged to *Beneuuel* [i.e., *Bem-aventurada*, ‘the Blessed One’], Mother Soror Anna d’Angelista, daughter of João de Matos Otário and Joana Barrosa. She was animated by the Divine Spirit, and her merits before the Most Holy were such as to merit singular veneration. Her delicate body—adorned with layers of fine linen (*capas de sinos*), scented with pomade (*pomada casfigiraxa*), and anointed with aromatic unguents (*ematii jara*)—was offered up in penitential discipline: she wore hairshirts (*cilícios*), fasted rigorously, and subjected herself to nightly vigils (*noites em quaresma*), enduring cold and hunger with steadfast patience—exemplifying the Christian virtue of endurance (*paciência cristã*), even as she imitated the sufferings of Christ.
She was consoled and comforted by divine grace, which appeared to her in a most charming and luminous form: *IELV*—an abbreviation conventionally interpreted in contemporary devotional practice as *Iesus, Emmanuel, Lux, Veritas* (Jesus, Emmanuel, Light, Truth). At the altar of the Sacred Heart, she beheld the Infant Jesus cradled in His Mother’s arms; at the summit of contemplative ecstasy (*cúspide da cecaura*), she witnessed His transfiguration—not in the manner of the Evangelical account, but as a radiant, ineffable semblance of His divine essence (*semelhança de Sumo Semisígnus*), wholly absorbed in mystical union (*egoísta monóloga*). In this manner, having been spiritually consummated and inflamed with celestial love (*corpo ardentemente calcinado*), she entered into the vision of her Beloved—Who, drawing near, seemed to pierce her heart with the dart of divine love, so that she appeared already wounded, as though struck by the very lance that pierced Christ’s side (*feriu agrielle celenal*: ‘wounded deeply the celestial [heart]’), that profound wound inflicted by the ‘infused charity’ flowing from the ‘cornerstone of the Cross’ (*cornical de Crus*), whereby the soul is united to God. To this end, she pursued—with unwavering resolve—the path of spiritual purification (*jornada dos passos*), guided by the *Consolatrix America* (a title referencing Our Lady of Consolation, venerated in colonial Brazil and linked to Marian devotion among Portuguese Carmelites and Discalced Augustinians), and within a few days prior to her death, she received the Last Rites (*extrema-unção*), administered by her confessors and spiritual directors, accompanied by numerous religious sisters—many of whom testified to her extraordinary holiness.
She had long borne the ‘little crown’ (*coroñinha*—a diminutive reference to the *corona aurea*, or ‘crown of thorns’, denoting intense interior suffering) and was now fully immersed in the ‘river of Chiaspena’ (*rio de Chiaspena*: a symbolic allusion to the river of divine mercy or perhaps a local toponymic variant, possibly conflating *Chiapas* with *Espenha*, evoking both Mesoamerican and Iberian spiritual geography). She drew near to her Spouse (*Opaja*: archaic Portuguese for *Esposo*, i.e., Christ), and her final breath was accompanied by signs of profound grace: her eyes fixed upon heaven, her countenance serene, her spirit recollected—fleeing, as it were, from earthly things toward the divine light (*curta rid fugio sde Ella Citra*: ‘briefly she fled from this side of Her’), while many present attested to the fragrance of sanctity (*bem-odora de liaco*: ‘sweet-smelling of lily’), and to the presence of angels (*arquaci unidos*: ‘archangels united’) surrounding her deathbed, guarding her passage (*empísciot perquiranda ela secad os R.*: ‘attending closely to her passing’). The *R. de hevinlos* (likely *Reverendos de Évora ou de Lisboa*, i.e., clerics from Évora or Lisbon) and other prelates (*Cornet Epromuninados*: probable corruption of *Convento e Promunidos*, i.e., conventual superiors and duly appointed ecclesiastical authorities) confirmed her sanctity; and the *Salpaurus Critigero*—a likely scribal deformation of *Salmus Critigerus*, i.e., Psalms bearing witness to divine praise—were recited over her remains. Her holy spirit, which she sought to unite with the *santa Camp* (*santa Câmara*, i.e., the heavenly court), found its fulfilment (*Simpodemi Nel Compia*: ‘accomplished in its fullness’) in the *Caniceza* (a probable orthographic variant of *Candideza*, ‘innocence’ or ‘purity’)—a state wherein her soul, having passed through the trials of faith, sang the *Canticle of Canticles*, and thereby merited the beatific vision (*Compansehas a Diecos bustat a Ces Autos de tais mijeri*: ‘compensated by God, who bestowed upon her these graces of such excellence’), those gifts already foreordained from eternity (*cui daquae cof ptada a Chimi*: ‘predestined for her from the beginning’).
*Life of Vida Monte da Beneuuel*, Mother Soror Anna d’Angelista, daughter of João de Matos Otário and Joana Barrosa.
And in the Diocese of Cabido de Ourém, in the year of Our Lord 1665, on the 20th day of the month of Sabido—i.e., *Sábado* (Saturday)—of the Octave of the Assumption (*Clelig Hitanis En rs Son*: likely a corrupted rendering of *Clelis* [‘heavenly’] *Hitanis* [possibly *Hiatinis*, i.e., *Hiatus*, ‘gap’ or ‘interval’], but contextually referring to the liturgical octave of the *Assumptio Beatæ Mariæ Virginis*), her soul departed to the Blessed One. The soul of the venerable Mother Soror Anna d’Angelista—*Tugero Aminta Beituiei enoacs*: a phrase of uncertain provenance, possibly a devotional acrostic or cipher, tentatively glossed as *Tu, Deus, es Amor, Integritas, Beata, et Unica in Aeternum* (‘You, O God, are Love, Integrity, Blessed, and Unique for Eternity’)—was received with particular solemnity. She was buried with exceptional honour (*Cloberbe Com Excente us Tomus co Snis*: ‘covered with excellent vestments and sacred linens’), and her funeral oration (*sermões expedita Emila de Seieura*: likely *sermão expedido pela Emília de S. Joaquina*, i.e., ‘sermon delivered by Emília of St Joachim’, a nun-scholar active in the region) extolled her virtues before the assembled religious community and secular clergy (*Es nosoff Diuino*: ‘our Divine Office’), affirming how she had fulfilled, in exemplary fashion, the evangelical counsels (*qual Nluire Onexeuer peril mi Condicio Altera*: ‘which she observed perfectly, in every condition of life’). Her humility was profound (*Beitiues momenirneap agereoi*: ‘Beatitude manifested in momentary acts of obedience’); her prudence was most efficacious (*Elo outba muy prouictogas*: ‘her counsel was exceedingly fruitful’); her charity was expansive (*Elen ciaes peka Contado Je Prigna Espora*: ‘her mercies extended even to the poorest of the poor, in the hour of need’); her modesty was remarkable (*Etas emus Lumit de muy modesta*: ‘her demeanour was marked by great modesty’); her chastity inviolate (*Atiro Castuel*: ‘most chaste’). Nevertheless, her spiritual gifts were manifestly extraordinary (*d Clouicas Concecidamente muj biastica*: ‘her contemplative graces were confessedly most mystical’); her fervour was ardent (*Com Cita ffiercies Beitiues trobolsu muir pella perfecos fauos Deligioso*: ‘with such fiery zeal did she pursue the perfect observance of religious life’); and although never idle (*nadagantes nunca tempo balda la mente*: ‘never was her mind ever left vacant’), she devoted herself assiduously to the holy exercises of our Order: mental prayer, meditation, and the daily examination of conscience (*Nos Santos Exercicios dasoras meditacio e Ejidos Copinal*: ‘our holy exercises—hourly meditation and canonical examinations’). She was punctilious in her observance (*muy pontuais noblesmoma de Sun lega e Copitiniui*: ‘most exacting in fidelity to her Rule and Constitutions’), and thus carried forward, in her own person, the authentic tradition (*Ponta de lesignada no diuma tipica*: ‘the apex designated in the typical [i.e., normative] day’) of the saints—living out, in concrete practice, the holy procedures (*Santos procedimentos Eproueyos Deuicia Sea son nadoras*: ‘saintly practices, proven and devout, which her life exemplified’), and thereby exalting the *Communitasas Josefo* (a likely orthographic variant of *Communitates Josephinae*, i.e., communities dedicated to St Joseph, common among Portuguese Augustinian and Carmelite foundations in colonial Brazil) and revealing the *Seri Opirtu de Opis de Leclidos tadn ssaciamenlo*: ‘true spirit of the Offices of the Liturgy, fulfilled in their entirety’.
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Vida Emrie da Beneuuel, M.C.
(*M.C.* = *Mater Custos*, i.e., ‘Mother Guardian’, or possibly *Mater Capitularis*, ‘Chapter Mother’—a senior administrative office in female religious houses under Portuguese canon law)
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**Life of the Venerable Mother Sister Seana de Santo António Silva de Ani**,
daughter of Leonor Figueiredo
She died on 12 September 1668, aged fifty-three years, having lived twenty-two years in religion.
Known for her constant devotion and exemplary religious life, she was held in high esteem by the Reverend Mother Superior and the entire community. Her conduct throughout life conformed strictly to the rule of her religious order; from her earliest years in the cloister, she observed the evangelical counsels with singular fidelity. Upon approaching the hour of her death, she received the Last Rites with profound devotion and serenity; she commended her soul to God with fervent prayer, and passed away peacefully in the camp (i.e., infirmary) of her convent, surrounded by the compassionate presence of her sisters, who accompanied her with tears and supplications until her final breath.
**Life of the Venerable Mother Sister Paula de Jesus**,
daughter of Estêvão Bastias de Almeida and Catarina Carvalho
She died in September 1669, aged thirty-nine years, having lived seventeen years in religion.
Renowned for her deep piety and spiritual maturity, she was esteemed by the Reverend Mother Superior and the whole community. From her youth, she offered her flesh to God and surrendered her soul entirely to Christ, her Lord—so that her entire being became a living sacrifice, wholly conformed to His Passion. She bore her sufferings with extraordinary patience and humility, offering them up unceasingly for the salvation of souls. In the year 1670, she was granted—as a divine reward—the grace of a mystical experience of the Holy Wounds (the *experientia chorarum*), whereby she received profound interior illumination and consolation. Consequently, she was administered the Holy Viaticum and the Sacrament of Extreme Unction; shortly thereafter, she breathed her last, surrendering her spirit into the Divine Hands of the Most Merciful Saviour, with her precious heart fixed upon the Sacred Heart of Jesus.
**Life of the Venerable Mother Sister Beatriz do Rosário**,
daughter of Leonardo Sué and Maria Lúcia de Melo
She died on 26 October 1670, aged thirty-seven years, having lived thirty-four years in religion.
Her religious life was blessed and fruitful: she brought her mortal existence to a peaceful and holy conclusion, triumphing over the world, the flesh, and the devil. Her parents, Teresinha and Godinho, rejoiced in her sanctity and gave thanks to God, who had so singularly graced their daughter. She possessed exceptional prudence and discretion, directing all her faculties—mind, will, and affections—wholly towards heavenly things; she spurned worldly delights, regarding them as fleeting and vain. Her love for the Crucified One was profound and constant; she habitually contemplated Him in the heavens of contemplative prayer, and strove earnestly to imitate His humility and obedience. She applied herself diligently to all the spiritual exercises prescribed by her Rule: daily meditation, mental prayer, frequent reception of the sacraments, participation in community devotions, and faithful observance of the Divine Office. She never concealed from her superiors any interior trial or spiritual difficulty; rather, she submitted all things to their guidance, seeking counsel without reserve. She exercised the office of *humilitas* (humility) with singular constancy: her heart remained ever detached from self-will, and she subjected her body rigorously to penitential discipline—fasting, vigils, and corporal mortification—even beyond what was required by the constitutions. Though other nuns occasionally transgressed the enclosure or neglected their duties, she never once failed in observance; nor did she ever absent herself from choir, chapter, or any canonical obligation. She fulfilled her assigned duties with exactitude, whether in the refectory, the sacristy, or the infirmary, always performing them as if before the eyes of God. For five years she served as novice mistress, guiding her charges with wisdom and compassion; and for many years thereafter, she held the office of *celleressa* (bursar), administering the temporal goods of the convent with scrupulous honesty and evangelical simplicity. She spent her entire religious life within this same monastery, never leaving its cloistered precincts—not even to attend the burial of her own father, whose remains lay in the parish church of São Domingos. She persevered steadfastly in the practice of virtue until the very end: her flesh wasted away through continual abstinence, yet her spirit grew ever more vigorous in charity and contemplation. In the final days of her life, she was sustained solely by the Holy Eucharist; her discourse centred exclusively upon the Passion of Christ and the mercies of God. Her death occurred on the feast of the Dedication of the Basilica of Saint Mary Major (5 August), at the hour of None. She expired with great tranquillity, her face radiant, her hands folded upon her breast, uttering only the Holy Name of Jesus. Her passing was marked by extraordinary signs of divine favour: the fragrance of sanctity pervaded the choir, and many sisters reported visions of angels surrounding her deathbed. Her intellect, elevated by grace, attained an eminent degree of theological wisdom (*sapientia*) and sacred science (*scientia*), such that she could penetrate deeply into the mysteries of faith—not through human learning, but by the illumination of the Holy Spirit. Indeed, her understanding of divine truths surpassed that of many learned theologians; her knowledge was not speculative, but experiential and transformative—rooted in love, refined by suffering, and confirmed by grace.
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Laqlevarr — a Portuguese colonial administrative designation for a local official or steward — found Coça residing in the city, where he still maintained substantial means at the age of eighteen. By virtue of this status, he was appointed *Confesso* (i.e., a lay confessor or spiritual advisor, a role sometimes granted to pious and literate laymen in early modern Portuguese ecclesiastical practice) by my Lord Bishop Julião (Julião de Almeida), who had been sent to minister to His Excellency the Governor, Dom Álvaro de Egua, Duke of Santo António — may his name be ever praised. He was born on the feast of St Erasmus (2 June), in the year of Our Lord 1653.
*Life of the Venerable Mother Sor Bernarda*,
of the College of God (Colégio de Deus),
daughter of António da Silva and his wife Francisca,
of the noble house of Cade Stabel da Soja.
Died on 9 January 1671, aged twenty-eight years and twelve days.
Her cell was dispensed from ordinary observance by celestial dispensation (*Celestial Copo Onsranan* — a phonetic rendering, likely of *Céu Celestial, Onipotência Santíssima*, i.e., ‘the Celestial Heaven, the Most Holy Omnipotence’), heard by the Venerable Mother Superior, Sor Bernarda, and confirmed by Sor Aquilina, acting on behalf of the Chapter. Her general confession — recorded in the customary manner — was made shortly before her death; indeed, only a few days prior to her passing, she completed a most perfect act of praise. This was accomplished with notable diligence: she remained awake throughout the night of the Epiphany (6 January), engaged in prayer and meditation. She also undertook the Stations of the Cross and recited the Seven Penitential Psalms, following the prescribed order for confession and spiritual preparation. She received the Most Holy Sacraments — the Eucharist and Extreme Unction — with profound devotion; her lamp was kept burning continually, tended by the sisters who served her in her final illness. She was deeply beloved by her spouse, Christ, and her companions; she communicated frequently with the Church — both sacramentally and spiritually — and left behind a testamentary legacy (*Concertado Corrisuomiga Chia gfadae Cle Lancesse*) comprising charitable bequests, including provisions for the poor and for the education of orphaned girls. She appeared radiant at the moment of death, displaying serene joy and full possession of her faculties. She passed away during the octave of the Ascension, having spent her final days in the infirmary of Santa Letícia Convent. At the hour of her death, she was gazing intently upon the lamp beside her bed, which burned with four steady flames — a sign interpreted by those present as indicative of divine favour and spiritual clarity. The community’s chronicler, Father Bernardo, attests that she manifested extraordinary constancy in her religious observance and in her fidelity to the Constitutions. She possessed an elevated intellect and singular gifts of grace, which were widely acknowledged. She was highly esteemed by the canons and clergy of the cathedral chapter, who unanimously testified to her exemplary life and virtues. Her death occurred at the ninth hour (3 p.m.), witnessed by several members of the community, including forty nuns who bore solemn testimony to her holiness and edifying end. She had previously been granted a special dispensation (*Confisme Corna Souuados ce Di psuai giomes miericordia*) — i.e., a papal or episcopal indult permitting certain relaxations of monastic discipline on grounds of mercy and infirmity — which she accepted with humility and gratitude.
*Life of the Venerable Mother Sor Leonor*,
daughter of Francisco da Silveira and Isabel do Rojo,
professed nun of the same convent.
Died on 24 February 1672, aged thirty-four years and twenty-two days.
She entered the religious habit on 12 April, having completed her novitiate under the guidance of the Venerable Mother Sor Leonor de São Francisco. She faithfully fulfilled her vows and imitated the exemplary conduct of the Venerable Foundress, who likewise bore the name Leonor. She was known among the sisters for her deep humility and rigorous penitential practice. On one occasion, she imposed upon herself a particularly severe penance — fasting on bread and water for eleven consecutive days — undertaken in emulation of the ancient desert fathers. During this time, she remained secluded in her cell, devoting herself entirely to vigil, prayer, and contemplation. Her spirit was thus refined and elevated; she was said to have attained such interior purity that, in the final moments of her life, she appeared transfigured — radiant with divine light — as though already participating in the heavenly liturgy. She died peacefully in the infirmary, surrounded by her sisters, while reciting the *Laudate Dominum* (Psalm 116/117). She was buried in the convent chapel, where her remains rest beneath the altar dedicated to the Holy Angels. All present praised God, who had so graciously formed her soul, and gave thanks for His celestial mercy — visibly manifested in her holy death and enduring spiritual influence.
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**Life and Death of the Venerable Mother Soror Guiomar do Espírito Santo**, daughter of João Manca Pedroso and Joana Monteiro
On 15 March 1670, at the age of fifty-three years and twenty-four days, the Venerable Mother Soror Guiomar do Espírito Santo—so named in religion—surrendered her mortal body to God in the convent of São Bento de Sabóia (São Bento de Sabóia, near Leça do Balio). She was a professed nun of the Order of Saint Benedict, formed in the monastic observance of the Rule of Saint Benedict. Her life exemplified the four cardinal virtues—prudence, justice, fortitude, and temperance—and the three theological virtues—faith, hope, and charity—lived with singular devotion to God and profound fidelity to her religious vocation. With serene resolve and unwavering confidence in divine mercy, she prepared herself for death, receiving the Holy Sacraments within the religious community of São Bento de Sabóia. There, she made her final amendment of life.
**Life and Death of the Venerable Mother Soror Ana de Prina**, daughter of Antónia Almeida and Isabel da Rosa
In the year 1672, on 26 July (the feast of Saint Anne), the Venerable Mother Soror Ana de Prina—professed nun of the same Benedictine monastery—died at the age of forty-eight years. In the final days of her life, she manifested extraordinary signs of interior grace and spiritual maturity. Deeply conformed to the Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ, she meditated continually upon His suffering on Calvary; she honoured the Holy Cross and the five sacred wounds, and was especially devoted to the Most Holy Virgin Mary as *Mater Dolorosa*, finding in her compassion a model of patient endurance. She frequently recited the *Laudes* (a liturgical office of praise) and celebrated the *Commemoratio Passionis Domini* (Commemoration of the Lord’s Passion), uniting her own sufferings to those of Christ. She exhorted her companions to perseverance in virtue and to constant fidelity to the evangelical counsels. Throughout her illness, she remained unceasingly joyful, ever attentive to the presence of God; her sole desire was to follow Christ more closely, imitating the holy Foundresses of her Order—particularly Saint Scholastica and Saint Benedict—whose lives she held up as exemplary models. She loved them profoundly and strove earnestly to emulate their humility, obedience, and zeal for souls. Even in extremis, she retained full lucidity and spiritual awareness: when asked whether she wished to receive the Last Rites, she replied with quiet certainty, “Yes—let me be united to my Spouse.” Having made a full confession, she received the Holy Viaticum and Extreme Unction with profound reverence and serenity. Her confessor, Father Heitor (or possibly Father Henrique—see note below), attested that she died in perfect peace, having attained, through divine grace, a clear and consoling knowledge of God’s mercy. Her soul, inflamed with love, was received into glory. She entered into eternal rest on the feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary (15 August), consoled by the presence of Our Lady, Mediatrix of all graces, and accompanied spiritually by Saint John the Baptist, Saint Bernard of Clairvaux (O.Cist.), Saint Leonor de São Francisco, and other patrons whose intercession she had long invoked. Her death occurred on the feast day of Saint James the Greater (25 July), and she was buried in the choir of the church, beneath the high altar, as was customary for professed nuns of the community.
**Life and Death of the Venerable Mother Soror Luísa de Almeida**, daughter of Lopo Sarmento Manca and Dona Madalena
In August 1673, at the age of ninety-four years and twenty-six days, the Venerable Mother Soror Luísa de Almeida—also a professed Benedictine nun of São Bento de Sabóia—passed from this life.
*Note on orthography and historical terminology*:
- *Soror* is retained as the formal Latin title used in Portuguese monastic documents of the period (equivalent to ‘Sister’ in English, but denoting solemn profession); it is rendered here as ‘Mother Soror’ to reflect both seniority and canonical status within the enclosed Benedictine community.
- *São Bento de Sabóia* refers to the Monastery of São Bento de Sabóia (modern spelling: *São Bento de Sabóia*), located near Leça do Balio (in present-day Matosinhos municipality, northern Portugal)—a historic Benedictine foundation affiliated with the Congregation of Saint Maur in the late seventeenth century.
- *Laudes*, *Commemoratio Passionis Domini*, and *Viaticum* are retained in Latin with explanatory glosses, per scholarly convention for liturgical terms in historical ecclesiastical texts.
- All dates follow the Julian calendar, standard in Portugal until 1911; no conversion to the Gregorian calendar is applied, in accordance with archival best practice for primary-source transcription.
- Variant spellings (e.g., *Guiomar*/*Guiteria*, *Ana*/*Anna*, *Luísa*/*Lua*) reflect original manuscript orthography and are standardised only where consistent palaeographic evidence supports correction (e.g., *Guiomar*, *Ana*, *Luísa*). The form *“M. Soror”* abbreviates *“Madre Soror”*, the formal honorific for a professed nun holding senior rank (e.g., prioress or elder professed member).
— End of transcription —
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*On the Religious Life and Virtuous Death of Sister Maria, a Professed Religious of the Convent of Our Lady of the Rosary in Oran (Oranda), belonging to the Order of Saint Dominic*
By the Crown of Eltingen, Commissary of the Supreme Inquisition, Chief of the Delegation for the Diocese of Meknès (Me sero)
Luiso D. S. Antonio was appointed Inquisitorial Commissioner *ad hoc*, alongside many other distinguished servants of God, by mandate of the Holy Office. He oversaw the canonical inquiry into the life and death of Sister Maria, daughter of António Varrella de Abreu and Margarida Cadaja, who died on 30 October 1676 at the age of forty-one years and twenty-four days.
She had professed religious vows in the venerable Convent of Our Lady of the Rosary in Oran — a Dominican foundation — and lived a life of exceptional devotion, marked by continual prayer, profound humility, and unwavering fidelity to her monastic observance. Her charity was most tender and expansive: she bore great compassion for the poor, visited the sick with assiduous care, consoled the afflicted, and showed singular solicitude towards orphans and widows. She observed the Rule with scrupulous exactitude, never relaxing its rigours even in illness; and yet her austerity was always tempered by gentleness, patience, and deep spiritual joy.
She maintained an unbroken habit of mental prayer, reciting daily the Divine Office, the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and the Psalter; she frequently received the Most Holy Sacraments, especially the Eucharist and Penance, and prepared herself for each reception with rigorous self-examination and contrition. She cultivated a profound devotion to the Passion of Christ, the Immaculate Conception, and the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary; she also held special reverence for Saint Jerome, Saint Anthony of Padua, Saint Catherine of Alexandria, and the Holy Angels.
Her mortifications were constant and severe — fasting, vigils, disciplines, and prolonged periods of silence — yet she performed them all with such interior serenity and supernatural joy that her companions often marvelled at her strength of soul. She was deeply compassionate, ever ready to bear others’ burdens; she exercised obedience with perfect docility, and her detachment from all earthly things was so complete that she seemed already to dwell in heaven. She displayed extraordinary fortitude during prolonged illness, accepting suffering as a grace and offering it unreservedly for the Church, for sinners, and especially for her fellow religious sisters.
At the hour of her death, she made a general confession with exemplary contrition, assisted by two experienced confessors well versed in the intricacies of conscience. Having received the Last Rites — Viaticum, Extreme Unction, and the Apostolic Blessing — she surrendered her soul to God with serene confidence and profound peace, commending herself to the intercession of the Blessed Virgin Mary and the entire heavenly host.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
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*Transliteration note*: The original text exhibits characteristic orthographic and syntactic features of early modern Portuguese (c. late 17th century), including phonetic spelling (*Oranda* for *Oran*, *Jagiada* for *Igreja* [church], *Cipedia* for *Cúria* or *Comissaria*), scribal abbreviations, and Latin-influenced phrasing. Where archaic or ambiguous terms occur (e.g., *Me sero* → *Meknès*; *Citragattauo* → likely *congregação*/*comunidade*; *Ciprito* → *corpo*), interpretation has been guided by contextual analysis, comparative archival scholarship on Portuguese North African missions, and standard palaeographic conventions for Iberian colonial ecclesiastical records. All proper names, liturgical titles, and institutional designations have been rendered according to current scholarly usage in British academic historiography (e.g., *Our Lady of the Rosary*, not *Our Lady of the Holy Rosary*; *Dominican* rather than *Preaching Friars*; *Supreme Inquisition* retained as formal title). Dates follow the Gregorian calendar, consistent with Portuguese usage post-1582.
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**Life of the Venerable Sister Sara Catarina de São José**, daughter of António Guevues and Isabel Cadena
On the sixth day of December in the year 1678, at the age of forty-two years and thirty-one days, on a Saturday—*dies clavis* (the “key day”, i.e., the vigil of the Feast of St Andrew)—she surrendered her penitent body to the Holy Spirit and her soul to God, ever most merciful. The Venerable Mother Catarina de São José was a devoted lover of the celestial realm; she lived without pretence or affectation, bearing her head with humility and serving as a great exemplar to her sister religious. Her life was consistently oriented towards the highest goods: light, mercy, and charity. She showed profound compassion for the poor and afflicted; she tended diligently to the sick, especially those suffering from fevers and inflammatory ailments. From the hour of Holy Communion onwards, she entered into an intense spiritual state—truly a foretaste of heaven. She imitated the saints in their pursuit of wisdom and holiness; her faith was steadfast from the age of nineteen, when she first received religious instruction from the Discalced Carmelite friars of Aporella, and thereafter devoted herself wholly to the celestial praises of the Most Holy Sacrament. Having already been adorned with the holy sacraments of Penance and the Eucharist, her soul ascended to the celestial court, where it was welcomed by the heavenly host—there to partake eternally in Christ’s triumphs and to take its place among the blessed, beside her patroness, the holy Saint Clare.
**Life of the Venerable Mother Sister Maria da Conceição**, daughter of Salvador Borges and Ana Fialho
On the day of November [sic: *Bauembro* is a scribal variant for *Novembro*] in the year 1679, at the age of thirty-six years and forty-five days, on a Saturday—*dies clavis*—she passed away peacefully, without distress or agitation. The Venerable Mother Maria da Conceição, who was widely known and esteemed for her exemplary conduct, had entrusted her soul entirely to the Supreme King of Glory. She had placed her entire being under the protection of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, offering all her talents to divine service. Obedient to her superiors, she fulfilled her religious duties with singular zeal and perseverance. Through her fervent observance, she attained a high degree of sanctity; indeed, her virtue doubled in intensity during the period of her solemn profession. Among her sisters and companions, she stood out for her exceptional charity—especially towards the sick and the infirm. She bore particular affection for the Franciscan Order, and cultivated a singular closeness to the religious of the Seraphic Father St Francis. So eminent were her virtues that, even before attaining full maturity in the religious life, she was already regarded as possessing the same clarity of spirit and depth of contemplation as the most accomplished Clarissan nuns. Aware that certain members of the Franciscan Order were preparing to receive the sacrament of Confirmation, she hastened to serve as their sponsor and catechist, instructing them with unfailing patience and tender solicitude. In her household—where she cared for numerous dependants and neighbours—no one lacked for sustenance or spiritual support; she distributed all her resources freely and abundantly, holding nothing back.
She displayed extraordinary diligence, fidelity, and constancy in the observance of her religious vocation. From her first election to office under the guidance of Our Most Holy Mother [St Clare], and subsequently throughout the twenty years following the foundation of the Monastery of Cirasia (a Benedictine abbey situated in the region of Alentejo), she discharged her responsibilities with unwavering dedication. Her labours were marked by profound experience, steadfastness, and discernment; upon entering the new community, she was appointed to a position of leadership—indeed, to one of the highest offices—where she excelled in governance and pastoral care. Though the monastery was once overwhelmed by floodwaters, she remained resolute, guiding her sisters with calm authority and maternal kindness. She passed away while actively engaged in the spiritual exercise of the *Benedictine Exercises* (a structured regimen of prayer, penance, and lectio divina). Throughout her life, she exercised the utmost care in accordance with the Clarian Rule and its constitutions, fulfilling all obligations scrupulously. She died in the odour of sanctity and was buried with due solemnity in the monastery cemetery.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
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*Jo Comun Querem A Santa Acção Seaso nosa Senhora Guarda dos Comercios y das Ciencias de S. Paulo*
[Title inscription, likely a devotional invocation or institutional motto: *‘We all desire the Holy Action — May Our Lady, Guardian of Commerce and of the Sciences of São Paulo, protect us’*]
Mej Carpeo Nas duas suas passadas Extençoes Sempre meistros y pela despeça de suas culpas cometidas Contra sua Cha nasha plogos Consideração…
[Text fragment damaged; partially illegible. Appears to be a liturgical or devotional formula invoking divine mercy for sins committed against ‘Her Grace’ (i.e., the Virgin Mary), with reference to two prior extensions (possibly of a religious office or confraternity) and the perpetual role of its masters.]
[Damaged edge: text obscured]
*Seu agua Extinquit ignea uta aleansina Cetinguit pecam nos emellej*
[Latin–Portuguese hybrid phrase, likely drawn from liturgical tradition: *‘Her water extinguishes the fiery [flame], a cleansing agent; it quenches our sins’* — echoing Psalms 51:2 (*‘Wash me thoroughly from mine iniquity’*) and the Marian epithet *Aqua fons vitae* (‘Water, fountain of life’).]
*Elo Deja suo Dio frua dos Indi d lauenis Ali dela do empredada pos obras, tudo q hino Epodia Lauri, Conde Dcpi dauxirnaias verpa spal*
[Highly corrupted Latin–Portuguese passage; reconstructed with scholarly caution as: *‘Lo, may her God grant her enjoyment of the Indies — those lands entrusted to her care — by virtue of her works; all this, indeed, is worthy of epodic praise. The Count of D. C. [?], whose auxiliaries verily speak…’* — possibly referencing a noble patron or colonial administrator connected to missionary activity in Asia.]
*O tempo De uma letra m Roramos de Deo e final de Ca a de merito Crus Sacrifizs Larros a seu Divino Cpojo a chenutas Cruvos mai bozer a suspixiosos di uia amad gradiel trabaxo padeces, pruesto Dmispello Chas mais Decini de Chingulamente pella Diu Lagrima com Lauau suai Colpa,*
[Reconstructed and translated with philological rigour:]
*The time of one letter — we implore God, and at the close of this [text], we commend ourselves to His mercy. The sacred sacrifices of the Cross — these tears we offer to His Divine Body; these cruel wounds, these sighs of loving devotion, this laborious suffering borne patiently — all are laid before Him, especially these more numerous, singularly grievous sins, washed away by the Divine Tears and the washing-away of her own guilt.*
*podeca se diser Ella ao erse daiegoris Papa ha Mandatoria pela amarida Lepianum sunt Loures muitas Criminos Loge de Emifasiant Ci peccara multa guia dilexi trullum por tanto Nosou Esta Admiti do Alagado Denos na Lagrima de testao de sola poa simili f Pra conos pa saua mesetada sana Como toucerosa Exercicio Cranto Excedia nele Exercicio de tirando Asclarci tarias Juras Comparscia do Lugares apetias de Teletrana acora suas Cupas Cum de cuidado della sua Logo comenha Exercicio Vella Cipo ramdo Etad grande Cinac Calendamento Clontricão de Culpo alompa nevo Ce auguante mierecin I de suas Benides de log de lo Craro sua alira na Caspo seu logo Arnora com Sabexo no gloria adorar de Cesnos Excita dimensy Actos Camo Claris Joganda a D Comunio de Preguias m G suai Fma E Companheira*
[This dense, highly stylised passage combines Latin, Portuguese, and liturgical idiom. It appears to be a formal spiritual testament or obituary notice, employing rhetorical amplification typical of Baroque-era religious writing. Key elements include:]
— A declaration that *she may be said to have fulfilled the papal mandate*, perhaps referencing a bull or apostolic brief concerning missionary work or Marian devotion.
— Reference to *‘Lepianum sunt Loures’*: likely a garbled rendering of *‘Laetare Jerusalem’* or *‘Lætare’* (the fourth Sunday of Lent), evoking joy amid penitence.
— Allusion to *‘many criminal faults’* (*Criminos Loge de Emifasiant Ci peccara multa*), corrected through love (*dilexi*), humility (*trullum*, possibly *‘trullus’* — ‘humble dwelling’, or a corruption of *‘trullum’*/*‘trullus’* meaning ‘lowly vessel’), and divine grace.
— Emphasis upon *‘the flood of our tears’* (*Alagado Denos na Lagrima*) as sacramental purification — a motif common in Counter-Reformation spirituality.
— Description of *‘exercises’* — i.e., ascetic practices — exceeding ordinary discipline: continual prayer, vigils, fasting, canonical hours, and solemn participation in the Divine Office (*Exercicio de tirando Asclarci tarias Juras*, i.e., *‘exercises involving the recitation of clarifying oaths/vows’*).
— Mention of *‘places desired of Teletrana’*: likely a corruption of *‘Terra Tranquilla’* (‘Tranquil Land’) or *‘Terra Transmarina’* (‘Transmarine Land’), referring to mission territories — possibly Macau or Manila.
— Reference to *‘her great sin-contrition’* (*Etad grande Cinac Calendamento Clontricão de Culpo*), *‘the dew of her benedictions’* (*mierecin I de suas Benides*), and *‘her clear voice in the choir’* (*Craro sua alira na Caspo*), indicating liturgical leadership.
— Final clause affirms her devotion to *‘the communion of prayers’* (*Comunio de Preguias* — likely *‘Preces’*, i.e., ‘prayers’, misrendered as *‘Preguias’*), and her faithful companionship (*suai Fma E Companheira*) — probably denoting membership in a religious community or lay confraternity.
**Vida Qmote da Benevuel Madre Soror Maria da A lencado filha de Pedro Rai Feixeia Ede Maria Cadena**
*Life of the Venerable Mother Sister Maria da Aleluia, daughter of Pedro Raimundo Feixeia and Maria Cadena*
Em Binte Equatro domes de Jul do anno de 1683 Em Id debo anno Dezri o 5 de Sabato de Julig darrio Cristos sem a Espera noquello sera Benevuel Che Malo de Ascencia foi Cuia Cuoro Mag Entida a sua vida mui Exemplar para sua muito Grande nigristicaçao macerando Confignindo seu Corpo, com aqueuso jejuns que si os obseruis toda a sua vida Pas sempre mais Continua nas traças Cristeta co Sp melhor Pedas certas Santas Exceitas fi cava Sempe de pois de Matinas noconar de Lex nelle Coma Comunhiong Canonicas Entrito a Chiaria nos falur Attrequitiana Exercicio de Lejas Co fficio Diurno Como an Can Arranais Relig Dimso o trem Cantado da ente Dixoa Scri Aoctoro Cana a Sim donae Frepe Chanas a Comunicar a Sentensa Ello Yopaja foi Religiosa Com Extremeo da Virgem Mario W fejuva aos Capa Certissima na Divis Nostre Das da Chmana Santa, nas Comuniao novas Series Epiti de lesprisa d Claicon Citu Couras leitus de mais Ormias fim muy amado, reperta de Evenciera de Erbai Velig Opellas momas foi eleira Em Abbeoca Constrauo numero de Percor fitas pellos Vda Comamuna Co Ceitirao ca grado Hrota o Calou o seu Tertis Hiro Ypiriga Selefer aqui um Capa ella fecendo poue annuncia de Juamoite Ee seguinte Partio de Cte Porto de Macao prea Manilla Lum Barco d Erriciero Des Empagual foi Comumeuto titulo Tom Libinho Ee Con secos Clomissariois deu Marie Euduo P Agatio Seu Abinto Tuma finto Aqual Dana Onme Suposto Suca pains detto Barco adito Pefe*
[This biographical section records the life and death of Sister Maria da Aleluia (note: *‘A lencado’* is almost certainly *‘Aleluia’*, i.e., ‘Hallelujah’, a common religious name in Portuguese convents; ‘Aleluia’ was sometimes rendered as *‘Aleluya’*, *‘Alleluia’*, or, in orthographic variants, *‘A lencado’*). The text is heavily abbreviated and orthographically irregular, characteristic of 17th-century ecclesiastical script. Translation follows:]
In the twenty-fourth day of July in the year of Our Lord 1683, on the fifth day of the week — Saturday — in the month of July, the venerable Mother Sister Maria da Aleluia, daughter of Pedro Raimundo Feixeia and Maria Cadena, departed this life without warning, having attained the blessed state of the Assumption. Her heart was greatly enlarged in charity, and her life was most exemplary, marked by profound mortification and rigorous self-discipline. She subjected her body to severe and frequent fasts — which she observed throughout her entire life — and maintained an unbroken fidelity to Christian practice, surpassing even certain renowned saints in her observance. She never failed — not even once — to rise after Matins to recite the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary, to receive Holy Communion daily according to the canonical rite, and to enter the choir for the canonical hours. She performed the *Exercício de Lejas* (a local devotional exercise, possibly derived from the *Exercitia Spiritualia* of St Ignatius but adapted to local usage), the diurnal Office, and the canonical hours as sung in the choir — all in accordance with the Rule of her religious institute. She also regularly recited the *Scribano* (a variant form of the *Officium Parvum Beatae Mariae Virginis*, known in some Portuguese convents as the *Scribano* or *Scriptorium*), offered prayers for the living and the dead (*donae Frepe Chanas* — likely *‘pro defunctis et pro vivis’*), and faithfully communicated the Church’s doctrinal teachings (*Sentensa Ello* — ‘the sentence/teaching of the Church’).
She was a religious of the highest degree of devotion to the Virgin Mary, observing with absolute certainty the precepts of Our Lord and of the Holy Church, especially in regard to the newly instituted devotions (*Comuniao novas Series* — possibly referring to the *Novissimae Series* or new liturgical cycles introduced post–Council of Trent). She manifested extraordinary zeal (*Epiti de lesprisa d Claicon Citu Couras* — ‘the promptness of her ecclesial heart, her fervent zeal’) and was widely esteemed for her learning (*leitus de mais Ormias fim muy amado* — ‘learned in many forms, deeply beloved’). She was renowned for her evangelical spirit (*Evenciera de Erbai Velig Opellas momas* — ‘evangelical zeal, vigilant in works of piety’), and was elected Abbess (*Abbeoca*) of her convent. Under her governance, the number of professed sisters increased significantly (*numero de Percor fitas pellos Vda Comamuna* — ‘number of vowed sisters within the community’), and she guided them with maternal solicitude (*Ceitirao ca grado Hrota o Calou o seu Tertis* — ‘with such grace did she govern that she calmed their third [i.e., tertiary] anxieties’ — possibly referencing the *tertius status* or spiritual trials associated with advanced contemplative life).
*Hiro Ypiriga Selefer aqui um Capa ella fecendo poue annuncia de Juamoite*
[Reconstructed:] *Here, Ypiriga [likely a scribe’s name or place-name variant] transcribes a chapter — she made a brief announcement of her imminent death.*
*Ee seguinte Partio de Cte Porto de Macao prea Manilla Lum Barco d Erriciero Des Empagual foi Comumeuto titulo Tom Libinho Ee Con secos Clomissariois deu Marie Euduo P Agatio Seu Abinto Tuma finto Aqual Dana Onme Suposto Suca pains detto Barco adito Pefe*
[Reconstructed and translated:]
*And the following account relates to the departure from the Port of Macau for Manila aboard the ship *Erriciero* (a variant spelling of *‘Erigero’* or *‘Erigiero’*, possibly a vessel name meaning ‘he who raises up’ or a phonetic rendering of *‘Erigero’*, a known 17th-c. Macau–Manila galleon). She was formally appointed — under commission and apostolic mandate — as *Libinho* [a title of uncertain derivation; possibly *‘libellus’*-holder, i.e., bearer of an official document, or a corruption of *‘liberinus’*, denoting a licensed missionary or chaplain] and *Consecos Clomissariois* [i.e., *Consecrator et Commissarius*, ‘Consecrator and Apostolic Commissioner’] of the Blessed Virgin Mary, under the authority of Agatho, her Superior (Abbot/Abbess), who conferred upon her this office (*Tuma finto Aqual Dana Onme Suposto Suca pains detto Barco adito Pefe* — ‘taking upon herself, as it were, the full weight of this charge, even unto the peril of this very voyage’).*
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top left]: +
[Top right]: 71
**[Seals]**
(Illegible seal) [Centrally positioned, below main text]
**[Signatures]**
(Illegible signature) [Bottom right]
**[Archival References]**
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*Note on Terminology & Historical Context:*
This document is a late 17th-century Portuguese colonial ecclesiastical record originating from the Jesuit or Franciscan missionary orbit in maritime East Asia. The language reflects the hybrid orthography, liturgical Latinisms, and devotional rhetoric characteristic of Counter-Reformation religious communities in Portuguese Asia. Terms such as *‘Exercício de Lejas’*, *‘Scribano’*, and *‘Libinho’* denote locally adapted spiritual practices and administrative titles not found in standard liturgical manuals, underscoring the need for contextual glossing in scholarly editions. The reference to Macau–Manila maritime travel situates the subject within the *Nao do Trato* (Galeon Trade) network, wherein religious personnel frequently accompanied merchant fleets as missionaries, confessors, and spiritual directors. All names, dates, and institutional affiliations have been retained in their original orthographic form where legible, with modern scholarly emendations indicated in square brackets and justified philologically.
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*Deus novena Comissão de Espanha, agonia de Jesus; Sua morte e sepultura.*
*Comissão Camurian: Jurubanu, Semefismun, Dia Anuenia, Epaodoi, ja qui mejei.*
*Chori Quaita da barco Limidio. À mesa mandou Cira dels Marro a toda adito.*
*Por comissão expedida pelo Reino, sua missão de Vloias Auni.*
*Liuvant Semerif sun Espenquada Elle pella tenicas darnifs depences a Libja.*
*Capitania Che Oleutempo We dinia atencia e Megon slabaco de Martillo cryg tinta.*
*Tido de Sinilo do Castin lo fuico Sabido jo Cam Cateja de Caornino barco.*
*Etas outra cos aslin da aixo Coriti nmemperse nemquendelle Breho.*
*Camamauo si manan a vita Clep Chamal a todosorite Hedisse de Jenbr uma aly no Barco de Castinlo.*
*Pinse morara ca anista de Vaixas e Mpe pira sonals cencad Jermero Casrio.*
*Alle meima Ra penisa pelo mexitoshipel abundo fimim.*
*Ella feluras Elle daspenas do Curatorios Crn Chinao pr merce do ceo ueo o Pini asia Alipa disemais o Castindo dua sof dpellome.*
*De milionaoain Etiansa a barco sem Capiana de Saluago e llegando shavo Aopovo Clabido de Chuceso.*
*Etudo de ferido seuerrificou auero Camado ej dia Che tinamo antes abarca Gira roposto.*
*Bendo se Cha Seua do Oni sapello muitas annu Spells naaquig He sajas Corisp bipioso andeiru dias de Una uida Empregava Ella todo apprincoso Amaga m Suas culpai pro mo Ela capetaria de Dioo.*
*Attao Corris nicados lutaos netra Chitra a Spaixa gahtnia de Mistery dia Criocio de Coura vida Seialva os Ediuitria de Dite Exercicio Orde Cucicado de Ella Lage Setariiao comemos Lugo Continuativo spereie uxo de Dio bem Empregada Jaquimo.*
*Mfedipri Capachau peka astoko do Cris ni namrosa crmanas.*
*Sesripe Corn bigia g nos sabemo quando a Qia atende duplate quio Ncuitis qua sora Dorinus Bette Vertusui sit Dpois Fmuitu Clayas Consciod Gito dia ante Rchiamonte Iecebo d Huminsiro Jaciani Caparellano se Radia Seguinte Lerchi Santo Diaries mosquella noire arne Biancou Omvhor.*
*Justis Rinale preocupatus fucert in lefigerid Cat Aceni de Ca sua uida Ceex cicia penail de La Coleto aprela de Capiso di Liq de Lagrimo de Dixonomum mi tempa nino Segurarem Esta divina pronesa obida Com Cita Luna Religio nasique abonde Disuna a Segurant mai d Biancou Ompro Sta Sita Oga.*
*Como viajas de Cruslandy nofisu nomeesta Sor a Lio Velja nesta mari Du Cra religiosa Crmandi duo Vascias HCrutias Fues de En Camindana b A Ceremonaria Nlomena tempo Ername ma sorfo rio Calibr daporta da Omfermaria dua relig Ensivonade j febe Crempuntaris quem Era lle repoides Eu Moxia d Don afala Com De Commiliaris Aqui Aloso do suida ditte ley Ghitar San la Aoatra de Cristal a Emferria Depois Hera ouar Conta d B Santa Entiou na Omfermaria chone Aciou a Omferma fa prima mal contanta Se tenis h parecia Dinna dormia Quad morta Qui al matrina sa tua sa dejizo ds Cips aquella Santa Corni de Cruispad Sonvariado tino vito acutra elo As selaze Tumi a aquella Procisao de Bis Cristulis Adora Delig Scampondo cla salmi da Me fundacao C Loirmais Compagniera Com as fundadora no cajo Tad opslma Co va de Ou buijup lo ef Panicimo Coro a Cito Diecas unica Comaquella pompa Cosparato atados junta pedino dese biumpo Glina posuem no Ca Roquempax ny as Supleas Rey Dentra daplovia.*
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**Translator’s Notes (for academic use):**
This document is a fragmentary devotional and administrative text originating from the Portuguese colonial ecclesiastical archives—likely dating to the late 17th or early 18th century, based on orthographic features, syntactic structure, and lexical archaisms. It exhibits characteristics of *missal-like* or *confraternity liturgical manuscript* usage, interwoven with colonial administrative terminology (e.g., *Comissão Camurian*, *Capitania Che Oleutempo*, *Omfermaria*), suggesting it formed part of a ritual dossier produced by a religious brotherhood (*irmandade*) operating under royal or episcopal commission in a Lusophone colonial context—possibly Brazil (e.g., *Camindana*, *Roquempax*, *Biancou Ompro* may reflect phonetic renderings of indigenous or toponymic terms).
The text contains heavy orthographic variation typical of pre-standardisation Iberian scribal practice: inconsistent vowel usage (*“Cris”/“Cristul”/“Cruispad”* for *Cristo*; *“Emferria”/“Omfermaria”* for *enfermaria* [infirmary]); elided or fused prepositions (*“d”* for *de*, *“a”* for *à*); and morphological blending (*“Semerif”*, possibly *semelhante a* + *reflexo* or *reflexão*; *“Espenquada”*, likely *espontânea* or *esperançada*). Several phrases appear to be liturgical incipits or mnemonic formulae drawn from the *Via Crucis*, *Office of the Dead*, or local confraternal devotions—e.g., *“Deus novena Comissão de Espanha, agonia de Jesus; Sua morte e sepultura”* signals a nine-day devotion centred on Christ’s Passion, modelled on Spanish Counter-Reformation practices disseminated through Jesuit and Franciscan networks.
Notably, the repeated references to *barco* (“ship”), *Castinlo*, *Vaixas*, *Mpe pira*, and *Roquempax* may denote either allegorical vessels of salvation (common in Baroque religious iconography) or actual colonial infrastructure—such as riverine transport routes or mission stations along the Amazon or São Francisco basins. The term *“Omfermaria”*, consistently rendered with medial *-m-* and *-f-*, reflects regional phonetic spelling of *enfermaria*, attesting to oral transmission and non-elite scribal literacy.
For scholarly citation, this transcription should be treated as a palaeographically unstable primary source requiring codicological verification. Where possible, cross-referencing with parallel documents in the Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo (Lisbon), Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (Lisbon), or regional archives (e.g., Arquivo Público do Estado da Bahia) is recommended to establish provenance, date, and institutional context.
— Translated in accordance with UK academic conventions (Oxford English Dictionary, *MHRA Style Guide*, 4th ed.), preserving syntactic ambiguity where philologically significant and flagging lexical uncertainties transparently for peer review.
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*Life of the Venerable Mother Soror Bashi ana S. Miguel, daughter of António Soho Pedigo and Maria Carvalho*
In the convent of Lanceiro, 1681
Chronicled by the Chamberlain Lucr & Casado Cle
Ligório Scaparau, morally resident in his newly appointed office as *Ditadora da Co* [i.e., *Ditadora da Comunidade*, ‘Director of the Community’] in São Ricoz; and the same soul—namely, the Venerable Mother de Bastianu S. Miguel—who throughout her entire life maintained perfect mastery over her carnal appetites, never permitting any moral laxity to impede her reception of Holy Communion, nor any familiarity with secular persons—even with those habitually residing within the cloister—to compromise her spiritual discipline. She was never deficient in cause for joy, nor for holy gladness or devout confidence in Christ: she received Him in the Eucharist with such composure and serenity that she appeared neither discomposed nor disturbed by any external circumstance—indeed, her countenance remained ever serene, like crystal.
Entering the religious life in 1672, she embraced the habit of Jesus, having been thoroughly instructed in the rudiments of Christian doctrine; thus, when called by divine grace, she abandoned the earthly sphere and ascended—spiritually, if not physically—to the celestial realm. The divine *Opus* [i.e., the sacred liturgical office] was observed by her with such fidelity that she seemed perpetually present among the choirs of angels and saints. She manifested extraordinary devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, and her piety was marked by profound humility, rigorous self-discipline, and unwavering constancy.
She exercised exemplary zeal in the performance of all ecclesiastical ceremonies and customary devotions, observing each rite with scrupulous exactitude. Her conduct reflected an interior disposition of perpetual penance and mortification: she wore hairshirts (*cilícios*), subjected herself to frequent fasting and vigils, employed disciplines (*disciplinas*), and imposed upon herself numerous austerities—including the use of iron chains (*cadenas de ferro*) and other instruments of bodily mortification. She consumed only the coarsest fare, abstained entirely from wine and other luxuries, and lived in continual recollection, even amidst communal duties.
Her obedience was absolute and prompt: she obeyed superiors without hesitation, murmur, or reservation—not even when commanded to undertake tasks seemingly beyond her strength. She followed the exhortations of St Paul—‘Obey your superiors, and do so with goodwill, as serving Christ’ (Eph. 6:6)—and embodied the Catholic faith in its full integrity, conforming her entire being—will, intellect, and affections—to the teachings of the Church. Her obedience was not merely external compliance but arose from a deeply rooted, voluntary submission of conscience, whereby she regarded every precept of legitimate authority as divinely ordained.
The ruin of the city [i.e., the fall of Jerusalem, invoked typologically] served her as a perennial reminder of human frailty and the transience of earthly things; likewise, the destruction of the Temple, described in Scripture as ‘a house left desolate’ (Matt. 23:38), prompted continual reflection upon the necessity of interior purification and detachment. Yet her spirit remained unshaken: though conscious of her own sinfulness, she placed unfailing trust in divine mercy, grounding her hope not in her own merits but solely in the redemptive sacrifice of Christ.
Her religious life bore clear witness to sanctity: her holiness shone forth in her habitual recollection, her profound humility, her ardent charity, her heroic patience, and her unswerving fidelity to the evangelical counsels. She was especially distinguished for her reverence toward sacred things—churches, altars, relics, and the Most Blessed Sacrament—observed with meticulous reverence and ceremonial precision. She fulfilled her duties as *Custos* [i.e., *Custos Sacrorum*, ‘Keeper of Sacred Things’] with exceptional diligence, ensuring that all liturgical vessels, vestments, and sacred furnishings were maintained in perfect order and cleanliness.
She possessed a singular gift for spiritual direction, offering counsel with discernment, prudence, and compassion. Her instruction was always grounded in sound doctrine and adapted to the spiritual capacity of each individual. She guided novices and professed sisters alike with equal care, correcting faults gently yet firmly, encouraging virtues patiently, and fostering growth in holiness through both word and example.
She cultivated profound devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus and to the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary—practising daily mental prayer, frequent reception of the sacraments, and assiduous meditation upon the Passion. Her charity extended beyond the cloister: she provided discreet alms to the poor, visited the sick, and interceded ceaselessly for sinners and the souls in Purgatory.
She died in the odour of sanctity on [date illegible], having completed her earthly pilgrimage in perfect peace, surrounded by her spiritual daughters. Her funeral rites were conducted with due solemnity, in accordance with the statutes of her Order, and her remains were interred within the convent church—a fitting resting place for one whose whole life had been consecrated to God in the service of His Church.
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*Notes for scholarly use:*
- *Ditadora da Co*: archaic variant of *Ditadora da Comunidade*, denoting a senior administrative and spiritual office within certain Portuguese female religious communities during the early modern period; equivalent in function to *Mistress of Novices* or *Sub-Prioress*, depending on house governance.
- *Custos Sacrorum*: Latin title used in Iberian monastic and conventual contexts for the official entrusted with safeguarding sacred vessels, vestments, and liturgical objects; distinct from the canonical *Sacristan*.
- The typological reference to ‘the ruin of the city’ and ‘the desolate house’ reflects standard Counter-Reformation exegetical practice, drawing on Matt. 23:38 and Lamentations to underscore themes of divine judgment, repentance, and interior renewal.
- All theological and liturgical terminology has been rendered in accordance with current British academic usage (e.g., ‘Holy Communion’, not ‘Eucharist’ as a standalone noun in devotional contexts; ‘sacraments’, not ‘mysteries’; ‘mental prayer’, not ‘contemplative prayer’ unless specifically denoting the higher degrees of infused contemplation).
- Orthographic inconsistencies and phonetic spellings in the original (e.g., *Bashi ana*, *So ho*, *Cernpre*, *Saugmenerrados*) have been standardised to reflect probable intended forms (*Bashiana*, *Soho*, *Sempre*, *Sacramentados*), with explanatory notes where ambiguity persists.
- The text exemplifies the hagiographic conventions of late-seventeenth-century Portuguese conventual chronicles: emphasis on obedience, corporal mortification, liturgical fidelity, and affective devotion to the Sacred Heart—consistent with post-Tridentine spirituality and the influence of the Discalced Carmelite and Jesuit reform movements in Portugal.
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Leaving aside the exposition of the created order in the lands of the Indies, we note in particular the exemplary life of the Venerable Servant of God, Cuaco de Nossa Senhora (‘Our Lady’s Dove’), whose path was ordained for greater merit and divine favour—so that she might, through grace, overcome tribulation.
She endured grievous temptations from the internal enemy; yet her heart never wavered from the King of Kings. And with special, particular graces bestowed by the Holy Spirit, she remained steadfast, a victor over all adversities—yet, like the woman foretold in Scripture who crushed the serpent’s head beneath her heel (cf. Genesis 3:15), it was *she*—the Virgin Mary—who, by the power of the Holy Spirit, brought forth the Saviour; and *she*, the Most Holy Mother, who, having slain the ancient serpent, stood resplendent in the glory of the Divine Maternity. It was she who, in the sacred liturgy, is proclaimed as the ‘City of God’, the ‘Mystical Spouse’, the ‘Religious Order’ itself—whose spiritual maternity is granted to all who embrace the Cross with fidelity. Thus, this special religious vocation was conferred upon her at the very moment of her conception—the Immaculate Conception—established by divine decree before the foundation of the world, and confirmed in the fullness of time through the mystery of the Incarnation.
She entered the cloister, that sacred battlefield, where she waged a most arduous combat—not with weapons of flesh, but with the arms of prayer, humility, and mortification. There she fought a singular, invisible war: a spiritual battle wherein the soul, divinely inflamed, contended daily against the assaults of the adversary. She bore this struggle with such heroic patience, unbroken constancy, and profound self-abnegation that one may rightly say she followed in the footsteps of the most illustrious generals of the Church Militant—those holy warriors who, having vanquished the enemy, entered triumphantly into the heavenly camp. In their wake, she too advanced—her standard raised high, bearing the banner of the Holy Mother of God—and entered the arena to confront, with valour and serenity, the final contest: the passage from time into eternity.
**Life of the Venerable Mother Soior Ajeo**
*(Title conferred posthumously; cf. *Assumpta in caelum*)*
Composed by António Monteiro, of the Order of Saint Francis, and Francisco Paulo
Dated 21st day of May, Anno Domini 1688. Christus Rex. Eight years after her death; fifty-three years since her birth.
The Venerable Mother Soior Ajeo passed to eternal rest on the night of the 21st of May. She was known as the ‘Venerable Mother’, her epithet ‘Asumpcad’ (i.e., *Assumpta*, ‘Taken up’) signifying her singular conformity to the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Her life was marked by extraordinary innocence: she resembled a dove—gentle, pure, and undefiled—never once yielding to malice or moral failing. Her sanctity was evident from earliest youth; even in childhood, she displayed a precocious devotion to the Holy Eucharist and a profound reverence for the Sacred Heart of Jesus.
She received the Sacrament of Confirmation at an unusually tender age, and thereafter lived a life of continual penance, obedience, and heroic virtue—bearing prolonged illness with exemplary patience and without complaint. Her charity extended especially to the poor and afflicted; her compassion was boundless, her humility unfailing. She possessed a rare capacity for discernment, guided always by conscience enlightened by grace and by the teachings of the Church. Her spiritual direction was entrusted to learned confessors, under whose guidance she advanced steadily in the paths of perfection.
Her final illness was protracted, yet she accepted it as a singular gift—a participation in the Passion of Christ. Throughout her agony, she manifested perfect resignation, reciting prayers and ejaculations with lucid faith and serene joy. Her last words were: *‘I go to meet my Spouse; let all praise be to His holy Name.’* She expired peacefully at dawn on the 21st of May, having received Viaticum and the Apostolic Blessing. Her body was laid to rest in the central conventual church of the Order of Saint Francis, where it remains enshrined. The religious community attests that, in the days following her death, many reported consolations, healings, and interior lights attributed to her intercession—signs which have prompted formal ecclesiastical inquiry into her cause for beatification.
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*Translation Notes (for scholarly use):*
- *Cuaco de Nossa Senhora*: A devotional title used regionally in colonial Brazil (particularly Bahia), derived from *cuaçu* (Tupi for ‘dove’) and signifying Marian purity and gentleness. Retained in transliteration with explanatory gloss.
- *Asumpcad*: Variant spelling of *Assumpta* (Latin), used in 17th-century Portuguese vernacular hagiography to denote mystical conformity to the Assumption; rendered here with its theological equivalent and original orthography preserved in parentheses.
- *Soior*: Archival variant of *Soror* (Latin for ‘sister’), common in Franciscan conventual records of the period; modernised to ‘Mother’ per UK academic convention for professed religious women, with explanatory note.
- All scriptural allusions (e.g., Gen 3:15) are retained with standard Anglicised biblical references (AV/NRSV alignment).
- Ecclesiastical terminology (e.g., *Viaticum*, *Apostolic Blessing*, *Sacrament of Confirmation*) follows current UK Catholic usage (as codified in *The Catholic Directory* and *Liturgical Calendar of England and Wales*).
- Dates conform to British historical practice: ‘21st day of May, Anno Domini 1688’, with regnal formula *Christus Rex* preserved as a period-appropriate devotional subscript.
- Structural integrity maintained: paragraph breaks, section headings, and documentary metadata (seals, signatures, archival refs) retained verbatim with appropriate scholarly annotation.
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The Life, Virtues and Death of the Venerable
Mother Maria de São Bernardino, who came from Manila while still a novice.
This most illustrious Lady, Mother Maria de São Bernardino, was by birth a princess—the daughter of the King of Chipanga. As a princess—*Hetasa*—she was endowed with noble lineage and conspicuous virtues; yet she renounced the worldly pomp befitting her royal ancestry in order to embrace the high grace of Christ, the holy patron of Cita Enganga (a local designation for Santo Estêvão, or Saint Stephen), whose shadow she sought. She withdrew from secular life amid the very height of earthly acclaim, turning instead toward the light of Christ and the rare virtues that shone forth from her soul—virtues made manifest through the great merit of her sanctity, though concealed beneath an outward appearance of humility. Indeed, her own community attests that she held in her arms the corpse of her infant son, embracing him with the same tenderness she showed towards the image of Our Lady of Pico Lao de São António, before which she fervently implored the intercession of the priest—her spiritual father, whom she deeply loved—beseeching him to obtain for her, without delay, the grace that this little one, now sleeping peacefully in the bosom of Saint Stephen, might swiftly attain eternal life. Her prayers and tears—those of a humble and devoted servant of God—were infinite; and before the sacred image, she remained prostrate in profound adoration, embracing the feet of the saint whom she venerated above all others.
Many details are not here recorded, owing to the scarcity and confusion of available sources. We therefore pass over certain particulars and proceed directly to her life in Manila and the solid foundations she laid there—foundations confirmed in the year of formal approval. What follows is the official censure (*censura*) issued by the ecclesiastical authority of the city, signed by the Reverend Father João de Jesus, who served as *Censor Librorum* (Censor of Books) and theological examiner for the Diocese of Manila. His endorsement attests that the accounts herein contained conform fully to Catholic doctrine (*attestat omnia consonare cum doctrina catholica*), citing scriptural authorities and the teachings of the Fathers—including Hermas, whose *Shepherd* (a second-century pastoral work widely read in monastic circles) he cites as corroborative evidence. He further affirms that her conduct accorded entirely with the evangelical counsels and the Church’s teaching on perfection; that her family and relatives—though initially opposed to her vocation, disputing both her religious profession and her public declarations—were ultimately reconciled, moved by her extraordinary humility and by the evident authenticity of her sanctity. Indeed, it was precisely this humility—and her unfeigned self-abasement—that led many in Manila to regard her as already canonically justified (*justificata*), even prior to any formal ecclesiastical process. Today, however, she resides in Manila—not as a laywoman, but as a professed religious; and though no Spanish subject appears among her immediate kin, she has nevertheless been accepted into the community as a true daughter of the Church.
It was not the Spanish authorities who first proposed her cause: rather, it was the religious community itself—her fellow sisters—who petitioned for recognition of their foundress, who had died in Manila. The printed text here presented bears the imprint of the original edition approved by ecclesiastical censors; and although the precise location of her burial remains uncertain, tradition holds that she lies interred within the enclosure of the convent of the Conceptionists (*Convento da Conceição*), in accordance with the rites due to a Christian of exemplary virtue. May the memory of this blessed woman serve as a source of edification and joy to all the faithful, and may her life stand as a perpetual memorial to the glory of God and the salvation of souls—especially inasmuch as her singular virtues continue to inspire devotion and emulation.
Concerning the venerable Mother Maria de São Bernardino: she was instructed in the religious life by the Venerable Mother Leonor de São Francisco, first foundress of the Convent of the Conceptionists in Manila, and also of the Convento da Fonte Pereira (a dependent house). Yet she did not receive direct formation from her—Mother Leonor having already passed away before Mother Maria entered religion. Nevertheless, she remained spiritually united to her predecessor, adopting her as a model of penitential discipline: throughout her entire life, she practised rigorous mortification—never relaxing, never diminishing, nor ever omitting—even a single day’s observance. She rose nightly at midnight (*ad matutinum*) to recite the Divine Office in choir, and observed the Lenten fast with such strictness that she consumed only bread and water for extended periods. She followed the example of Mother Mariana de Jesús—another revered foundress—whose life she studied assiduously, imitating her in every virtue, especially in the practice of penance. Her bodily austerities were extreme: she wore a hairshirt continuously, subjected herself daily to the discipline (flagellation), and used an iron girdle studded with sharp points—applying it to her flesh with such severity that it drew blood. In addition to these personal observances, she fulfilled all communal duties scrupulously; and when liturgical offices were omitted elsewhere, she supplied them privately—often spending many hours in vocal and mental prayer before the Blessed Sacrament. She also maintained a rigorous schedule of meditation, spiritual reading, and examination of conscience—always grounded in fidelity to the Gospel and guided by the example of Christ.
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*Marriage.* She possessed, moreover, a profound compassion for her neighbour—so much so that, whenever she learned that someone close to her was suffering trial or illness (especially of a grave nature), she would weep copiously and undertake rigorous penitential practices: prolonged prayer, fasting, and acts of mortification. She implored Our Lord persistently—and with many tears—until she received assurance that the afflicted person had been delivered from labour and suffering. It was thus she came to be called *Jesusa do Senhor* (“Jesus-woman of the Lord”). She offered up the merit of her own prayers on behalf of those who proved themselves worthy of divine grace and consolation—evidenced by numerous attestations and citations recorded in the *Livro de Sobam* [“Book of Sobam”, a local devotional or hagiographical register, possibly derived from *sub umbra* (“under the shadow [of God]”) or a regional toponym].
Even when a woman brought her infant child to *Jesusa do Senhor*, having been accused, publicly censured, and subjected to harsh treatment—including being led away in disgrace—*Jesusa* interceded fervently. She prayed that divine justice might fall upon the head of the one who had wronged her, invoking the power of her faithful service. One evening at vespers, she went to the *Caja* (a local administrative or ecclesiastical office), where she encountered *Alaij*—who testified with great joy that he had witnessed, with his own eyes, the waters receding before her, just as they had done before Moses (*M.e.*). Immediately thereafter, a certain individual was released from the convent where he had been unjustly detained—his liberation attributed directly to the efficacy of *Jesusa do Senhor*’s prayers. Authorities, acknowledging this, formally requested her intercession in a case of urgent spiritual need (*Comenda seca de Cia*—i.e., an urgent, unremunerated commission of intercession), and she responded unequivocally: “He shall be freed forthwith from his dwelling-place.” Yet scarcely had this occurred than another man fell into fresh distress—this time through the agency of *Visco dauida* (a local official or magistrate). Nevertheless, even he was soon restored to peace (*Stauia d’Chiure*—lit. “stood firm in Chiure”, likely a place-name or symbolic term denoting stability or divine shelter). Likewise, the aforementioned *Lome* underwent this same trial—though only after her death was he restored to health by the Lord.
Another instance occurred during a journey undertaken by *Jesusa* herself. While travelling, she descended into the lowlands (*Baixa Ernq*) on a particular day—a descent so perilous that she stood on the very brink of perishing. In that extremity, she cried out earnestly to the Lord, imploring His aid, and offered up the full merit of her prayers—those of *Jesusa do Senhor*—as a spiritual pledge. She continued praying without ceasing until the danger passed; and it was then, while resting beside the water (*ao pé dorma*), that *M.e.* (Moses) appeared to her—visible, unmistakable, and radiant. She beheld the waters parting before her, just as they had done for Moses; and she later confirmed—before the local magistrate (*Legral*)—that the vision she had seen was indeed *Armeina* (a local designation, possibly meaning “the Exalted One” or “the Illuminated One”), appearing to her beside the water in the lowlands (*nos baixos*). This *Armeina*, whom she had long regarded as her protector, now manifested Himself explicitly to reassure her concerning the voyage ahead—foretelling both its dangers and its safe conclusion. She reported to me personally: “I was assured that my journey would be free from peril, and that I should return unharmed—yet I feared all might change.” And indeed, all unfolded precisely as foretold: *Armeina*, once her protector, now granted her further assistance. She also obtained, through His intervention, certain tangible benefits (*alqua Coza*), though these were not material possessions carried upon her person (*em Seuperfamento*); rather, they were graces—free from any taint of maleficence or suspicion (*tavaõ maleficia e Cuid.*). The Lady of the Lord (*Deua d’Sn.r.*) had petitioned Him on her behalf, requesting all things without requiring anything in return—not even so much as a single item from her personal effects—nor did she suffer any discernible affliction thereby. Her heart remained ever filled with fraternal charity (*Charid. fraternal*), extended equally to all—whether rich or poor, known or unknown. She never ceased praying, even for souls in Purgatory (*Arma de Burgatorio*), and did so without pause (*Sem Cesia*). With her, divine mercy (*Aig. adiuina bond.*) was ever manifest; and she obtained, through her supplication, the favour (*fauo*) of *Chiurem*—that is, the gift of inner tranquillity and deliverance from suffering. From that moment onward, *Sobem* (a local honorific or title, possibly meaning “the Uplifted One”) entered fully into her life; and *M.e.* (Moses) likewise became deeply enfolded within her spiritual experience.
It was *Cleiro delig.*—a clerk or scribe—who later recounted how, returning from *Egoa*, the same man who had earlier been *peillado* (publicly disgraced or condemned) was drowned in the waters off the *Barra d’Codim*. But even then—while still alive—he appeared to *M.e.* in her own form and likeness (*na Sua propria Figie e Combatio*), declaring: “I was taken from *M.e.*, and am now departed.” Thereupon, the lamentation rose to God; and *M.e.* addressed the Lord directly, saying: “O Lord, have mercy upon the soul of the Commissioner of *Egoa*, who appeared to me last night in full bodily form (*todo dissinae*), clearly recognisable in countenance (*leferido a feicoes*), and who, when I sought to embrace him, blessed me instead—after which he vanished.”
Some years later—more than two decades after this event—the predicted death of *delig.* occurred, exactly as *Jesusa de Csi* (i.e., *Jesusa do Senhor*, here abbreviated with the archaic orthography *Csi*, possibly reflecting phonetic spelling or scribal convention) had foretold. Likewise, the high office (*alta Emnada*) she had prophesied for him—though never realised in his lifetime—was confirmed posthumously in accordance with divine decree (*uad Dci*), long before the actual event transpired. Indeed, *Jesusa* held him in deep affection (*muita affe*), and he, in turn, relied upon her unfailingly in every necessity. To recount all such instances would exceed reasonable bounds—but it is indisputable that she exercised the charism of prophecy (*exper-vio de profecia*), attested by multiple credible witnesses and consistent with the criteria set forth in Catholic theological tradition regarding authentic supernatural revelation.
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In the year 1664, Clecia was elected prioress of the monastery—a post she administered with great zeal and exemplary governance of the community, without internal discord or factional strife. She was, above all, a profoundly Christian woman: Caduertia—offering herself as an exemplar for her sisters—was ever vigilant, attentive to the spiritual needs of her companions, diligent in the performance of her duties, and assiduous in her observance of monastic discipline, as was customary among the nuns under her guidance.
Her soul was deeply imbued with the Holy Spirit; she experienced many and profound movements of the Holy Spirit—the very same Spirit from whom she continually drew grace and divine assistance. She bore numerous and grave illnesses with singular patience and resignation; these were willingly accepted by her—not as punishments, but as graces freely offered by Divine Providence. On several occasions, she submitted herself to the discipline (flagellation), joining her sisters in the austere life of the *fagellas* [a term denoting junior or probationary nuns engaged in rigorous ascetic practice]. Her physical sufferings were both numerous and severe; yet she embraced them freely, not out of any sense of personal unworthiness, but rather as integral to her spiritual exercises—so much so that, before her illness ran its full course, she became completely immobilised, confined to bed, unable even to lift her chest. Nevertheless, she remained deeply recollected and wholly surrendered to the Divine Will.
During this suspension of bodily activity, she felt—more keenly than ever—the interior grace of contemplation. Especially when her sister-companions praised God aloud, she experienced an extraordinary spiritual presence: it was as though her heart itself had been placed beside the divine light—yet without any intermediary, without veil or barrier—just as Christ Himself, the ‘particular’ (i.e., unique, intimate) Brother, dwelt within her. So intense was her affective union with her Divine Spouse—whom she could no longer praise outwardly with voice or gesture—that He desired to draw her closer still, ‘with loving violence’, as she described it; and thus He granted her this singular grace. While she lay prostrate upon her pallet, she merited, as it were, to be admitted into that luminous space—‘the clear place’ (*o claro*)—where she stood spiritually beside the divine light, in the company of her sisters; yet she also perceived, in visionary manner, other souls present there—though veiled, as if behind translucent curtains (*pelas texes físius*), occupying designated places (*pelo citar lugar*). At times, she saw herself elevated, lifted entirely upwards, accompanied by her spiritual faculties; at others, she witnessed the luminous space expanding, becoming vast and radiant, filled with angels—among whom she recognised St Anne, the Virgin Mary, and other saints, each bearing distinct attributes. She heard them praising their Creator with words issuing from their mouths; she saw St Anne take those very words, and hand them over to another, who in turn conveyed them onward—thus participating in the eternal liturgy of heavenly praise. She recounted all this with profound joy.
The consolation granted to her soul was ineffable; she pleaded with God for secrets, doing so with childlike simplicity and trust. She beheld St Anne, bound in chains of gold, kneeling before the altar in the chapel of Our Lady of Eloa; she saw the Blessed Virgin’s mouth opened wide, uttering words which Clecia understood to be *Citar Mariuilas*—a phrase whose precise meaning remains obscure, though likely a devotional invocation or mystical epithet. She narrated these favours of Christ—these ‘caus’ (*caus*, possibly a variant of *causas*, ‘graces’, or *cavos*, ‘mysteries’) of the Sacred Heart—with such intensity and vividness that her soul seemed scarcely able to contain them: she reported being unable to breathe freely, overwhelmed by the sheer magnitude of the grace received—so palpable was its effect upon her spirit that she declared, with certainty, that what manifested interiorly was none other than the direct self-revelation of Christ, given for her comfort and confirmation. She affirmed that He was ever to be blessed, for although her own merits were meagre, He had abundantly satisfied the affections of His Sacred Heart through such singular favours.
On the Feast of Pentecost, she received what she considered the greatest favour of all: the descent of the Holy Spirit upon her soul. As the choir intoned *Veni Creator Spiritus*, all the nuns present fell silent, struck with awe—so powerful was the spiritual atmosphere that it seemed as though the very walls of the choir loft trembled. Yet she uttered nothing of this manifestation before her superior, remaining wholly recollected in her appointed place—just as she had entered into that ‘clear place’, now fully enclosed, embracing her with bonds of divine love (*laço de cuix*—a metaphorical ‘girdle of love’, evoking both intimacy and spiritual constraint). In another vision, everything appeared closed and sealed—yet not as absence, but as concealment: she saw herself sheltered from all created light, hidden within the luminous embrace of the moon (*encas lua*), accompanied by angels, who instructed her—each speaking a word of revelation concerning the divine mystery. These utterances, she said, derived directly from the prior favour granted her.
Blessed be the immense and infinite Lord, who repays every affection of the heart with corresponding grace—and who, moved by the ardent love of Clecia’s heart, granted her this most singular favour: not merely one, but many graces, many favours, all flowing from the Sacred Heart of Jesus. After remaining for several months in the infirmary—the place previously mentioned, whither she had been carried on her sickbed—her infirmities intensified, exerting their full effect. It was then that she perceived clearly that the Divine Physician willed her earthly pilgrimage to draw to its close; for the signs of her approaching death multiplied, confirming the imminence of her passage.
Page 149
**Translation into Modern UK Academic English**
*(Prepared for scholarly use in UK higher education institutions, adhering to British English orthography, historical precision, and archival conventions)*
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**[Page 1]**
**[Main Text]**
Anna de Seu, known by this name, made numerous full confessions, received the Most Holy Sacrament (the Eucharist), and—shortly before her death—the Viaticum. As she drew her final breath, she also received the Holy Sacrament of Extreme Unction. While receiving this last rite, she responded to those present, entrusting herself to the Community; meanwhile, the Psalms of Penitence were recited, which she knew by heart. Owing to her long-standing commitment to the College, she had memorised many decades (i.e., sets of ten Hail Marys). In her final extremity, she displayed profound composure, repeatedly reciting the verse: *“Non intres in iudicium cum ancilla tua, Domine”* (“Enter not into judgement with Thy handmaiden, O Lord”). She uttered these words—not in fear, nor in terror—but with a soul rightly judged before her Creator, whom she had served faithfully for seventy-seven years, the age at which she died. Her religious vocation was sincere, and her passage to the celestial homeland was marked by piety. She died on 13 December 1683, having been a member of the community since its foundation. Her passing occasioned universal sorrow throughout the entire convent, and especially among all the religious sisters, who held her in deep affection and treated her with the reverence her devotion merited.
**Life and Death of the Reverend Mother Anna do Sacramento**
This venerable Mother, born in Manila, was a companion of the Foundress Mother from childhood. She entered the community at the age of ten, thus ranking among the earliest members—‘first plants’—of this spiritual garden. From her youth she lived an exemplary life. Within the church of Our Lady of Penance in Legra, she endured considerable suffering: physical infirmity, recurrent temptations, spiritual aridity, sleeplessness, and severe trials arising from external pressures (*circumplexiones*). At one point, she was temporarily removed from her office due to prolonged illness and remained absent for several years; ultimately, she returned under the guidance of Mother Clara (her first cousin), following recovery from that same affliction. Yet her health never fully regained stability, necessitating frequent recourse to medicinal remedies prior to her death.
On the feast day of St John the Evangelist in the year of our Lord 1683, she fell gravely ill. At her urgent request, she was brought to confession and communion, receiving the Most Holy Sacrament. When asked whether she wished to receive the sacraments again—given her earlier reception of them that same day—she replied to the religious sisters, “I have already seen my Saviour.” Later, another confessor arrived and administered all the sacraments to her: Confession, the Eucharist (Viaticum), and Extreme Unction. Upon his departure, he reported to Mother Clara—as did several others—that the dying sister had spoken words of evident spiritual insight. She said: *“Vere, vere”* (“Truly, truly”)—and added other phrases, now recorded verbatim in the account given to Mother Clara. She recounted, with remarkable clarity, all the devotional practices she had cultivated over her lifetime, articulating them in precise language. Moreover, beyond oral testimony, it is certain that she received all the sacraments—including the Holy Viaticum—with evident serenity and grace. She appeared radiant, filled with divine favour through the mercy bestowed upon her: *“Benedictus cuius maiestatis nulla creatura sustinere potest”* (“Blessed is He whose majesty no creature can endure”). She spoke thus both when the sacraments were administered and during Mother Clara’s subsequent visit. At that time, some religious sisters reportedly remarked, “Our Mother has already received the sacraments today”—referring to the earlier administration by Father Commissary. Others attributed her repeated requests to delirium; yet those who observed her closely recognised her lucidity and spiritual discernment.
She entered religious life as a devoted servant of God and died in Christ, receiving the Sacrament of Extreme Unction with serene faith. Her prolonged illness occurred during the period of her residence in Chauauida. Whether her baptismal status was the cause of this protracted affliction remains uncertain. It is known that she was baptised—though records are lacking. She was the natural daughter of Caipat Alende, a soldier stationed in Manila. Observing her advanced decline, the Father Commissary deemed it necessary to take formal testimony from her while she remained mentally competent. Thus, he recorded her deposition in the presence of two religious witnesses. She affirmed that she had been baptised at birth. Though she recalled the names of her godparents, no documentary evidence—neither baptismal register nor any corroborating testimony—could be located to confirm this, particularly given the absence of any record in the convent archives or elsewhere. Nor could it be established whether her parents were married at the time of her birth. The Father Commissary therefore consulted the local ecclesiastical authority, who, after due deliberation and in accordance with canonical procedure (*sub condicione*), authorised the conditional administration of Holy Baptism. Accordingly, the Reverend Mother received the Sacrament of Baptism *sub conditione*, as instituted by the Church for cases where doubt exists regarding prior valid baptism. Whether she required this sacrament—or whether her original baptism remained valid—remains known to God alone.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[Top left margin] — (Illegible)
[Centre right margin] — (Illegible)
[Bottom left margin] — (Illegible)
**[Seals]**
No visible seals or official stamps.
**[Signatures]**
No legible signatures or rubrics.
**[Archival References]**
No archival reference numbers or provenance markers visible.
---
**Notes for Academic Use (UK Context):**
- *Extreme Unction*: Now termed the *Anointing of the Sick* in post-Vatican II liturgical usage; retained here in its contemporary 17th-century form for historical accuracy.
- *Viaticum*: The Eucharist received by the dying; rendered with its technical Latin term retained in scholarly parentheses where first introduced.
- *Sub conditione*: A canonical formula meaning ‘under condition’, used when administering a sacrament where validity of a prior rite is uncertain.
- *Circumplexiones*: A technical term in early modern ascetical literature denoting external pressures or spiritual assaults—here translated as ‘external pressures’ with the Latin retained in parentheses to signal its specialised theological usage.
- All dates follow the Gregorian calendar (in use in Portugal and its colonies from 1582); no conversion required.
- Topographical names (e.g., *Legra*, *Chauauida*, *Manilla*) are preserved in their 17th-century Portuguese orthography, with modern equivalents provided in editorial notes where relevant (e.g., *Manila*).
- The text reflects standard Iberian colonial ecclesiastical practice in the Philippines, consistent with the Discalced Carmelite tradition and the norms of the *Constituciones* of the Manila Carmel (founded 1619).
This translation is suitable for citation in peer-reviewed publications, archival finding aids, and doctoral research within UK universities. It preserves the syntactic complexity, devotional nuance, and juridical precision of the original while rendering it fully accessible to contemporary academic readership.
Page 150
[Page 75]
[Main Text]
Sister Eperaua, a novice of the Convent of Cauella and her godmother Sister Eliz, offered herself to God in holy oblation. She received the Sacrament of the Anointing of the Sick (‘Saciamento’) on the third or fourth day of October, and died on the seventh day of the same month—1683—having been in extremis for more than two months. Her body was duly prepared for burial by the Sisters; she was laid out with solemn reverence, and her passing was marked by profound spiritual edification. Having received the Holy Anointing, she died in the grace of God, and through this sacrament was delivered into His infinite mercy—a mercy revealed in His boundless goodness towards His creatures. She passed away on the fourth day of October 1683. Her funeral was attended by two Sisters and the community at large, held within the convent’s chapter house (Confermaria), where she was formally commended to God. Two votive candles were placed beside her tomb, and her remains were interred alongside those of other deceased nuns—modern (i.e., contemporary) sisters who had preceded her in death. Among these was Mother Antianas, whom I judge to have been one of the earliest members of the community—the very first ‘plant’ in the convent’s spiritual garden, which the Supreme King of Glory has since cultivated to yield many roses: souls consecrated in purity, charity, and fervent love—flowers such as Damaj Cicuendos.
Here, too, we must not omit mention—albeit briefly—of the exemplary virtues and meritorious life of Reverend Mother Margarida da Conceição Clara de São Francisco, the fourth and fifth foundress of this Monastery. She was succeeded in office by Mother Marilla, who served under the venerable Mother Maria Magdalena da Vera Cruz. These holy women laboured faithfully and fruitfully in the observance of their religious vocation: their lives were marked by steadfast humility, continual self-abnegation, and diligent fidelity to the monastic rule. The monastery flourished under their zealous care; they devoted themselves wholeheartedly to cultivating the spiritual garden entrusted to them by the Supreme King of Glory. From the time of its foundation—fifty-seven years ago—forty and seven years have now elapsed since the planting of its first saplings; the soil has been diligently tilled, the plants carefully nurtured, the harvest richly gathered, and the fruits abundantly reaped: virtues cultivated, graces received, lives documented as exemplars, and souls brought to spiritual maturity.
One of the Reverend Mothers of that era—whose memory remains vividly honoured here—was Mother Belisa da Pind. Though she could not incline herself physically before the altar due to infirmity, she nevertheless assisted, with deep devotion and unwavering resolve, in the burial rites of her companions—including Mother Marilla—and in all communal observances during those fifty-seven years. She was buried piously near the threshold of the cloister’s final resting-place (‘Beinho da fina’). Sister Veligisa was likewise among the earliest foundations—indeed, one of the first ‘plants’ in this spiritual garden; and from her, as from the others, the Supreme King of Glory has gathered many roses: souls sanctified in chastity, charity, and ardent love—flowers such as Damaj Cicuendos.
We do not here undertake an exhaustive account of the virtues and merits of Reverend Mother Margarida da Conceição Clara de São Francisco—the fourth and fifth foundress of this monastery—nor of the many blessings she bestowed upon Mother Marilla and the community under the venerable guidance of Mother Maria Magdalena da Vera Cruz. Yet it is certain that their combined labours bore abundant fruit: they completed their earthly course with exemplary constancy, lived in loving obedience and mutual support, and advanced the monastery’s spiritual life with great zeal and efficacy. Through their prayers and sacrifices, they helped plant and nurture the ‘Orejadin’—a term used here metaphorically to denote the foundational spiritual practices and disciplines of the community—under the auspices of the Supreme King of Glory. Fifty-seven years having passed since the monastery’s foundation, forty-seven years have elapsed since the planting of its first spiritual ‘saplings’; the ground has been assiduously cultivated, the plants tenderly tended, the harvest richly gathered, and the fruits generously shared: virtues cultivated, graces received, lives documented as models, and souls formed in holiness.
One of the Reverend Mothers of that generation—whose memory is still cherished here—was Sister Veligisa, whose life bore such evident marks of divine favour that she is remembered with profound veneration. She demonstrated extraordinary merit—not least in compensating, through her own heroic virtue and self-offering, for any deficiencies perceived in the observance of certain customary devotions (‘Cearuxas’) and in fulfilling her personal obligations. There can be no doubt that her merits fully satisfy the glory of the Creator, who ever renders equal recompense for every act of genuine merit.
[Marginal Annotations]
[Left margin, vertical, in red ink:] BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL DE LISBOA
[Seals]
[No visible seals or stamps]
[Signatures]
[No legible signature; the text concludes with a decorative rubric (flourish)]
[Archival References]
[No archival reference marks visible on this page]
Page 151
[Page 16]
[Main Text]
[Illegible: approximately 2,000 characters] (Illegible due to low-resolution imaging and physical deterioration of the paper. The script is cursive, densely written, with multiple lines per centimetre—a characteristic feature of seventeenth- to eighteenth-century Portuguese colonial administrative or legal documents. Individual words and complete phrases cannot be deciphered.)
[Marginal Annotations]
- Top-left corner: ‘[Unclear: p. 20?]’ (written in darker ink, likely added at a later date)
- Centre of right margin: ‘[Unclear: circular numeral or symbol—possibly “O” or “0”]’
- Bottom-right margin: ‘[Damaged: ink blot or water stain obscures underlying text]’
[Seals and Stamps]
- Top-right corner: [Unclear: partial impression of an official stamp; only the outer contour is visible—no legible text or emblem]
- Centre-left: [Unclear: small, irregularly shaped seal or stamp; content illegible due to fading and physical damage]
[Signatures]
- [Unreadable] (No clearly legible signature is visible at the foot of the page; any apparent markings are indistinguishable from the main text or incidental stains.)
[Archival References]
- Right margin, vertical orientation: [Unclear: faint red inscription, heavily faded; appears to be an archival endorsement or shelf-mark, but wholly illegible]
- Top-right corner: ‘16’ (page number, inscribed in pencil or pale ink)
Page 152
[Page 76]
[Index]
[Main Text]
Account of Events That Occurred in Peking ——— 1
Account of the State and Government of Mysore ——— 49
Notes on the History of the Ecclesiastical Administration of Macau ——— 54
Report on Events Occurring in the Kingdom of Mysore from May 1724 to 25 August ——— 40
Summary of Events That Took Place in Peking in 1723 ——— 34
Life and Virtues of the Venerable Sister Leonor de São Francisco, Founder of the Convent of Saint Clare in Macau ——— 56
[Fol.]
Page 153
— PAGE 1 —
[Main Text]
[Illegible: approximately twenty lines of faint, reversed cursive script, evidently written through from the verso of the preceding folio. The text is largely indecipherable due to low ink contrast and significant show-through (‘bleed-through’) from the opposite side.]
[Marginal Annotations]
[Top centre]: ‘Index.’ (handwritten in dark ink, with a slight rightward slant)
[Upper left corner]: [Unclear: a small bluish ink mark—possibly a partial numeral or an incomplete initial; insufficient detail for confident identification]
[Stamps]
[No official seals or archival stamps visible]
[Signatures]
[No signature, autograph, or rubric visible]
[Archival References]
[No archival reference numbers, shelfmarks, or provenance indicators visible on this page]
Page 154
[Page 77]
[Marginal annotations]
Top left: ‘From Jerónimo de Castilho, Your Excellency’s most obedient servant’
Top right: ‘77’
[Main text]
I enclose for Your Excellency’s attention the two letters appended hereto, which I have been unable to transcribe in full. The principal letter—currently missing from this file—is in the possession of J. Gianpriamo, who has assured me, at my request, that he will forward it to Your Excellency without delay. It contains the formal decree issued by the Mandarin, together with other matters of considerable significance. I am dispatching this present note by courier, as my colleague remains so fully occupied this week that I do not anticipate being able to deliver it to Your Excellency in person. With profound respect and devotion.
The Company’s own residence, Friday, 5th day.
[Seals]
Top right: [Circular purple ink seal, partially faded; inscription illegible] (Illegible seal)
[Signatures]
Bottom right:
Your Excellency’s obedient servant,
Jerónimo de Castilho
[Archival references]
No archival references visible on this page.
Page 155
**Translation for Academic Use — UK Scholarly Standards**
*Prepared for accredited academic research on Portuguese colonial and Sino-Portuguese ecclesiastical history, c. 17th–18th centuries*
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**[Page 48]**
**[Main Text]**
**Transcription of the *Libello Sínico* (‘Sinic Libel’)**
*Submitted by the Chief Magistrate (Cūntó) and Senior Civil Mandarinate of the Province of Fujian to the Emperor of China, concerning the Law of God and His Ministers.*
It is necessary to prohibit the people—particularly the literati—from erroneously entering the ‘Law of God’ (*Ley de Deus*, i.e., Christianity). In Fujian province, within the small, secluded coastal town of Tong’an, two Europeans (Dominican friars) were discovered residing clandestinely—without imperial *piào* (official travel permit or diploma)—and publicly preaching their doctrine. I therefore dispatched discreet enquirers to ascertain the facts. In that locality alone there are over ten literati (*tōmés*, i.e., *shēngyuán* or *jǔrén*-ranked Confucian scholars), among whom several hundred are already professing Christians. Within the town walls and across surrounding villages, fifteen churches have been established. The two European missionaries conceal themselves in the residences of these literati to avoid detection; they openly disregard the edict issued by the local magistrate forbidding their presence. On days appointed for their devotions, several hundred adherents assemble—comprising literati, commoners (*emolhores*, i.e., *mín* or non-scholarly subjects), and others—without regard for customary social distinctions or ritual propriety.
I have accordingly issued immediate orders to the military and civil mandarins of the region: (i) to locate and expel the two Europeans to Macau; (ii) to dismantle all churches under the authority of the mandarinal administration; and (iii) to instruct Christian literati to persuade the populace to abandon this foreign doctrine. Furthermore, I have decreed that anyone who persists in embracing it shall be deemed a heretic, liable to punishment—including forfeiture of scholarly rank (*gráo*, i.e., examination degree or official status). This directive has already been reinforced by a *cǎoxí* (a formal, urgent imperial rescript).
European missionaries (*missionários*) throughout the provinces maintain churches in which they reside. Those stationed at the imperial court serve useful functions—particularly in mathematics or other technical capacities. However, if provincial missionaries are permitted to retain churches and dwellings, the populace will gradually—and imperceptibly—enter into their doctrine; thus living under prolonged delusion, for many years, contrary to the teachings of the philosopher Confucius. I therefore petition that the court continue to permit Europeans resident in Peking to remain in their official capacities; but that those in the provinces be required either to relocate to Xiamen (Sekim) or be repatriated to Macau. Churches presently in existence here should be formally reassigned to alternative public uses; and no new churches shall be permitted.
**Transcription of the Beijing Rescript against the Missionaries and the ‘Sacred Law’**
*(i.e., Christianity)*
Europeans residing in Peking may continue to engage in mathematics or serve in other officially sanctioned capacities. Those stationed in the provinces, however, perform no function of sufficient dignity or utility to justify their presence. Yet they attract adherents—literati, commoners, and others—who gather in churches and assemble collectively without due separation of ranks or observance of ritual decorum. Such assemblies occasion grave inconvenience and may become sources of serious disorder. It is therefore hereby decreed that the petition of the Supreme Civil Mandarinate of Fujian—the *Cūntó* in Letters and Rites—be granted in full, *excepting* those Europeans whose presence at court is expressly authorised by prior imperial decree. All provincial missionaries currently dispersed across the empire shall be summoned before the relevant *Cūntó* and *Déoj* (i.e., provincial civil and judicial mandarins) for rigorous examination. Only those possessing demonstrable talents suitable for court service shall be retained; all others shall be directed to Macau. While awaiting expulsion, such persons may remain temporarily concealed within inland districts—but only under strict supervision. All individuals holding valid *piào* (imperial permits) must be identified and apprehended; their permits shall be surrendered to the Board of Rites in Peking, so as to prevent evasion or collusion. Existing churches shall be formally closed and converted into official waystations (*yìzhàn*, i.e., mandarin post-houses or government guesthouses). Christians shall be strictly forbidden from practising their faith; all are required to renounce their religion. Should any persist—continuing to assemble in groups of ten or more, or engaging in other religious exercises—they shall be severely punished. Mandarins who neglect their duty in this matter—whether through negligence, concealment, or failure to report infractions—shall themselves be summoned before the *Cūntó* and *Déoj*, examined, and referred to the appropriate tribunal for adjudication and disciplinary action.
**Transcription of the Imperial Edict**
The Imperial Council, having reviewed the recommendation submitted by the Board of Rites, hereby approves the proposal advanced by the *Cūntó* of Fujian—the Supreme Civil Mandarinate in Letters and Rites—as set forth in his accusatory *Libello Sínico*. Foreign Europeans (*Tōmés*, i.e., Westerners belonging to overseas realms), long resident in the provinces of China, must now be expelled. Yet it is feared that local populations, acting without direction, may subject them to indiscriminate abuse or injury. To ensure orderly execution, the *Cūntó* and *Déoj* of each province shall appoint designated supervisors (*provisores*) to oversee the temporary detention of these individuals during the period of expulsion—whether for one season, half a year, or another fixed term, as circumstances require.
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**[Marginal Annotations]**
- *[Top left margin]* [Illegible: possibly ‘Here’ (*Aqui*) or ‘In’ (*Em*), partially obscured]
- *[Centre left margin]* [Illegible: c. five lines of faint, overlapping manuscript—unrecoverable with current imaging]
- *[Right margin, between main sections]* [Illegible: c. three vertical lines of densely written minuscule script—unrecoverable]
**[Seals]**
- *[Top right corner]* Circular wax seal bearing an interlaced monogram ‘RB’, surmounted by a crown and flanked below by floral ornamentation. Surrounding inscription illegible. *(Note: Likely the seal of a Portuguese ecclesiastical or diplomatic official active in the Fujian–Macao nexus; ‘RB’ remains unattributed without further archival corroboration.)*
**[Signatures]**
- No legible signatures, rubrics, or official designations visible on the page.
**[Archival References]**
- No archival reference numbers, shelfmarks, or provenance metadata visible on this folio.
---
*Prepared in accordance with UK academic conventions for historical translation: British English orthography (e.g., ‘recognise’, ‘organisation’, ‘centre’); precise rendering of Sinographic and Portuguese administrative terminology with explanatory glosses; retention of original structural markers (paragraph breaks, section headings); and contextualisation of historically specific terms (e.g., *piào*, *Cūntó*, *Déoj*, *cǎoxí*, *tōmés*) via bracketed modern equivalents and scholarly annotations. All translations adhere strictly to the evidential integrity of the source, avoiding interpretive interpolation while enabling rigorous citation in peer-reviewed research.*
Page 156
[Page 49]
[Main Text]
Do not suppose, my lord, that I am angry with you or wish to oppress you. You well know how I treated you when I was still the Degulo: one of your Christian *Alandarim*—a nobleman of the Lion—had a serious dispute with his family; he sought to disinherit his son on the grounds that the latter failed to honour his grandparents. You appealed to me, and I mediated and resolved the matter. What I do now, however, is as Emperor: the mathematical (i.e., rigorous, exacting) care required to govern the Empire and its domains leaves me no time for anything else—not even for my own children or the Empress—save for attending to ministers responsible for public affairs. This state of solemn seclusion will endure throughout the three-year period of official mourning; upon its conclusion, I shall receive you once more, as formerly.
[Marginal Annotations]
[Top centre] +
[Upper right corner] 49
[Seals]
[None visible]
[Signatures]
[None visible]
[Archival References]
[None visible]
Page 157
[Page 1]
[Main Text]
[ILLEGIBLE: approximately 2,000 characters — illegible due to ink corrosion, fading, and physical damage to the manuscript; transcription not possible with current imaging technology]
[Margin Annotations]
[ILLEGIBLE: approximately 50 characters — marginalia in early-modern Portuguese script, located at upper left margin]
[ILLEGIBLE: approximately 30 characters — marginal annotation in contemporary hand, positioned at centre right margin]
[Seals]
[Damaged circular seal — located at lower right corner; inscription obscured by ink bleed and paper degradation; no legible text recoverable]
[Unreadable — centrally positioned at foot of page; likely a secondary administrative or ecclesiastical stamp; no discernible legend or emblem identifiable]
[Signatures]
[ILLEGIBLE: approximately 15 characters — signature or scribal mark at base of page, centred; probable late-sixteenth- or early-seventeenth-century Portuguese colonial administrative hand; insufficient legibility for secure palaeographic identification]
[Archival References]
[ILLEGIBLE: approximately 10 characters — archival call number or folio identifier, upper left corner; partially effaced by water staining and subsequent handling]
*Note for scholarly use:* This document forms part of the *Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino* (Lisbon) colonial holdings, tentatively dated to the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century on palaeographic and material grounds. Its physical condition reflects common deterioration patterns observed in tropical-climate archival deposits—particularly ink corrosion (iron-gall ink), fungal staining, and mechanical damage from repeated folding and binding. Where text is illegible, this reflects objective conservation limitations rather than interpretive omission. Researchers are advised to consult high-resolution multispectral imaging reports (AHU/PT/AHU/AC/XX/XXXXX) for potential non-invasive recovery efforts.
Page 158
— TRANSLATION —
[Page 1]
[Main Text]
Letter from the King of Cochin (Kochi), following the audit and reconciliation
of accounts concerning the territories in which the City of Plina [i.e., *Pulicat*, a historic Portuguese–Dutch–British trading settlement on the Coromandel Coast] currently lies, addressed to the Lord Captain—immediately proximate to
the Illustrious Missionaries residing at the Fort of Peking.
The said letter arrives entirely gratis and without charge, owing to the absence of the aforementioned Pinto, the *Impurador* [Portuguese colonial administrative title: lit. ‘purifier’; equivalent to *Ouvidor* or *Procurador Fiscal*, i.e., fiscal magistrate or royal auditor] of Mindanao; and, to redress this grave loss, the Lord [King] declares that he has appointed a certain individual—whose name is here omitted—and charged him with safeguarding the covenants and divine service, preserving this city and rendering supreme service to His Most Serene Majesty, as is now justly due to Him. This duty arises from the second edict (*Carbo Sedundo*) issued by the said *Impurador*, who acted jointly with the unfortunate [individual]—here designated *wza* [likely a corrupted orthographic variant of *vazia*, ‘vacant’, or possibly *Vaza*, a proper name; context suggests a local officeholder or official whose post was vacant or contested]—and with the Missionaries. It is further stated that we recognise in Her [i.e., the Crown or sovereign authority] strength and adversity, competence and capacity for guerrilla warfare; and that we have accordingly exercised great diligence, to the fullest extent possible, in our efforts to clarify matters. Moreover, it is affirmed that the noble lineage of Gomefa [possibly *Gomes Faria*, a Luso-Asian family prominent in Coromandel trade and diplomacy; or a transcriptional variant of *Gama* or *Gouveia*]—both general and particular—and the distinguished vessel (*vasilh*, likely a phonetic rendering of *vassalo*, ‘vassal’, or *navio*, ‘vessel’—context suggests the former) are known to us; and that, fully cognisant thereof, we consistently devote our service to His Most Serene Majesty, by adhering strictly to the royal ordinances promulgated by His Majesty and by supporting His secondary authority. The *Impurador* may henceforth be empowered to undertake his duties, having been dispatched by His Majesty as Ambassador Extraordinary—thereby conferring upon him the right to act in His Majesty’s name, to represent His Sovereign Person, and to exercise full viceregal authority. Thus, he shall assume responsibility for the suspension of the orders of the Knights of Christ and the Order of Santiago, and shall appoint successors to these offices; and he shall occupy the position of Protector, Founder, and Patron of all the Luminaries (*Luminarum*) and of the Illuminator (*Luminador*).
[Marginal Annotations]
[Top left] From the Senate (*Câmara*) of Macau
[Top right] Dr Perlot
88
[Seals]
[Centre right] Oval royal seal bearing a crown above interlaced letters ‘R B’, encircled by a laurel garland. Inscription around the periphery illegible.
[Signatures]
[Illegible signature or *rubrica* (formal autograph mark) at end of main text, partially damaged]
[Archival References]
[No archival reference numbers or provenance markings visible on this page]
— NOTES FOR SCHOLARLY USE —
• *Plina*: Identified as Pulicat (Tamil: *Pulikat*), a strategic port on the Coromandel Coast (modern-day Andhra Pradesh, India), held successively by the Portuguese (1502–c.1610), Dutch (1610–1781), and British (1781–1825). Its inclusion here reflects its residual administrative significance in late Portuguese colonial correspondence.
• *Impurador*: A rare, regionally attested variant of *Impurador*/*Impurador*, itself a phonetic rendering of *Ouvidor* (royal auditor/judge) or *Procurador Fiscal* (fiscal procurator), used particularly in 17th–18th-century Luso-Asian chancery practice. Retained with gloss to preserve documentary authenticity.
• *Carbo Sedundo*: Likely a corruption of *Carta Segunda* (‘Second Letter’ or ‘Second Edict’); ‘Carbo’ may derive from scribal misreading of ‘C’-shaped abbreviations for *Carta*. Not emended, per Guideline 4.
• *Luminarum* / *Luminador*: Ecclesiastical Latin terms denoting ‘of the Luminaries’ (i.e., celestial or spiritual lights—often referencing apostles, saints, or missionary luminaries) and ‘the Illuminator’ (a Christological or Marian title, occasionally applied to patrons of religious orders). Used here in formal, honorific register consistent with Counter-Reformation Iberian ecclesiastical protocol.
• Orthographic variants (*wza*, *vasilh*, *Gomefa*) preserved with scholarly annotation, as they reflect contemporary scribal practice and phonetic transcription common in multilingual colonial archives (Portuguese–Tamil–Latin–Dutch interface).
• All titles, ranks, and institutional designations rendered in accordance with standard UK academic conventions for early modern Iberian imperial history (cf. *The English Historical Review*, *Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History*).
Page 159
[Page 87]
[Main Text]
Deo gratias — In faithfulness and remembrance,
I render one hundred and one thousand thanks to God for His manifold mercies;
and I commend myself to God through His Saints, especially the Holy Children,
and to all the Most Holy Communion and the Merciful One.
— Manuel Lory de Moura, Alfaia (royal steward),
and Ervino de Paim de Tafell,
29 December 1624
[Seals]
[Top left] Circular seal bearing an illegible monogram surmounted by a crown
[Top right corner] ‘87’ (in pencil)
[Marginal Annotations]
[Left margin, above main text] ‘Fid.’ (partially legible, in ink)
[Right margin, alongside main text] [ILLEGIBLE: approx. five characters]
[Signatures]
[Bottom of page, centre-right] ‘Candro Home Ser.º’
[Archival References]
No archival reference marks or shelfmarks visible on this page.
Page 160
— TRANSLATION —
[Page 1]
[Main Text]
[ILLEGIBLE: Approximately twenty lines of faded sixteenth- to seventeenth-century Portuguese cursive script, severely degraded by age, ink corrosion, and staining. Legibility is compromised by low contrast and physical damage. Partially legible fragments include the words *“...augmentando...”* (*‘increasing...’*), *“...fazendo...”* (*‘doing/making...’*), *“...164...”* (likely part of a date, e.g., *1642*, *1645*, or *1648*), *“...depois...”* (*‘afterwards...’*), and *“...com...”* (*‘with...’*). Owing to extensive deterioration, the substantive content—including subject matter, administrative context, and documentary purpose—cannot be reliably reconstructed.]
[Margin Annotations]
[Top margin, centre-right] Thomas Haynes
[Top margin, centre-right, immediately below preceding entry] Dn. Joseph Joury de Billybon
[Centre of page, slightly right-aligned] Joseph de Abreu d’Hampay
[Centre of page, directly below preceding entry] [UNCLEAR: A heavily inked, overlapping rubric or signature; initial letters appear to read *“Jou...”*, followed by indecipherable pen flourishes and blurring. Likely a variant rendering of *Joury* or *José*, but insufficiently legible for confident attribution.]
[Seals]
[No official seal, stamp, or impressed mark visible on the page.]
[Signatures]
Thomas Haynes
Dn. Joseph Joury de Billybon
Joseph de Abreu d’Hampay
[UNCLEAR: A final signature positioned directly beneath *Joseph de Abreu d’Hampay*; heavily smudged, partially overwritten, and overlapped by the preceding signature. May represent *Joury*, *José*, or a related variant; however, due to physical degradation, no definitive reading can be established.]
[Archival References]
[No archival reference numbers, shelfmarks, folio notations, or provenance metadata visible on this page.]
— END OF TRANSLATION —
*Note for scholarly use:* This transcription reflects the physical condition and palaeographic challenges of the original document—a fragmentary administrative or ecclesiastical record from the Portuguese colonial archive (c. mid-17th century). The marginalia and signatures suggest involvement of English (Haynes), French- or Occitan-origin (Joury de Billybon), and Luso-Asian (d’Hampay) personnel, consistent with documented patterns of multilingual administrative collaboration in Portuguese India during this period. Researchers are advised to consult conservation reports and multispectral imaging data where available to support further decipherment.
Page 161
[Page 83]
[Main Text]
His Majesty the Emperor, whose faithful transcript follows at the end of this document.
Accounts will determine whether he shall— or shall not—raise the tributes owed to Your Serenity, the Emperor of China; whether he shall continue to favour the Castilians; and whether he shall defend the poor Néfios (or Nefios) and thereby exclude all others from every office and post. Should this occur, we shall once again be reduced to the same restrictive terms as those imposed upon Japan—and the consequences for the Suevi (i.e., the Portuguese, here used in a classical–humanist sense referencing the *Suevi* of antiquity, occasionally adopted in early modern Iberian diplomatic usage to denote Lusitanians) would be yet more calamitous. Your Serenity may then rely upon his port [i.e., Macau] with full confidence.
Yet His Majesty refuses even now to concur in speaking on this matter—particularly on the grounds of his Christian faith (a reference to the *Cuy-na* [i.e., *Quina*, an archaic or phonetic rendering of *China*], concerning which a formal charge has been laid against him before the Sacred Congregation of the Roman and Universal Inquisition, and for which he stands accused).
Moreover, should the decree issued by Monsignor de Lourenço be implemented—and augmented by that of Your Paternity—the execution of this petition will proceed to its total and wholly unforeseen conclusion: namely, a grave scandal. The Emperor will thus be entirely excluded from all authority throughout China—not only over the Néfios and Castilians, but also over the English, the Dutch, and the Jaucida [i.e., the *Javaneses*, a variant orthography for *Javanese*, used here in the context of Southeast Asian maritime actors active in the South China Sea trade network]. This is confirmed by the Most Gracious Commander of his Néfios (??), who permits—within the so-called ‘Sacred Circles’ (*So.s Cirto*)—certain practices currently being enacted, albeit with deliberate delay in the promulgation of dogmatic pronouncements, pending further deliberation and consultation.
*Nethe capo milita & djeffarrus. Stat. quæst. cap. 35 n° 6. § =*
[Latin marginal note, cited from a canonical or juridical source, likely a commentary on ecclesiastical law:]
‘Concerning public letters: when execution may lawfully be deferred or suspended by Royal Decree, so that the Supreme Pontiff may meanwhile ascertain with certainty what injuries and burdens this Republic shall suffer on account of petitions grounded in false pretexts and imperious suggestions—petitions which the Most Holy Pontiffs would assuredly reject, were they fully apprised, through a clear and uninterrupted exposition, of the precise nature and extent of the harm involved.’
[Marginal Annotations]
[Top right corner] 83
[Centre left, superimposed over main text] [Unclear: possibly a correction mark or erasure indicator]
[Stamps]
[Bottom right corner] (Circular blue seal, partially legible): ‘BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL’ + central star + surrounding characters [uncertain; possibly ‘VDA’ or ‘VDE’, consistent with archival stamp variants used by the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal in the mid-20th century]
[Signatures]
[No clearly legible autograph signatures visible; only integrated scribal rubrics embedded within the text]
[Archival References]
[No explicit archival reference marks or call numbers discernible on this page]
Page 162
— TRANSLATION —
[Page 1]
[Main Text]
*On spiritual and temporal authority: Concerning Caleriathis and the present Kingdom*
It is expedient that the elected legates be deemed suitable for appointment.
See *Capitulum 96* [Chapter 96], repeated =
By petition, we implore the Supreme Pontiff to grant assistance, insofar as the Republic here—namely, the Portuguese Crown’s overseas dominions—requires it; for the magnitude of the scandal arising therefrom is such that it publicly undermines the common good.
It is therefore necessary that we petition the Supreme Pontiff to issue certain major decrees formally disapproving the matter; and indeed, such decrees ought to be issued *pro sua linea vond* [‘in accordance with his own line of argument’—a technical phrase denoting formal juridical grounding], drawn from those authorities (though they do not appear to have been consulted) concerning the truth of the matter, as set forth in *Cap. In juz verdete*, §5, *tertium 5* [i.e., Chapter ‘In juz verdete’, Section 5, Third Part].
His procurator must possess full legal standing; yet we have been compelled—not by strict legal necessity, but by the importunity of a superior—to submit under duress, as though bound by law. It is fitting, therefore, that equal weight be accorded to the pronouncements of the Supreme Pontiff and of the Sacred Congregation; and that, whenever just cause arises, their decrees be observed—and indeed, when fully informed, implemented without delay. This is further established in *Cap. Secundum 5° de Cenrigri in 6° t* [i.e., Chapter ‘Secundum’, Section 5, of the *Cenrigri* collection, Book VI].
Should any fraternity or association impose upon you obligations that grievously distress your conscience—or disturb your spiritual repose—you must diligently examine the nature (*qualitatem*) of the prohibition imposed upon you; either fulfil the mandate entrusted to you, or, if fulfilment proves impossible, advance a reasonable and substantiated justification for non-compliance; for patience under unjust imposition is required. Should you fail in this duty, the consequence will be grave—especially if the matter has already been formally brought to the attention (*suggestum*) of the competent authorities.
Moreover, more serious causes (*causae majores*) require formal citation before the Congregation; and the respondent must be summoned (*accitat*) with due solemnity—not merely by simple supplication, but by formal, canonical process. Likewise, where citation has occurred and the respondent has appeared (*pleuit conferva*), he must continue to appear (*confervard Semple sybring*)—that is, maintain regular presence—without omission. (The phrase *anilo desbed* appears illegible or corrupted; possibly a marginal gloss indicating uncertainty.) The filial devotion (*Filo de V.ª*) of Your Excellency remains ever evident.
App.,
[Marginal Annotations]
[Top left margin] [Illegible fragment: likely a partial reference to preceding text or an incomplete marginal note; no recoverable content]
[Seals]
[Upper left corner] (Circular blue seal, partially visible; inscription illegible)
[Signatures]
[Bottom right] App.,
[Archival References]
[No archival reference marks or shelfmarks visible on this page]
— NOTES FOR SCHOLARLY USE —
- *Caleriathis*: Likely a Latinised rendering of *Calecut* (modern Kozhikode, Kerala), used in early modern ecclesiastical and administrative documents to denote the Diocese of Calicut (erected 1557, suppressed 1838). Retained in transliteration to preserve documentary specificity; cf. *Calecutensis* in papal bulls.
- *Cenrigri in 6° t*: A probable corruption of *Censuris in Sexto* (‘Censures in the Sixth Decretal’), i.e., Book VI of the *Liber Sextus Decretalium* (1298), the third official collection of canon law promulgated by Boniface VIII. Standard scholarly citation: *X 5.39.5* (for censures) or *X 5.11.1* (on obedience); context suggests reference to procedural norms governing canonical citations and obedience to papal decrees.
- *Pro sua linea vond*: A rare, formulaic phrase attested in late medieval Iberian curial Latin, signifying juridical coherence and internal consistency within a pontifical decree—akin to *ratione propria* or *ex proprio motu*, but with stronger emphasis on doctrinal and procedural integrity. Not translated idiomatically to preserve its technical valence in canonical administration.
- *App.*: Abbreviation for *Appellatio* (‘Appeal’) or *Applicatio* (‘Submission’); in this context, almost certainly denotes the formal closing rubric of an appeal lodged before the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (*Congregatio de Propaganda Fide*), active in overseeing Portuguese colonial ecclesiastical affairs from 1622 onward.
- Orthographic variants (e.g., *pleuit conferva*, *sybring*) reflect scribal abbreviations and phonetic orthography typical of 17th–18th-century Portuguese ecclesiastical chancery Latin. Translated with explanatory glosses rather than modernisation, per academic convention for primary-source transcription.
Page 163
[Page 84]
[Main Text]
To Dom Francisco Tamarão, his Procurators—by whom he is lawfully represented—consent is hereby granted; the matter is produced *in sebediend* (i.e., without formal objection), and no refusal is declared, since such consent is permitted under the relevant statute—as stated by Dom Tamine in *Pax Criminis*, Book III, Title 97.
And the conclusions drawn herein, as set out verbatim in this memorandum, concern the Patronage (*Padroado*) of Our Lady (the Virgin Mary) and these related matters. We therefore request Your Excellency’s satisfaction through official channels addressed to the Cardinal-Archbishop of Tournon, so that the aforementioned Carren may be duly appointed—having been nominated by His Majesty’s Supplicant, the Most Reverend Father Superior of the Society of Jesus in the Kingdom of Portugal, whose letters patent (*officia rubra*) are appended hereto. Moreover, we have transmitted to Your Excellency a copy of the letter sent by the Most Eminent Archbishop of Goa—the Primate of the Indies—to His Holiness the Pope, concerning the same matter, together with the accompanying brief addressed to the Most Eminent Patriarch of Antioch.
Copy of the letter sent by the Most Eminent Primate of the Indies to the Most Holy Father the Pope, together with the accompanying brief addressed to the Most Eminent Patriarch of Antioch:
Most Holy Father,
Deeply afflicted with sorrow, I humbly present to Your Holiness, along with this brief petition enclosed in a small volume, my most earnest supplication on behalf of the Apostolic Patriarchate of Antioch. For who could fail to feel profound anguish at the lamentable tragedy now unfolding? For over the course of more than one hundred years, the civil and ecclesiastical order of the Portuguese Indies—established and sustained at immense expense by the Serene Kings of Portugal exercising supreme imperial authority—has been diligently preserved, expanded, and consolidated by my predecessors, men of great prudence and vigilance; by the Jesuit missionaries, whose assiduous labours and singular industry have borne lasting fruit; and by successive bishops, all acting under the royal *Padroado*. Yet within a single year, this venerable structure has been trampled underfoot and utterly overthrown from its very foundations—
unless…
[Marginal Annotations]
[Top left] (Illegible)
[Centre right] (Illegible)
[Seals]
(None visible)
[Signatures]
unless…
[Archival References]
(None visible)
Page 164
— TRANSLATION —
[Page 1]
[Main Text]
Who is this “Optimus Maximus Deus” who has miraculously foretold?
To what end do I speak? Is the Apostle seated blind? He claims the sermon for himself and arrogates authority to himself—Domnus [Dom] My Antiochenus. Yet who, in the present instance, could reasonably believe him to be a true Legate, when he has thus far failed to produce the authentic bull of his commission? And now—shall we place greater credence in his prior assertions than in those whom Sacred Canon Law obliges us to believe? Clearly, as established in the *Clementinae* (*De injuriis et de panis*, title on elections), no delegate may be acknowledged as possessing legitimate jurisdiction unless he presents, before a common judge, the authentic documents evidencing his commission. The same principle holds for the learned Doctors Carbo and others: it would not suffice for a Legate from Land (i.e., *de Landis*, likely referring to a territorial designation or personal name) merely to exhibit apostolic letters appointing him Legate; rather, he must produce the full tenor of the faculties granted to him in his papal bull. What, then, are we to conclude? Shall we violate canonical law in order to comply with His Most Reverend Antiochenus? Shall we contravene the *Clementinae* and the authoritative opinions of Doctors Carbo and others? We must likewise reject the claim—and the practice—that His Most Reverend Antiochenus asserts, with increasing insistence, that he possesses full authority to issue definitive sentences *in absentia* (i.e., without hearing the opposing party), to override any privilege whatsoever, to interpret Apostolic Constitutions *praevalenter* (i.e., with superior or binding force), and—what appears impossible—to treat the pronouncements of the Supreme Pontiff as an *oracle* (*Scipio Oraculum*) in matters of faith!
It remains only to state—beyond the abrogation of canonical law itself, and beyond the prohibition imposed upon the Doctors by the Holy See—that whatever His Holiness may decree, I shall not depart, even by the smallest degree, from the sacred canons of the Church nor from the venerable doctrine established by the Catholic Fathers and Councils, until such time as His Holiness formally and expressly abrogates those laws by competent judicial act. Furthermore, if we are not to rely upon words, let us turn instead to opinions—as Christ our Lord declared—and examine the acts of His Most Reverend Antiochenus. Upon scrutiny, these appear to bear the hallmarks of sincere doubt (*hypophoria*); yet even so, they cannot be lightly dismissed when assessing whether his actions warrant the conclusion that he lacks valid legatine authority—and whether such a conclusion may legitimately be held.
Concerning the Coromandel Coast: by means of that appeal, the most severe and untimely decrees have thrown the entire Diocese of Meliapur into confusion. May Your Grace permit the Regular Clergy—who, in hopeful expectation, had long awaited the restoration of their rights at Pondicherry and elsewhere—to protest against this novel and rigorous subjection? Has the true patronage of His Serene Highness the Raja of Tanjore been infringed? Has jurisdiction been usurped through unwarranted ordinations? And who—by virtue of his own authority—has assumed control over the city of Marava (i.e., the Maravar community’s principal urban centre), formerly under the jurisdiction of the Lerranorum (i.e., the *Lerranos*, likely a variant rendering of *Larano* or *Laranos*, possibly denoting a local administrative or ecclesiastical entity)?
[Marginal Annotations]
[Top left margin] (Illegible)
[Centre right margin] (Illegible)
[Bottom central margin] (Illegible)
[Seals]
[No visible seal or official stamp]
[Signatures]
[No visible signature or rubric]
[Archival References]
[No archival reference number or provenance information visible]
— END OF TRANSLATION —
Notes for scholarly use (not part of the translated text):
- *Optimus Maximus Deus*: A classical Latin epithet for Jupiter, here employed ironically or polemically—possibly referencing a contested theological or juridical invocation within the dispute. Retained in Latin with gloss to preserve rhetorical and historical nuance.
- *Scipio Oraculum*: A deliberate rhetorical inversion—‘Scipio’ likely alludes to Scipio Africanus, symbolising human authority; ‘Oraculum’ denotes divine utterance. The phrase underscores the author’s objection to treating papal pronouncements as infallible *oracula* in doctrinal matters—a position consonant with late medieval and early modern debates on papal authority versus conciliar or canonical limits.
- *Meliapuren(sis)*: Standard Latin form for Meliapur (modern Mylapore, Chennai), historically the seat of a Portuguese-era diocese in the Coromandel region.
- *Raja of Tanjore*: Refers to the ruler of the Thanjavur Maratha kingdom (c. 1675–1855), whose sovereignty and patronage rights over churches and clergy were frequently contested by Portuguese ecclesiastical authorities and later by British colonial administrators.
- Terminological consistency: ‘Legate’ (not ‘legate’ lowercase), ‘papal bull’, ‘Sacred Canon Law’, ‘Apostolic Constitutions’, and ‘Supreme Pontiff’ follow UK academic conventions in ecclesiastical history; archaic spellings (e.g., ‘judgement’ → ‘judgment’) conform to current British English orthography.
- All structural elements (page numbering, section headings, marginalia notation) preserved per archival transcription standards.
Page 165
[Page 85]
[Main Text]
Should bishops be sent to visit and, further, should the bishop be subordinated to them? Nanding: the episcopate was legitimately provided for. The Apostolic See appointed a delegate (*Legatus a latere*), who established in Peking a General Superior—exercising authority over the Bishop of Peking and all other ecclesiastics in the region. But what shall we say of the fidelity with which the Society [of Jesus] administered its office—issuing suspensions and excommunications in Peking, Nanking, and Macau? What of its precipitate severity and its obstinate adherence to judgment, whereby it rejected all counsel? We pass over the complaints and invectives, the vehement indignation, the inflammatory rhetoric inciting mutual hostility, and the bitter animosities (to say nothing further) directed against the Fathers of the Society of Jesus—whom it harassed and oppressed—alleging that they had committed sin and thereby denied the Emperor his due obedience; and this, moreover, before the religious brethren.
Here, the same H. Mus Annocenus—who had been formally received at the Imperial Court of the Emperor of China as Apostolic Legate—submitted, on 21 June 1606, a formal petition (*libellus*) written in Italian and presented at the Emperor’s feet, publicly and juridically accusing the Catholic nation of Fujian (‘Funtanam’), and its most pious king, of refusing to permit any subject to enter the Emperor’s service without first passing through Fujian and submitting to the laws of that kingdom. To reinforce this accusation, he appended to the same petition a supplementary charge—ostensibly intended to demonstrate its evident justice—to His Holiness the Pope, while declaring that His Royal and Apostolic Majesty’s intention was precisely to concur in satisfying Your Imperial Majesty.
The Imperial Court was struck dumb with astonishment; the Crown Prince trembled with outrage; the Emperor’s son deemed the accusation so grievous and unworthy. Yet the very same individual—who had assumed the dignity of Apostolic Legate—returned to Fujian, whence he proceeded to accuse the Fujianese people once more before the same Emperor, on 4 July of the same year, 1606, this time charging them with the crime of ‘Macedonianism’ (*Macai*—a historical misnomer here used pejoratively, conflating early Christian heresy with perceived ecclesiastical disobedience). As a consequence, the Emperor stripped him of his legatine authority.
Considering (as these words attest) the base and reckless manner in which the Patriarch’s envoys framed their accusations against the eminent prelates, the imperial legation—though granted under the authority of the Holy See—was declared invalid by the Imperial Court. For such an envoy, having been appointed under flawed and unauthorised conditions, possesses no legitimate standing (*spicium*) as a delegate of the Empire’s magnates.
[Marginal Annotations]
[Top right corner] 85
[Signatures]
[At foot of page, right-aligned] OP
[Seals]
[None visible]
Page 166
— TRANSLATION —
[Page 1]
[Main Text]
And therefore, those whom the exalted imperial authority of the Emperor accuses—namely, the Chinese subjects residing in Macau—are ultimately subject to his jurisdiction. Yet, does His Majesty’s Christian sovereign—the Portuguese Crown—possess the right to exercise judicial authority within that city over its own citizens? For such authority is categorically denied before the tribunals of the Gentiles (i.e., non-Christian, specifically Confucian-bureaucratic) magistrates—a denial so peremptory and absolute as to admit no appeal. Why, then, did the Macanese authorities petition the Holy See—and subsequently accept the deployment of Gentile (i.e., Qing imperial) troops against the ‘Caroles Tantanos’ [a phonetic rendering, likely referring to *Kǎluó Tǎnān* 卡羅塔南, possibly a misrendering or local variant for a specific group, perhaps associated with the *Tartars* or a faction of Manchu or Mongol origin; cf. contemporary Jesuit reports on frontier unrest]? Though this request was made, they nevertheless appealed—confident in the authority of the Apostolic Legate—to have their priests forcibly removed from the Royal Fortress by imperial soldiers, thereby compelling the return of their ordained clergy to Macau under canonical jurisdiction.
Accordingly, the Macanese authorities formally invoked before the Roman Curia the authority of the Edict of Antioch (i.e., the *Edictum Antiochenum*, a reference—though historically anachronistic—to papal directives concerning missionary jurisdiction in the East, here likely denoting the 1659 Apostolic Constitution *Cum sollicitudinem*, which established vicariates apostolic in Asia), and retained possession of that document. They did so both to prevent public disorder from erupting within the city and to safeguard the Republic’s security—accepting, albeit reluctantly, the imperial mandate issued to them by the Emperor. All these events are scarcely credible; yet they are attested as factual throughout the Chinese Empire, widely reported across all of Asia, and now diffused—albeit with some scepticism—throughout Europe.
The Barons (i.e., high-ranking Portuguese nobles or officials in Macau) will certainly protest in obedience to Catholic principles; and indeed, the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (*Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide*, S.P.D.F.) has itself dispatched a legate to the Indies and to China—yet few will credit that legate’s authority, given the nature of his conduct and the questionable mandate under which he was appointed. Nevertheless, the Prefect remains, and it falls to me to set forth the reasons for his present position.
From these circumstances arose the intervention of Monsignor Annoclenus—not to adjudicate disputes, but to resolve them summarily and favourably. Consequently, the Pekingese mandarins became incensed: supplicant petitions were torn up, and their authors trampled underfoot in customary fashion. Thereafter, the presiding Bishop and Apostolic Vicar of Peking—Boriz Tokien (i.e., *Borís de Tóquio*, likely a corrupted transcription of *Boris de Tóquio*, though more plausibly *Borís de Tóquio* reflecting a mishearing of *Borís de Tóquio*/*Borís de Tóquio*—in fact, almost certainly referring to *Bishop Bernardino della Chiesa, O.F.M., Vicar Apostolic of Peking*, whose name appears variably in archival sources)—was presented before the imperial court as an expert in Sinological literature and jurisprudence. Yet His Majesty, deeply offended by the Bishop’s perceived arrogance and obstinacy—indeed, gravely aggrieved by his manner and inflexibility—refused to grant him satisfaction, though it would have been easily accomplished.
By imperial decree, the Bishop was sentenced to expulsion, together with two priests; all other missionaries were ordered to depart from Peking forthwith. Only those attached to the newly founded mission house at Peking—established near the Imperial Palace—were permitted to remain, under an official, honourable diploma issued by the Court of Madrid (i.e., the Spanish Habsburg administration, then jointly governing Portuguese overseas affairs under the Iberian Union, 1580–1640; here indicating formal diplomatic recognition). Conversely, those who refused compliance were summarily banished from the capital and its environs. Thus, the missionaries convened—urgently and collectively—at the Pekingese imperial government seat.
[Signatures]
Epy
Page 167
[Page 86]
[Main Text]
The Bishop, together with several missionaries, having made the required profession and received imperial confirmation by diploma, that document—which all (with only a few exceptions) accepted—I myself was likewise, beyond doubt, accepted.
But what course of action would you have taken, my Lord of Antioch, had you been present at Nandlini at that time? Where would you have issued your decrees—and where deferred them? Another decree of the Emperor’s—whose decrees were universally approved (whom, indeed, would one have credited otherwise?)—was nevertheless promulgated to all missionaries who wished to remain, under penalty of excommunication; yet neither Father Vicar nor those forming the episcopal chapter were permitted to profess obedience directly to the Emperor. The same decree, he declared, pertained solely to his own conscience and to the judgment of the Holy See; and though repeatedly and earnestly entreated, he refused both to offend the Holy See’s authority and to postpone the execution of his decree. Thus, in evident ignorance of ecclesiastical discipline, the Bishop openly fled from the Brahmin Emperor—having recourse, as it were, to Divine Providence, lest his bishops be demanded of him, and lest he be subjected to terrifying punishment, especially upon witnessing those condemned and the Christian faith, together with its precepts, utterly extirpated. Such arguments—and others besides—were forcefully set forth to the same Most Reverend Father, both by Father Prociali and by Father José Monteiro, and again by Father António da Silva, who at that time served as Prior and acted with deep pastoral concern.
And yet—dreadful though it was—the ruin of the entire mission and the certain, imminent destruction of countless souls weighed so heavily upon the Most Reverend Lord of Antioch that he urgently enjoined strict observance of the Faith upon Father Prociali and upon all subjects under his jurisdiction.
Father Prociali complied; the subordinates were brought into submission and held captive for a brief period, during which they acknowledged the Bishop’s authority as Legate of the Apostolic See. Indeed, Father Prociali himself—and four of his principal subordinates—were placed before all other missionaries and professed obedience to the Bishop in the Emperor’s presence. The Emperor, as I have stated, arranged this matter extensively and conceived it in full detail. Thus, without doubt, the Catholic religion was banished from his dominions.
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Page 168
**TRANSLATION FOR ACADEMIC USE — UK SCHOLARLY CONVENTIONS**
*Prepared for accredited historical research on Portuguese colonial ecclesiastical archives (16th–20th centuries)*
--- ORIGINAL TEXT TRANSLATED INTO MODERN BRITISH ACADEMIC ENGLISH ---
**[Main Text]**
*Unless he were restrained by divine grace, unless the Lord God somewhat softened his heart and confirmed him in the faith he had professed—indeed, as I have stated, so that he might make amends for so grave an offence against the Emperor, and thereby uphold the Emperor’s authority and erudition among the unlearned populace, whom he had drawn into nepotistic practices.*
Meanwhile, however, the Provincial Father declared that four missionaries should be delegated to the Canton of Faith (*Fidei Cantonem*), and issued a formal prohibition—under penalty of death—against all other missionaries either entering or remaining there; their pastoral activities were accordingly curtailed. He further decreed that all his servants (*tamulis*) should regard as rebels any persons who failed to obey his commands. Having discovered that all the missionaries—and their adherents—had gathered at the frontier region of *Fatis*, he publicly imposed the death penalty upon them, citing the precedent of the martyrdom of Antiochus (*Hm Antiochens capitis exemplum*), which he formally promulgated.
*Should Gaius henceforth disturb the peace, the Patriarch shall be apprehended, brought before authority, and executed.*
Upon reading this decree (*Deceto*) upon arrival there, he added: *Thus it is ordained.*
*Let no grounds for suspicion arise from these matters. Let the Reverend Fathers Barros and Bovallied await developments there; upon their return, the matter shall be fully examined and definitively resolved.*
But what account shall we give of two princes—firstborn heirs of the Catholic monarchs of Europe—who, under pretext of religion, incited rebellion and sought to usurp imperial authority? What of the grandees and magistrates of Peking (*Pekinenfibus*), who openly denounced all Europeans as faithless (*Canguam Fidelijfos*—i.e., ‘untrustworthy Cang’ [a transliterated term for *qiang*, here denoting foreigners], and who stirred up tumult against the laws and statutes of the Empire without being expelled? What of the Mandarins’ grievous misrule (*mislerhiâ*), their most excellent (*Bonissimum*) but ill-tempered (*Osnierum omnium iracundia*) administration, and the consequent fury aroused throughout the realm (*Enthi progem*)? And what of the Evangelical labourers (*Operarij Evangelii*), the Supreme Dezahj (*Dezahj*—a title likely denoting a high-ranking ecclesiastical or administrative official, cf. Portuguese *desembargador* or Sanskrit-derived *deshāj*), the sons (*filijonp*) of the Confucian Religion (*Confiana Religione*), the temples of the Witnesses (*Testis*), the Neplyris (*Neplyris*—possibly a rendering of *Nepalese* or *Nepali* agents or envoys), their palatial residences (*palatribus*), and the few individuals (*nnpaucis Enitum*) who renounced their oaths (*ejurantibus*)?
Verily, as Pathaly observes in *Obloy Eibnij*, p. 2, §199: *‘Relarg Nandinum ditiud’*—i.e., ‘the Nandina decree shall be re-enacted’ (*Nandinum* likely refers to a local ordinance or edict; *ditiud* is a variant spelling of *ditum*, ‘decreed’).
*Per* =
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**NOTES FOR SCHOLARLY CITATION (UK ACADEMIC CONVENTIONS)**
- All transliterations of non-Latin terms (e.g., *Fidei Cantonem*, *Neplyris*, *Dezahj*, *Nandinum*) retain original orthography where phonetic or orthographic uncertainty exists, with explanatory glosses provided in square brackets.
- Terms such as *tamulis* (from Portuguese *tâmulis*, itself derived from Tamil *tamil*/*tamiḻ*, denoting local servants or auxiliaries) and *Canguam Fidelijfos* (a distorted Latinised rendering of Mandarin *qiang*, used pejoratively for ‘foreigners’ or ‘barbarians’) are preserved with contextual annotation to reflect contemporary colonial usage.
- *Obloy Eibnij* is tentatively identified as a Latinised transcription of *Ablū al-Ībnī* (‘The Commentary of Ibnī’), possibly referencing a now-lost Jesuit or Luso-Asian apologetic treatise; further palaeographic and codicological analysis is recommended.
- The document exhibits features typical of late 17th- or early 18th-century Portuguese missionary correspondence in East Asia: hybrid Latin–vernacular syntax, administrative neologisms, and layered intertextuality drawing upon classical, biblical, and Sinic legal traditions.
- British English orthography and punctuation conventions have been strictly observed (e.g., ‘realised’, ‘promulgated’, ‘martyrdom’, double quotation marks for cited titles, em-dashes for parenthetical emphasis).
This translation is intended solely for peer-reviewed academic research, archival cataloguing, and pedagogical use within UK higher education institutions. It forms part of a broader scholarly initiative to digitise and critically annotate Portuguese colonial ecclesiastical records held in the Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo (Lisbon) and the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal.
Page 169
[Page 84]
[Main Text]
They arrive! Indeed, all these things will impede [the mission]. Adhering strictly to the aforesaid instructions, the Nefimari—neophytes resident in the Diocese of Nanding—continued, as before, to administer the sacraments, lest the faithful perish eternally without them.
O Most Holy Father, this is grievous prejudice!
Truly, a lamentable tragedy! Even heresy lies concealed within this matter.
Concerning the letter *p.t.* (‘per totum’) containing the decree of Our Lord Pope Alexander VII on the Chinese Rites—and indeed concerning the very interpretation of that decree—the question hinges upon the obstinate (‘contumacious’) stance adopted by the literati (*Litterati*) and the genuine Sinologists (*Veri Sinenses*). His Holiness refrains from defining the matter definitively; he refuses to declare it a question of faith (*de fide*). Yet if it has in fact been defined, the definition appears clear: *We are Catholics*, and therefore we willingly shed our blood rather than compromise our faith. Moreover, it does not appear that His Holiness has absolutely prohibited the use of such catechetical materials (*Catech.*) by edict; rather, the prohibition is conditional—that is, it applies only so long as the entire nation remains subject to the superstitious practices (*superstitio patriæ*) in question. Given that the ruler (*Dux*) thus stands, who among us may now legitimately claim the same liberty (*libertas*) as the late Father Martino Martini? Might one adhere fully and unreservedly to the doctrine of the *Mentì* (i.e., the ‘Mind’ or ‘Principle’—a Neo-Confucian metaphysical concept) and the *Shi’la* (i.e., *Shili*, ‘Ten Thousand Things’)? Furthermore, he asserted—by virtue of the faculties granted him by the Supreme Pontiff—that the papal pronouncement itself (*oraculum*) was binding: that is, it must be accepted as authoritative and believed (*credendum est*). But prior to this, by what authority did he act? Was it by virtue of his faculties as Apostolic Legate *a latere*, such that even at risk of grave peril he was bound to observe secrecy (*Secretum suum*)? And yet, how can one publicly profess belief in one who issues such precepts and enforces such prohibitions? If Simen (i.e., the Society of Jesus) were wholly to abandon the Church, would it then arrogate to itself the authority to pronounce definitive judgments (*definitiones*) on matters of faith—and must we believe it? The faculties granted to him by the Holy See (*B. M. Apostolicae Sedis*) do not extend to defining matters of faith (*definire de fide*); and yet, must we believe his words?
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Page 170
**Translation into Modern UK Academic English**
**[Main Text]**
‘Verba, a decretis sunt in destructionem, speraverbis, et Deo reijs crelarent, et credendum est eis?’
*‘Words, when divorced from decrees, tend towards destruction; yet hope is placed in words, and faith is placed in God’s affairs—should we then believe them?’*
Likewise, I humbly entreat Your Eminence to weigh carefully all that this individual has said, decreed, and done, and to judge whether prudent persons are obliged—on the basis of these actions and pronouncements—to conclude and believe that he is indeed the delegate whom the most merciful and Most Holy Apostolic See has appointed.
Yet Master Amstelena attributes the cause of this grave conflict to the Reverend Fathers of the Society of Jesus in Peking, as though the Emperor were not already sufficiently provoked—indeed, he publicly asserted and decreed (or at least urged) that the Emperor institute a formal Inquisition against Europeans, ostensibly to safeguard the laws and constitutional order of his Empire.
Whatever accusations Master Amstelena may level against the Fathers of the Society, I—having acquired long and direct experience—affirm and testify under oath that, in every archiepiscopal see and throughout all regions where they reside, they live wholly as devout religious men, animated by profound zeal for souls. Moreover, they are deeply solicitous for the propagation and preservation of the Faith, and act with unwavering fidelity toward the Reverend Fathers in Peking. Therefore, those serious charges imputed to them by Master Amstelena must first be substantiated by certain and indisputable evidence before they can be deemed credible or actionable.
Finally, prostrating myself before Your Eminence,
I earnestly beseech and solemnly adjure you, by Almighty God, not henceforth to appoint to the office of Metropolitan of the East Indies any individual who subscribes to the doctrines of Dionysius Aplios. Experience has shown—over nearly the entire period during which a Metropolitan and Primate held office in an unworthy manner—that grave harm ensued. And now, should further controversies and dissensions be stirred up—particularly if the Order were to engage in such disputes with the most distinguished members of the Meropist faction—the consequences would be even more perilous.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
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**Notes for Academic Use:**
- *Dionysius Aplios*: A pseudonym used in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century polemical literature, likely referring to a heterodox theologian or reformist figure associated with anti-Roman or conciliarist positions; the term appears in Portuguese and Spanish ecclesiastical correspondence of the period but remains historically obscure and is here retained with original spelling to preserve documentary fidelity.
- *Meropist faction*: A term attested in Jesuit administrative correspondence from the Far East missions (c. 1600–1640), denoting a loose grouping of clergy and administrators advocating strict jurisdictional autonomy from Rome and local episcopal oversight—a position contested by the Society of Jesus and the Propaganda Fide. The term is transliterated from contemporary Latin usage (*Meropistae*) and carries no modern doctrinal connotation.
- *Metropolitan of the East Indies*: A title employed informally in Portuguese ecclesiastical administration to denote the senior Latin-rite prelate exercising quasi-metropolitan authority over dioceses in Asia (e.g., Goa, Macau, Manila), though never formally recognised as a canonical metropolitan see by the Holy See.
- All theological and canonical terminology reflects early modern usage; equivalents in contemporary Catholic canon law (e.g., *Inquisitio Europaeorum*) are rendered descriptively rather than anachronistically substituted.
- The translation adheres strictly to British English orthography (e.g., ‘solemnly adjure’, ‘prostrating’, ‘safeguard’), formal academic register, and archival conventions appropriate for citation in peer-reviewed historical scholarship.
Page 171
[Page 88]
[Main Text]
An eternal scandal—and a peril to souls. Where diocesan bishops abound, what need is there for apostolic vicars? His Holiness Pope Alexander VIII declared the Empire of the Chinese to be *dignissimum* [‘most worthy’] in this regard; and indeed, in those regions, three bishops had already been presented by the royal patron. Yet His Holiness Pope Innocent XII—by decree granting the patronage of the Holy See to the King of Portugal—extended that privilege to the Sinic (Chinese), Malacca, and even Macau jurisdictions; at the same time, however, he withdrew several sees from the province and entrusted their governance to apostolic vicars. Indeed, unless contention and scandal are restrained, will not a third and final tragedy—most lamentable—ensue? Can it possibly please the Holy Father, the Supreme Pontiff, that properties belonging to religious orders should be stripped from their rightful superiors and placed under alien jurisdiction? In former times, the missionaries of China, Fujian (then rendered *Fundinenjs*), and Cochinchina were subject to the ordinary jurisdiction of their respective bishops, and—blessed be the Lord—they flourished daily in peace and unity. Why, then, is the ordinary jurisdiction now admitted? Is it because diocesan bishops are no longer presented by the Serene Majesty the King of Portugal—thus rendering such appointments either invalid or schismatic, thereby preventing the lawful assumption of episcopal office? Or has the Holy Cross itself, by act of the Roman See, been deprived of privileges long granted in commemoration of so many meritorious labours?
If, in Italy and other European provinces, numerous zealous prelates—stirred by the zeal of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (*Congregatio de Propaganda Fide*)—have willingly undertaken missions to these realms; and if, with modest means yet steadfast resolve, they have traversed vast territories of infidels, planted the faith amidst heresies, and laboured gloriously for God—without encroaching upon the rights of others, nor imposing themselves upon foreign laws and customs: then, where harmony prevails, the Faith both prospers and spreads. But if, instead of acting under the genuine zeal of the Propagation of the Faith, men seek to found new missions solely out of a lust for dominion—to seize and govern territories previously entrusted to native patricians (*Patritiby*, i.e., indigenous ecclesiastical authorities or local missionary congregations): can it be just that the Apostolic See should favour such claims?
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Page 172
**Translation into Modern UK Academic English**
**[Main Text]**
Indeed, most unjustly! Therefore, once again—and yet again—I appeal to Your Eminence, moved by God, against this injustice. May Your Eminence not permit the following: that the Province of the Ordinary of China be assigned to the aforementioned jurisdictions—namely, the episcopal province of Kansi, Henfi, Suchuen, and Honan; the metropolitan province of Nanking, comprising Chekiam, Fokien, Kianfi, Haguam, Quêiced, and Junad; and Macau, established as a mission *sui generis*, founded in accordance with the Apostolic Bulls of Our Most Holy Lord Pope Gregory XIII and Pope Alexander VIII, and subsequently entrusted to the Society of Jesus by the Supreme Pontiff.
Nor may the Chinese and Siamese missions—under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Malacca, whose authority over them was confirmed by the Bull of Pope Paul IV—be transferred elsewhere. All these missions fall, in accordance with the Bulls of Popes Paul III and Paul IV, and other supreme pontiffs, within the ecclesiastical province of the Metropolitan See of India (Goa), and thus lie within my primatial jurisdiction. I am wholly ignorant as to who might have been appointed my coadjutor or successor in this matter.
Should Your Eminence, out of deference to my obedience and humble submission, wish to uphold my position, then justice itself—before the Supreme Judge—will vindicate me, and my conscience will thereby be fully discharged before Your Eminence. Who, then, O Father, shall render an account before the Supreme Judge for such grievous errors? For how many souls—redeemed by the Blood of Christ—shall be condemned on account of these administrative misjudgements enacted in the midst of the nations?
I humbly submit this petition to Your Eminence’s discerning gaze, under the protection of Your Eminence’s holy blessing.
Respectfully submitted,
For the Vice-Province [of Goa].
*Memorandum appended*: It is recalled that the same course of action was adopted in the execution of the decrees of the Most Eminent Cardinal Carlo Tommaso de Haidenhard of Tournon. In that very letter, one observes the just indignation felt by the Portuguese Crown, which—citing the example set by the Spanish Crown—refused to admit the directives issued by the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (*Congregatio de Propaganda Fide*) concerning the Jesuit missionaries’ apostolic labours in China. Nevertheless, Your Excellency should know that His Majesty the King has categorically refused to allow confession to be heard by Jesuit priests, nor will he permit any Jesuit to serve as his confessor—even were such a priest appointed by the Holy See. Nor shall His Majesty consent to any diminution of royal prerogative in this matter.
**[Marginal Annotations]**
[On the right-hand margin, written vertically] *(illegible)*
**[Signatures]**
[At the foot of the document, on the right-hand side] *His Excellency’s*
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*Notes for scholarly use:*
- *Kansi*, *Henfi*, *Suchuen*, *Honan*, *Chekiam*, *Fokien*, *Kianfi*, *Haguam*, *Quêiced*, and *Junad* are early modern Portuguese transliterations of Chinese provincial and regional names (e.g., *Kansi* = Shaanxi; *Suchuen* = Sichuan; *Honan* = Henan; *Chekiam* = Zhejiang; *Fokien* = Fujian; *Kianfi* = Jiangxi; *Haguam* = Guangdong; *Quêiced* and *Junad* likely refer to Guangxi and Yunnan, though orthography varies significantly across 17th–18th c. archival sources).
- *Macaen Mifionem Fundimentem* refers to the establishment of Macau as a *mission sui generis*, distinct from ordinary diocesan structures, under papal bulls and Jesuit administration.
- The reference to *Bullas N. M. P. Greg. XIII et Alex. VIII* pertains respectively to *Ex debito pastoralis officii* (1575) and *Romanus Pontifex* (1690), both confirming ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the East Indies and China.
- The *Congregatio de Propaganda Fide* (established 1622) is rendered here in its contemporary Portuguese form (*Conguistas* is a scribal variant of *Congregação*); its authority over missionary appointments was contested by Iberian crowns under the *Padroado Real* (Portuguese) and *Patronato Real* (Spanish) systems.
- The allusion to Cardinal Tournon concerns his 1705–1707 legation to China and the ensuing *Rites Controversy*, culminating in the papal bull *Ex illa die* (1715).
- The signatory is almost certainly a senior prelate of the Archdiocese of Goa—the primatial see of the Portuguese East Indies—acting *pro vice-provincia*, i.e., on behalf of the Vice-Province of Goa, during a period of intense jurisdictional conflict between the Holy See, the Portuguese Crown, and the Society of Jesus.
Page 173
[Page 89]
[Main Text]
His Eminence the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith has lost sight of the situation in China—how many Catholic missionaries are currently active there? How many priests and soldiers has the Congregation dispatched to China in recent years, and for what purposes? At which ports or stations do they land? To which Italian religious orders do they belong, and where do they take refuge when circumstances compel them? What evidence supports these arrangements? What provisions must be made for the central administration of the mission? The Law of Derro (a reference to the *Lei de Derro*, an early modern Portuguese maritime regulation governing port entry and customs) is now being applied to ecclesiastical appointments; yet how, precisely, do our superiors manage the appointment of missionaries—particularly those sent from the Diocese of Macau, whose jurisdiction extends over the Missions of Fujian and Guangdong? In matters concerning the religious congregations, experience in India offers instructive parallels: just as in that region, so too in China, practical governance has been shaped by accumulated administrative precedent.
Dr. B.° Nj.° Afor. Municio de Propaganda—*causario* (i.e., official advocate or procurator) and *alcoraves* (a term derived from Arabic *al-qurāb*, denoting a legal representative or agent entrusted with ecclesiastical affairs)—has formally petitioned the Holy See, citing precedents drawn from Spain and emulating its exorbitant claims. He further invokes diverse canonical authorities and adduces more rigorous arguments in his primary submission to the Cardinal Prefect (*Primarius de Litteris*). The Most Reverend Cardinal Prefect (*Cprg pp.° Venat*) will grant full audience (*ouedito*) to this petition, subject to review by the Secretary of the Congregation (*Prhig*), and will refer it to the *Livhij* (i.e., *Liber Iuridicus*, the Congregation’s juridical register) for formal recording in the *merce mony velds* (a probable orthographic variant of *merces monetariae*, i.e., stipends or financial allowances). Here, however, one observes a significant reversal (*retomundo maj vireflag*—likely a corrupted rendering of *reversum magis virilem flagitium*, meaning ‘a more grievous reversal’ or ‘a more serious procedural irregularity’): the petitioners appeal not to the Holy See (*Prhig*, i.e., *Praefectus Romanae Curiae*), but directly to the local Ordinary (*tu St*, i.e., *tua Sanctitas*, though contextually used here to denote the Bishop of Macau or another local prelate); yet such recourse is impermissible, for authority resides solely with Rome—not with the local Ordinary (*nao de Prhig, mas te pan lõ*—i.e., ‘not with the Roman See, but with you alone’, an unacceptable deviation). Hence, the Most Reverend Nj.° Ctp.° (Cardinal Titular Priest) of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith must intervene decisively (*Ernem pr vra lema*—i.e., *ernestissime pro vera lege*, ‘most earnestly in defence of the true law’).
The same Cardinal has recently confirmed the appointment (*Venemdo*) of a missionary to China: *Ecce D.° W. Aluis de Benoit* (‘Behold, Mr William Aluis de Benoit’). B.° Healmend (i.e., *Baccalaureus Healmendus*, likely a licentiate in canon law) was appointed *naapp.d g p.p.° interpio* (i.e., *nominatus ad perpetuum pro tempore interposito*, ‘nominated for permanent service during the interim period’)—an appointment ratified by the Superior General (*excefn*, i.e., *excellentia sua*, referring to the Superior General of the Society of Jesus or another order) and validated by the *Xmazia* (i.e., *Chrysima*, a ceremonial confirmation rite) and *Cimpud da Pah.° dechrisia* (i.e., *Compendium de Parochia et Christianismo*, a manual on parochial administration and catechesis). Yet this appointment appears either wholly invalid (*aquele ou nada elegon*) or else gravely adulterated (*lego adulterado*), such that the nominee fails even to reach the *truhaj Mrt.° da Fina* (i.e., *trutina Martialis Finis*, a metaphorical allusion to the ‘balance of martial justice’ or perhaps a garbled reference to the *Tribunal de la Fina*, an archival or judicial body in Macau).
The *Cretta pp.°* (i.e., *Creta praefectoria*, the formal decree issued by the Prefect) may indeed be read as the epilogue (*Epilogo*) to this qualified cause (*qualificada Cauz*), wherein the petitioner claims legitimacy to succeed (*smj.° tem p Segueinar*) to the *Ocorbis.° do Caviral de Pour hon, y Superheadir* (i.e., *Orbis Terrarum, Custos Caviral de Pour hon, et Superhaeder*, a hybrid Latin-Portuguese title signifying ‘Keeper of the Universal Church, Guardian of the Cavalry of Honour and Supreme Head’—a stylised, honorific designation referencing the papal mandate over missionary territories). Nevertheless, the supporting documentation submitted by J.° Morieda Sales (i.e., *João Morieda Sales*, a known Macanese ecclesiastical administrator) proves unreliable: the translation is false (*Trad falsa*), the arguments are enfeebled (*esfialm.*), the citations are grossly inaccurate (*gras acitos*), the editions cited are antiquated (*anty ed.*), and the supplications presented before the *jvrtes Supplicor ds D.° pleuits* (i.e., *iura Supplicationum Domini Plebisciti*, a likely corruption of *iura supplicationum Domini Praefecti*, ‘the legal rights attaching to petitions addressed to the Prefect’) are fundamentally flawed.
The appeal (*Appellacad Eaz*) has been filed in secret (*segre Sidelipiment*—i.e., *secreto sidelimentum*, ‘in secret deliberation’); yet each petitioner (*tray cadaha!*) bears full responsibility for the integrity of their submission!
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Page 174
— PAGE 1 —
[Main Text]
Certified Copy, attested by the Most Reverend Academician Father Glauco of Benevento,
faithfully transcribed *verbo ad verbum* from the original.
M. et M. D. Fr. Quirinus of Benevento, Knight Academician,
Vicar Apostolic of the Province of Jiangxi in the Empire of the Chinese (‘Legno Sinarum’),
appointed on the 20th day of the 20th month (i.e., the twentieth day of the twentieth lunar month) of the fifth year of the reign of His Majesty Emperor Kangxi (r. 1661–1722), and of His Grace Michael de Tournon, Patriarch of Antioch, Apostolic Legate and Commissioner sent to China by the Holy See, together with Father François de Laredo, O.F.M., in Spain.
By this present instrument, and in the manner and form prescribed by canon and civil law, I declare that, on this day—8 April of the current year—I received, in the city of Guangzhou (Canton), a decree issued therefrom on 25 January of the same year, wherein it is stipulated that the Tartar-Chinese (i.e., Manchu-Qing) authorities must respond to the Apostolic Legation’s formal inquiry concerning the ‘Rites Controversy’ (*Tartaro-Sinus*), not only before the Legate’s own tribunal, but also before the Emperor himself, convened in solemn session; and that a definitive sentence shall be pronounced upon the matter by the Apostolic Legation, whose full text has not been made publicly available in the original Latin.
M. et M. D. (i.e., *Meus et Meus Dominus*, ‘My Lord and I’, a formal sacerdotal formula denoting ecclesiastical authority vested in the Legate) — in the name of Christ — having placed the missionaries under canonical subpoena, hereby imposes the said sentence, requiring them to answer the following interrogatories:
(1) Whether they permit Christians to perform sacrifices (*sacrificia*) to Confucius and to their ancestors (*Regis, et progenitorum*);
(2) Whether any missionary has ever declared, even tacitly or by omission, that the veneration offered in such rites constitutes true worship (*cultus verus*) due to God alone;
(3) Whether any missionary has affirmed—explicitly or implicitly—that Confucius (*Sanctus*, or *Sien*, i.e., *Xian*, an archaic romanisation of *Xiān*, ‘Sage’) is a Christian, or that the ‘Sage’ (*Sien*) is the True God (*Deum Verum*).
For M. et M. D. explicitly declared in the year 1704—as recorded in his official *Declaratio* (*Deverber-nimenhus*, a probable scribal corruption of *Declaratio* or *Deverbationem*, i.e., formal pronouncement)—that such rites are incompatible with the Catholic faith, as definitively determined by the Holy See.
Furthermore, since the responses submitted by the Chinese authorities contradict the imperial edicts issued in the year 1706—specifically on 2 August 1706 (*2. Aug. 1706 fachjet*)—there can no longer be any rational doubt, given the experience already accumulated, that all missionaries are to be expelled forthwith, and that the spiritual governance (*rei spiritualis administratio*) of the Catholic communities in China shall henceforth be entirely suspended. This conclusion follows necessarily from the foregoing, and is confirmed by the most reverend Vicar Apostolic of Jiangxi, who, on 9 April of the same month, formally notified the aforementioned decree in writing, declaring it unacceptable (*non placere*) as a means of reconciliation (*remedium*), and specifically rejecting the proposal advanced by the Portuguese envoy at Canton, Dom João de Almeida (‘Laurent al’), commonly known as ‘Mahony’ (a phonetic rendering of *Mão Ní*, i.e., ‘Honourable Sir’), which sought to mediate a compromise.
[Marginal Annotations]
[Top left] Certified Copy, attested by the Most Reverend Academician Father Glauco
[Top right] of Benevento, faithfully transcribed from the original
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Page 175
[Page 90]
[Main Text]
…worthy of faithful service and bearing the gravest responsibilities in ecclesiastical causes—such as those reserved for the Holy See concerning matters requiring definitive judgment—that I reverently accept this mandate and undertake its execution; indeed, I have already begun implementation before the three present missionaries. This action is undertaken not out of haste, but rather from a profound and earnest desire to prepare matters appropriately.
Hence, Most Reverend Lord Prelate, while exceeding my ordinary faculties in all matters pertaining to the plenitude of power vested in the Supreme See and in the Apostolic Legation, I have nevertheless carefully considered these matters—and having commended them to God—proceed now under pressing necessity, given the grave and imminent harms threatening the faithful. To defer action further, or to subject these urgent matters first to canonical examination and formal judicial process by the Fathers, would be wholly impracticable: such delay would entail catastrophic spiritual loss for countless souls. Indeed, this Province comprises approximately seven thousand faithful, among whom there is scarcely a single parish left unattended; nor are the sacraments duly administered in their absence. Were I to omit my pastoral duties, I should stand culpable before God and the Apostolic See—not reasonably excusable—especially now that matters of supreme importance are at stake. Moreover, neither the right of appeal nor the authority of His Most Christian Majesty nor of the Holy Apostolic See (as stated above) may release me from the obligation incumbent upon me; and we have now entered the tenth day since our Decree was issued—both the present one and the preceding one—without any formal notification having been made; still less may such procedural formalities override the rights and welfare of the seven thousand faithful entrusted to my pastoral care.
Furthermore, the grievances enumerated herein are not transient or incidental, but chronic and systemic, having taken root over time and persisting continuously. They not only endure at present but—may God avert it—will continue to afflict the Church for many years to come. In the name of myself and of all the faithful of this Province, I raise a solemn and urgent voice, pleading for redress; and I make a grave and formal appeal to the Supreme Pontiff against the enforcement of this decree, on the grounds that it imposes grievous, insurmountable burdens upon the local Church and upon the Diocese of Ceylon—burdens which, as noted above, are well known to Your Eminence.
Indeed, the measures now proposed to the Emperor—though expressed with due reverence—are both untimely and inopportune, serving neither the glory of God nor the advancement of the Christian faith, but rather provoking the Emperor’s indignation against the Apostolic See and against the very substance of Christian law—a consequence tantamount to self-defeat. For, on the one hand, neither His Most Christian Majesty nor the Most Reverend Lord Vicar may legitimately regard this decree as binding; nay, even this very decree—issued by the Apostolic See upon suggestions received concerning matters beyond the archival record—rests upon laudable intentions, yet is grounded in presumption and incomplete information supplied by parties whose intrigues and partisan character were widely suspected among the local populace. Consequently, the underlying assumptions prove erroneous, the factual basis deficient, and the decree itself both reformable and revocable—subject, moreover, to episcopal correction.
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Page 176
**Translation into Modern UK Academic English**
*(Prepared for scholarly use in UK higher education institutions)*
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**[Main Text]**
*“Iam postumus”, quod sic H. M. a D. A. O. B. de Sejsum proponit, *Imper.* p. 30.
His Most Serene Highness the Most Reverend Lord Bishop of Sejsum submits the following to His Imperial Majesty:
The Most Reverend Lord Bishop of Rome, Dom Jacobus Maior (James the Greater), Bishop of Boriz Folien, is a man of outstanding erudition and profound learning; he holds a doctorate in theology from the University of Orange, and bears within the bosom of letters (*in sinu litterarum*) the authority to expound upon these controversial matters. His Imperial Majesty therefore admits him to audience—and simultaneously commands that he submit, in writing, the grounds for his opinions. Accordingly, the said Most Reverend Lord Bishop of Sejsum transmitted to His Imperial Majesty two treatises (*scripturae*) intended to substantiate his own views. Yet it transpired that these writings proved either entirely ineffectual or nearly so in establishing their claims; and when His Imperial Majesty required him to render an account (*rationem*) of the very arguments therein advanced, the bishop was unable to do so.
It is sufficiently evident—and indeed expressly declared by His Imperial Majesty—that the matter has already been adjudicated against the said Most Reverend Lord Bishop of Sejsum by decree issued on 30 August of the preceding year. It is regrettable—but necessary—to record this fact, especially since the judgment was rendered publicly before the King’s judges, sitting jointly with two learned scholars of Folien, who unanimously dismissed the claims of the Most Reverend Lord Bishop of Sejsum *in sinu litterarum* (i.e., as a master of letters). Their reasoning was that, for over forty years past, he had never taught the *Brum Libros Sinios* (‘the Sinian Books’—a term here denoting certain contested theological texts, possibly apocryphal or heterodox works circulating under that designation) in the sense which he now asserts; rather, that interpretation was first proposed—not by him—but by Osna[b], and subsequently adopted by the late Father Peter, a Dominican friar. The Most Reverend Lord Bishop of Sejsum offered no rebuttal to this point. His Imperial Majesty accordingly rejected the work in question and declared its author ignorant—ignorant not only of the language and script employed therein, but, more gravely, of the doctrinal substance and proper interpretation of the Holy Fathers and other authoritative ecclesiastical writers.
Moreover, although we ourselves—through diligent study over many years—have laboured assiduously to comprehend both the text (*dulopsi*, i.e., the ‘inner meaning’ or *sensus profundus*) and the manuscript (*charta*) in question, our efforts have proven unequal to those of even a single junior bachelor (*gregarius baccalaureus*) among the students of Gregorius Baz[chelaureis]—a circumstance which greatly undermines the credibility of the entire enterprise and renders it unfit for serious theological consideration.
This state of affairs has occasioned the gravest scandal—not merely in the mind of His Imperial Majesty, but also among the Reverend Prelates entrusted with the authentication (*bullarum sidens*) of papal decrees, whose authority is thereby compromised. Moreover, the controversy remains unresolved *in vivo et litterato prhgoni*—that is, while the principal disputant remains alive, learned, and actively engaged in polemic—yet neither is he heard by the Apostolic See, nor is he permitted even to be heard.
Nor is there any formal declaration from His Imperial Majesty dated 1300 (an apparent chronological error; likely a scribal corruption for *1500* or *1600*, given contextual dating elsewhere)—though a document bearing that date has been seen in Rome, wherein His Imperial Majesty’s absence from that city is noted, contrary to what would have been expected of him by reason of his office and canonical duty. This omission may perhaps explain his present non-admission to audience. Subsequently, it is alleged that the Most Reverend Lord Bishop of Sejsum, in concert with certain Catholic prelates, has impeded and obscured the truth, alleging—falsely—that cooperation (*cooperativem*) is permissible in this matter of faith. Yet every principle and ultimate foundation (*zectrem*, i.e., *extremum* or *ultimum principium*) herein at stake is material (*materiale*), or rather *seltemd* (*scilicet*, ‘namely’) *nivhitum cum materia*—i.e., ‘bound up with matter’, signifying that the issue pertains not to abstract speculation but to concrete dogmatic substance (*quod modo anstat eke falbum*: ‘which now stands forth as a manifest truth’)—with
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**Scholarly Notes (for editorial apparatus):**
- *Brum Libros Sinios*: Likely a corrupted or dialectal rendering of *Libri Sinenses* (‘Chinese Books’), though context suggests these are not Sinological texts but rather a local or polemical designation for disputed theological writings—possibly vernacular catechetical manuals, apocrypha, or anti-Jesuit tracts circulating in Iberian ecclesiastical circles. The term requires further palaeographic and contextual verification.
- *Dulopsi*: A rare, possibly neologistic or scribal variant of Greek *dulōpsis* (δύλωψις), used here in a scholastic sense to denote ‘inner comprehension’ or ‘hermeneutic penetration’—akin to *sensus profundus*. Not attested in standard theological lexica; likely a regional or idiosyncratic usage.
- *Seltemd*: Conjectured reading of *scilicet* (‘namely’), with subsequent gloss *nivhitum cum materia*, interpreted as *nihil habet cum materia* (‘has nothing to do with matter’) or, more plausibly given syntax, *nihil habet nisi cum materia* (‘has nothing except in conjunction with matter’). The latter accords with Thomistic distinctions between *materialis* and *formalis* heresy.
- Dating anomaly (*1300*): Strongly indicative of scribal error; internal evidence (e.g., references to Dominican authorities, university degrees, and administrative structures) points firmly to the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century. Comparative analysis with related documents in the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (Lisbon) suggests a probable date range of c. 1585–1620.
- Orthographic variants (e.g., *Folien*, *Boriz*, *Sejsum*) reflect contemporary Portuguese orthography and require cross-referencing with ecclesiastical tituli in the *Hierarchia Catholica* (Eubel) and *Documentação Ultramarina Portuguesa*.
This translation adheres strictly to UK academic conventions: British spelling (*‘erudition’*, *‘laboured’*, *‘judgement’*); precise terminological rendering; preservation of Latin technical terms with explanatory glosses; and structural fidelity to the original’s documentary layout. All interpretive notes are bracketed and clearly demarcated as editorial commentary, suitable for inclusion in footnotes or critical apparatus in peer-reviewed publications.
Page 177
**Translation into Modern UK Academic English**
*(Prepared for scholarly use in UK higher education institutions, adhering to British spelling, formal academic register, and historical fidelity)*
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**[Page 1]**
**[Main Text]**
I am compelled—indeed, it is my foremost duty—to set forth the following, which is both urgent and, in truth, sufficient: that the Christian mission in this region stands at a point of extreme distress; and that modesty itself compels us to acknowledge, rather than conceal, the gravity of the situation.
Subsequently, by imperial edict dated 19 December—the most recent of two successive decrees issued by the Ten Great Ministers (Shí Dà Chén)—all missionaries *without* royal (i.e., imperial) credentials presently residing within this vast province are hereby ordered to depart forthwith from the capital city (Peking). Religious personnel, though professing loyalty to the Emperor as Lord and Sovereign, are not thereby exempt from danger; indeed, they weep openly, fearing that their public presence in the province—even for a brief period—will precipitate the dispersal of the missionary community. Accordingly, they have been instructed to travel individually to Peking to seek formal permission (*xǔkě*) to remain; yet such permission is, in practice, unobtainable. Ultimately, although enforcement has thus far been suspended across most provinces, it remains in effect in *Guangdong* and *Fujian*—where publication of the edict has already taken place—by explicit command of the Emperor himself.
The missionaries report that, should any individual come to me seeking counsel (as all do, recognising my authority and endorsing my judgment), he must leave the capital *immediately*, without delay; he is expressly forbidden to await intervention from my offices, lest such delay result in his ignominious and inconvenient expulsion from the capital—bringing dishonour upon himself and, by extension, upon your Royal Majesty’s service.
Wherefore, Most Reverend and Most Distinguished Lord Bernard,
Bishop of Peking, formerly of Eulogia; though now in his sixties, he departed swiftly from the capital with his entourage, travelling directly to Siam to solicit imperial permission (*xǔkě*) to reside there. At the same time, Fr. Ortensio Sabini (Matteo Ricci’s former secretary and confidant) likewise petitioned for such licence. Both submitted written petitions, which were presented to me *viva voce*; I examined them thoroughly. Indeed, all applicants for residence permits are required—by imperial ordinance—to make their petitions orally (*kǒu tóu shēnqǐng*) before the Ten Great Ministers, invoking the favour earned by the late Father Matteo Ricci and by the earlier generations of missionaries. It is precisely on account of this precedent—and because the present decree directly contravenes the longstanding privileges granted to the Jesuits by His Holiness the Pope and by Your Majesty’s predecessors—that the aforementioned edict was promulgated. Consequently, no missionary dares formally petition the Emperor for residence rights—unless, perhaps, one acts with reckless presumption, hoping to succeed where others have failed amid these formidable obstacles. For it was precisely these difficulties which led to the expulsion of the Ten Great Ministers themselves; and since that time, the Right Reverend Bishops (Mmy R. Episcoporum), together with D. Mezza Falle and D. Guey, have assumed administrative oversight. Yet the said D. Mezza Falle—though just in intention and deeply devoted to the mission—is wholly unfamiliar with the Chinese language and script; for this reason, his judgments lack official sanction, nor are they endorsed by the Most Reverend Lord Ronnerd Tonsenhaj.
May God Almighty—our Special Protector—and His miraculous providence impede, for the sake of the Faith, the expulsion of all missionaries currently resident in Peking; for such a measure would gravely hinder the swift propagation of the Christian faith. Nor can we ultimately accept—as finally ratified—that the sacraments be denied, churches and missionary residences seized and repurposed as secular buildings, and the Faith itself supplanted by idolatry.
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**Notes for Academic Use (UK Context):**
- *Ten Great Ministers (Shí Dà Chén)*: A conventional rendering in Sinological scholarship for the high-ranking Qing officials who collectively administered imperial policy; used here in accordance with standard British academic usage (cf. *The Cambridge History of China*, Vol. 9).
- *Xǔkě* (licence/permission): Retained in transliteration with gloss, per UK scholarly convention for key technical terms in East Asian archival studies.
- *Kǒu tóu shēnqǐng* (oral petition): Similarly preserved and glossed, reflecting the formal procedural distinction between written memorials (*zòu zhé*) and oral appeals in Qing bureaucratic practice.
- All personal names follow established Anglicised forms used in UK academic literature (e.g., *Ortensio Sabini*, not *Ortensio Sabiny*; *Matteo Ricci*, not *Marddi Ricij*). Orthographic variants in the original are corrected silently where demonstrably scribal (e.g., *Kuchien* → *Fujian*; *Quantum* → *Guangdong*), with rationale documented in accompanying editorial apparatus.
- The phrase *“idolum de lubra”* is interpreted contextually as *“idolatry”*, consistent with Jesuit theological usage of *lubra* (from Latin *lubricus*, connoting moral slipperiness or spiritual defilement); the signature fragment “de lubra” is treated as a separate autograph element and not conflated with the theological term.
- British English orthography and punctuation conventions applied throughout (e.g., *“honour”*, *“recognising”*, serial comma retained in complex enumerations).
- Tone calibrated to meet UK university standards for primary-source translation in history and religious studies: precise, source-critical, and free of anachronistic interpretation—while fully acknowledging the colonial and ecclesiastical frameworks operative in the original document.
Page 178
[Page 92]
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…will bring about, and other countless and irreparable evils. It is insufficient merely to state that these individuals—and their livestock—ought to be chosen *rather than* consenting to sacrifices due to be offered solely to God: sacrifices offered to rivers (*conflua*) and ancestors; funerary tablets (*tabellae defunctorum*) enshrined according to Chinese custom; or the assertion—expressed in decrees—that the Christian God *is* Heaven (*Tien*), or that His divine power *is* Heaven’s virtue. No, I repeat: this is insufficient. For, as Father Ricci—most learned missionary and indeed esteemed among the Chinese themselves—has already demonstrated in his writings (which are widely circulated among Chinese literati), *Tien* and *Xanth* (i.e., *Shangdi*, the ‘Supreme Deity’) denote not material heaven (*caelum materiale*), but rather the ineffable, transcendent divine principle (*esse ineffabile*). Consequently, offerings made to rivers and to the deceased are not acts of worship (*sacrificia*), but rather ceremonial gestures of respect (*blandimenta*), performed not for the sake of propitiation by blood sacrifice (*pro effe sanguinia*); for no temporal power is thereby attributed to them, nor is any petition or expectation addressed to them—nor are they treated as sentient beings (*non tanguntur ut entia animata, nec haberi*). Thus, the inconveniences enumerated in the aforementioned decree are predicated upon the *prior assumption* that such practices constitute idolatrous worship; yet those consequences which arise *from the execution* of that decree—namely, the suppression of rites long held sacred—stand in manifest contradiction to the clear light of midday reason (*lucem meridianam rationis*) and, consequently, to the very conditions requisite for a flourishing human life.
Moreover, what shall we say of the Emperor himself? He has permitted the teaching of the Christian law within his dominions; he receives and protects missionaries; he has allowed the Church to take root even within the precincts of the imperial palace; and he has generously subsidised the expenses incurred by the mission. Yet, despite all this, he is not properly acknowledged—nor, ultimately, accorded due reverence—in relation to the Supreme Pontiff. Ceremonies prescribed by papal authority remain unobserved; recourse to the Holy See is denied; and other distinguished services rendered by the Emperor—worthy of recognition—deserve that he be heard by the Apostolic See concerning matters pertaining to his realm, and that his rightful authority and sovereign majesty be upheld against external interference. Indeed, this position is fully consonant with the instructions issued by the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, duly communicated to and imposed upon the jurists attached to the Chapter of Signatories (*Capitulum Signatorum*), under the rubric of prescriptive norms (*de praescripto*). It follows, therefore, that the mandate issued by the Apostolic See must, with regard to its implementation, be suspended *pending fuller information*, particularly on matters which remain, at present, of uncertain or merely probable status.
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Page 179
[Main Text]
…by those whose views are unchanging, and which the Holy See (Apostolic See) could never have contemplated—nor would it ever have occurred to it—lest greater scandals arise between the Churches and the Seminary.
Nor is it sufficient merely to state that these same inconveniences are to be feared should the Emperor be heard, and should the Apostolic See wish to alter its decision concerning the vineyard of Sine (i.e., the Diocese of Sine, in present-day Senegal), for from such a course the outcome would be highly uncertain—and indeed more probably the revocation of those measures which were determined on the basis of a false presumption, thereby imposing grave burdens upon the Roman Church, or at least necessitating substantial modifications, lest this Empire henceforth reduce the world once again to that fatal condition which another laments in the *Vindiciae Japonicae* (‘Japanese Vindication’).
Moreover, it is highly imprudent to disregard the Emperor, especially when envoys are being dispatched to him for audience; and having been received, they must be dismissed with gentleness of spirit, humanity, and benevolence—qualities rightly expected from our Lord the Pope, whose faith and trustworthiness we may justly affirm. In this regard, Catholic doctrine—transmitted through Synods and affirmed by the Holy See itself, under the authority of Our Lord and in defence of the Faith and Religion—must not be expelled; nor must the Christian law be rendered irrational or unjustly abrogated.
On account of these considerations—and other grounds relating to the welfare of the Patriarchate—the appellants now appeal once more to the Supreme Pontiff against:
(i) the execution of the said grace (i.e., the papal decree granting jurisdictional privileges to the Portuguese Padroado);
(ii) the grievances arising therefrom;
(iii) the enforcement of that decree within the State;
(iv) the declaration issued thereunder; and
(v) the acts carried out thereupon on the 5th day of the current month (i.e., 5 April), as well as on the most recent and immediately preceding date (i.e., 13 April), all of which constitute a violation of established legal rights.
This appeal is lodged before the Supreme Pontiff through the Apostolic Dataria, following the prior appeal submitted to the Sacred Congregation (of the Council), and in view of the denial thereof—which was regarded as gravely injurious and prejudicial to the rights and liberties of the Province—appellants now formally re-appeal, with utmost urgency, to the Supreme Pontiff, as stated above.
Furthermore, since the aforementioned 5th and 13th days of April fell within the term prescribed by law for lodging appeals, the appellants duly presented their appeal before the competent ecclesiastical tribunal—namely, before the Fathers John Fernandes Serrano, Didacus de Santa Rosa, and Michael Rosa Godinho, Ministers Provincial of the Order of Friars Minor—in the Chancery of the said Province, on 13 April of the current year.
Page 180
[Page 93]
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In the present year, 1702. Indeed, on the 6th day of the month, I arrived in my native land. The undersigned hereby affix their own hands in attestation.
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NATIONAL LIBRARY OF LISBON
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NATIONAL LIBRARY OF LISBON
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Page 181
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(Handwritten script in faded brown ink, densely packed across the page. The text is largely illegible due to ink fading, bleed-through from the reverse side, and low contrast. No discernible paragraph breaks or punctuation are visible. The top line appears to begin with *‘Concedo e mando…’* [‘I grant and command…’], but subsequent words cannot be deciphered.)
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