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This article treats the familiar triad “Gold, God, and Glory” as a heuristic to track how commercial, missionary, and reputational aims were configure...

The Jesuit Diego de Pantoja can be considered a two-way bridge between China and the West. The Chinese, Portuguese and Spanish languages in which he wrote the texts preserved today bear witness to this. A Jesuit in the first stage of evangelization in China, together with Mateo Ricci, SJ, his letters—the subject of our study—bear witness to his interest in realistically presenting the daily and cultural life of China in the West as opposed to the stereotypes that circulated at the time. In turn, he became an ambassador of European culture and science to the Wanli Emperor and his mandarins in the Forbidden City in Beijing.  His missionary and scientific work in the Central Empire has made him in the 21st century a point of reference for the relations of the Papacy and the West with China.

In this documentary, Pope Francis describes the Jesuit, Diego de Pantoja as "the ambassador of Chinese culture to the West." This work examines the influences in social and religious contexts that led Pantoja to embark on his path to the East. Pantoja’s missionary, scientific, and literary work was carried out mainly in Beijing with Matteo Ricci, and mandarins in the Chinese Emperor’s Court in the late Ming Dynasty

Dans le fief de Shimabara, l’évangélisation connaît le succès à la suite de la conversion de son seigneur (daimyo), Arima Harunobu (1561?-1612), en 1580. Cependant, entre 1612 et 1615, les premières arrestations et exécutions de catholiques ordonnées par le successeur de Harunobu, Arima Naozumi (1586-1641), et les autorités de Nagasaki ébranlent les chrétiens. Après dix années de (relatif ) répit, Matsukura Shigemasa (1574-1630), le seigneur du fief depuis 1616, orchestre une nouvelle vague de répression visant à saper l’organisation religieuse des villages en coupant leurs liens avec le clergé et en soumettant les figures laïques locales. Entre 1625 et 1630, plus de soixante-dix fidèles perdent la vie, et pratiquement la totalité de la population est contrainte de renier formellement le christianisme. Cette période de cinq années est très bien documentée grâce aux sources missionnaires et à des chroniques japonaises régionales. Or, les recherches précédentes ont généralement négligé ces documents ou les ont étudiés séparément. Cet article montre que leur examen comparatif rend possible l’étude, à micro-échelle, de la logique répressive, de l’équilibre des forces dans les villages, de l’ambivalence des chrétiens face à la clandestinité et de l’apostolat des derniers missionnaires. En d’autres termes, ces témoignages nous permettent de réévaluer selon différents points de vue l’expérience de ces communautés durant la période d’interdiction, quelques années avant la révolte de Shimabara-Amakusa (1637-1638).

Chinese Books held by ARSI, guides for consultation and a list of the volume available for free download

Chinese Books held by ARSI, guides for consultation and a list of the volume available for free download

This book is the first scholarly study of the famous Jesuit Chinese children’s primer, the Four Character Classic, written by Giulio Aleni (1582–1649) while living in Fujian, China. This book also includes masterful translations of both Wang Yinglin’s (1551–1602) hallowed Confucian Three Character Classic and Aleni’s Chinese catechism that was published during the Qing (1644–1911). Clark’s careful reading of the Four Character Classic provides new insights into an area of the Jesuit mission in early modern China that has so far been given little attention, the education of children. This book underscores how Aleni’s published work functions as a good example of the Jesuit use of normative Chinese print culture to serve the catechetical exigencies of the Catholic mission in East Asia, particularly his meticulous imitation of Confucian children’s primers to promote decidedly Christian content.

Home altars have long been a part of many religious traditions. In each culture, the home altar offers an important sanctuary, providing a sacred space for prayers and meditation, often accompanied by distinct rituals. This private, personal, yet communal space is non-hierarchical, relational, and very often taken care of by women. This study explores how Catholic women perceive and practice their faith within their households in Macau. I argue that domestic religious practices allow women to reconstruct ethnic and religious identities, creating sacred spaces that help them navigate social change while at the same time serving as a powerful means of evangelizing. This dissertation explores the relationship among women, mission, and spirituality examined through domestic devotional practices. By interviewing twenty-one women from three major Catholic ethnic groups in Macau -- Chinese, Filipino and Macanese -- we learn how their altar-making and veneration creates hope and trust and see how the altar acts as a spiritual oasis personally and communally. Women’s roles are not only confined to their homes; they can contribute meaningfully both to society and the church through their participation in the most diverse professional disciplines and ecclesial leadership roles. Yet the home remains a source of creative power, providing the inspiration and strength for women to bring forth their mission to the wider community. Through the narratives of our interviewees from this study, we see how home altar veneration and their related devotional practices act as vehicles for women’s missioning. Women’s special sensitivity and empathy for others promote and nourish the growth and development of the whole human person -- for themselves, for their families, and for those who work with them. Their participatory and personally-oriented approach is the unique gift that women bring to the Church in Asia.

Chinese Christian (Catholic) architecture is not only an important type of religious architecture, but also an important witness of cultural exchanges between China and the West. This article comprehensively summarizes the architectural styles of Christian (Catholic) churches in modern mainland China, Macau and Hong Kong, and compares the differences in the main styles of their churches horizontally. Based on the data results, a comprehensive analysis of various factors such as age, region, religion, and society is carried out to further explore the reasons for the differences in the architectural styles of Christian churches in the three regions, and discover the historical and religious significance of the Christian churches in modern China.

When the City of the Name of God of Macao marked 400 years of Portuguese administration in 1956, the Catholic community’s participation was marked by a wide range of activities that included liturgical celebrations, public processions and other devotions that involved large numbers of the lay faithful, members of confraternities, in addition to the clergy and religious of the enclave. Twenty-one years later the Diocese of Macao celebrated its own quatercentenary with celebrations of a decidedly more sober character and at the retrocession of Macao to Chinese control in December 1999, other than a few liturgical events and hierarchical presence at civic ceremonies, the Church was all but invisible. As the Diocese of Macao plans for its 450th anniversary, some of the former richness has begun to return. This paper outlines the long ebb tide and now-nascent flow of the tide of Catholic public piety in Macao over this period by reference to the Catholic religious processions of the City and seeks to offer tentative explanations grounded in the theological, ecclesial, political and cultural winds that have blown across the Pearl River Delta since the end of the Second World War.

D. Sinibaldo de Mas o ministro espanhol que inventou o iberismo e que queria comprar Macau para vender à China

During the dispute between Portugal and the Holy See over the rights of Patronage (Padroado real) in Asia, the Inquisition played a secondary role in the legal allegations of the Crown. In the local context of the controversies with the apostolic vicars sent by the Congregation de Propaganda Fide, priests and missionaries of the Portuguese Padroado saw the Holy Office as an instrument to defend the rights of the Crown, arresting and excommunicating on behalf of the tribunal. Imperial agents in the Estado da Índia envisioned the Inquisition as an instrument for claiming jurisdictional rights over territory, while they also faced conflicts with the inquisitors.

Abstract New encounters in America, Africa, and Asia facilitated the "discovery" of non-Biblical religious traditions that were distinct from the ancient paganism known to Christian humanists and antiquarians from classical sources and patristic literature. Although Hinduism, Buddhism, and Confucianism did not exist as concepts in the early modern period, the three articles in this special issue illustrate the learning process by which a number of influential and pioneering Catholic missionaries came to distinguish these various traditions from each other. We argue that they did not simply "invent" new religions arbitrarily: instead, on the basis of the very broad categories of true religion and idolatry, they engaged in some close interaction and "dialogue"-albeit usually polemical-with local religious elites and their writings, including Eastern Christians. In addition, in the case of the Jesuits in particular, we note that these various engagements were often connected events...

The cartographic contents of two world map sheets of father Giulio Aleni S.J., archived in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana in Rome, are digitally analysed. The maps, printed in at least two editions starting in the year 1623, were inspired and influenced by the more famous Matteo Ricci’s world map, printed in different versions, after the end of the XVI century. Although it is a later cartography, the Aleni’s world map is a unique masterpiece worldwide, as it is very likely the first map of the world known at that time, written in Chinese and having a size enabling an easy use of the map itself. It is a map that merges the Western and Chinese geographical knowledge and is a relatively accurate representation, with some exceptions, of the actual outlines of continents which are depicted, as in the large Matteo Ricci’s world map, from a non-Eurocentric point of view. Arriving at Macao in the Jesuits’ mission in 1610 Aleni taught mathematics at the college there, while learning the Chinese language. At the Ming’s court he was asked to write a geographical book describing countries depicted in the Matteo Ricci’s world map (RWM). Annexed to the book, named 職 方外 紀 (Zhifang waiji, Geography of countries non-tributary to China) printed in 1623, he edited the two world maps with Chinese characters, definitely inspired by that of his famous predecessor, but with some significant differences. The two maps sheets (one 630 x 552 mm and the second 1230 x 642 mm in size) are analysed and the cartographic content of the Aleni’s planisphere (AWM) is compared with that of RWM. Differences in continents’ borders, as those for North America, Korea, Java, are assessed, together with some discrepancies between geographical terms which pose the question of the sources Giulio Aleni investigated. Some conjectures about the correct dating of the edition of the map, to be set between 1623 and 1649, are also discussed. A facsimile high-quality copy of the maps was printed by the University of Brescia to better disseminate this important cartographic heritage.

Tomas Pereira, the Jesuit missionary of Portugal, entered the Chinese mainland during the reign of Emperor Kangxi in the Qing Dynasty. He lived in Beijing for 37 years and like his predecessors, Matteo Ricci, Alvaro Semedo and other Jesuits, he was not only a missionary, but also an observer, a researcher and a builder of Chinese Culture. Buddhism, introduced into China in the Han dynasties, had become one of the major sects in China, aroused his great attention. Pereira studied and observed the Chinese culture so heterogeneous as Christianity with vision of a Western missionary. This article intends to examine and discuss his understanding of Chinese Buddhism, based on the “Treatise of Chinese Buddhism” authored by Tomás Pereira.

Diego de Pantoja vivió en Pekín de 1601 a 1617, pero falleció en Macao al año siguiente debido a la primera expulsión de los jesuitas de China. Su vida tiene los perfiles de una inesperada síntesis cultural capaz de iluminar hoy día el diálogo intercultural. En 2018 diversas autoridades e instituciones iberoamericanas y chinas, en el 400 aniversario de su fallecimiento, celebraron 2018 Año Diego de Pantoja , para conmemorar a aquél que no solo fue el más estrecho colaborador de Matteo Ricci en Pekín en lo referente a la política de adaptación , sino también el garante de que esa feliz estrategia de inculturación no declinase al morir el maestro en 1610. Pantoja tiene una parte esencial en los méritos de aquellos sabios venidos de Occidente y en la huella tan profunda que dejaron hasta hoy en China.