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The article analyzes the holding, between 27 and 31 March 1935, of the Congress of the Communist Party of Indochina (PCI) in Macau, interpreting it as a limit case of "clandestinity and control" in the context of the Portuguese Estado Novo. The central thesis maintains that the colony functioned as a strategic and paradoxical space: despite the regime of surveillance, repression and political control exercised by the colonial administration, the Portuguese authorities not only failed to detect but also tolerated (or failed to prevent) the prolonged presence and operational organization of Vietnamese delegates — including first-generation figures and leaders of ethnic minorities — as well as their press activity. Methodologically, the author articulates a critical reading of the historical narrative on "clandestinity" in Macau with the reconstitution of the Indochinese–Macanese connection and of the Macau–Hong Kong–Canton triangle, situating the congress within the radical dynamics of the period between the 1920s and 1930s. The conclusions underline, on the one hand, the vulnerability and permeability of clandestine organizations to infiltration and, on the other, the existence of "blind zones" in colonial control, possibly resulting from diplomatic priorities and political-multijurisdictional calculation (including extradition issues). The article further suggests that the congress had lasting historical impacts on the fate of the participants.
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Seeking to offer new interpretations on the life and times of Portuguese political deportees, this article focuses upon the remote Southeast Asian half-island colony of Timor as part of a far-flung network of prisons carried through under the authoritarian regime of António de Oliveira Salazar. First, it looks back at the political and economic instability in Portugal following the military coup of May 1926 ending the First Republic. Drawing upon newly available documentation, the article examines two waves of deportees from Portugal arriving in Timor, youthful activists involved in anarcho-syndicalist activities in the 1912–1927 period, and a more senior leadership group involved in a failed military coup of August 1931. It then tracks the reactions of the
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自十九世纪末起便背负财政负担，包括为支持帝汶而支付巨额年度补贴，澳门历任总督不得不寻求创造性的解决方案来满足政府收入需求。最受青睐的方案是将垄断制度包给本地财团，包括竞投鸦片专营权。这一制度也令“承充商”致富——他们是二十世纪初澳门最早的买办资本家——其中不少人将商业帝国拓展至银行业及其他服务领域。尽管最具持久性、也为澳门赢得区域及国际声誉的垄断行业是博彩业，但在战前时期成为政府库房主要支柱的“专营”却与鸦片相关。即使1927年总督巴博萨（Tamagnini Barbosa）按照国际联盟的压力，将鸦片专营权收归政府，也未能终结这一制度（鸦片收入直至1946年终止前，仍占政府收入的10%）。由于现有文献对博彩业的关注使其略显边缘化，本文旨在梳理这一今日被视为高度不道德且极具争议的行业的理据与辩护逻辑——尽管它在支撑本地经济方面曾获利丰厚。
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Arriving in Guangzhou from Russia in December 1923 as the Indonesian representative of the Red International of Trade Unions (Profintern) in the Far East as well as Communist International (Comintern) delegate for Southeast Asia — Tan Malaka, also participated in the Transport Workers of the Pacific Conference held in the southern Chinese city in June 1924. Drawing in an assembly of delegates from China, Indonesia, and the Philippines, the Conference assigned Malaka as editor of a proposed multilingual bulletin,
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Allowing that no additional ‘smoking gun’ document has come to light, this article seeks to revisit some of the early literature on the cannon foundry established in Macao (c. 1627–1650) by Manuel Tavares Bocarro to expose gaps in our understanding as well as to encourage further research in this area. In line with recent historiography, the article acknowledges technological exchange in weaponry across Eurasia as opposed to an absolute European priority from the sixteenth century. As argued, this is amply demonstrated by the Portuguese–Ming China technology exchange such as contracted in Macao. As also demonstrated, the exchange was not confined to China but extended also to Japan and Vietnam under the southern Nguyễn dynasty at their request.
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While it might be assumed that separate communities in Macao, whether custodians of churches, Chinese temples, and public buildings have always attended to preserving heritage, the ravages of time, economic cycles and even the fluctuation of real estate values have frequently impacted the built environment. As this article demonstrates, while many other Asian cities turned a blind eye to heritage protection, Macao’s landmark Heritage List of 1976 went far beyond built environment to include precincts and natural settings such as trees. Without this list and its socialisation, or a view of heritage as holistic and dynamic, it is argued that Macao’s historic centre may have missed the boat for its inscription on the UNESCO World Heritage List in July 2005.